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Jn V> MM Altowlnr.
Tke Mobil* Ady»rtiwr mjt* Uroi-ita L*eo Pooo ora
ton m Ilia 'Polk rod T*xm’ me-ting in dial city, 01.
Dtlortlry evwii«ir. dwnll wiilt rnMmuiw oluquouee 01.
lh« •■table blood Unit cnur.ml in the vomer’ of Junior K
(Villi, h ni 'rovalulionrrjr blood’—hir war a glori
qiii inoovlry—Inr yraal noolo* war ono of tho ngnor*
of the frinmia Mevklonbwg l)a:laration of Indepond
onco, in 1773, and d.oerr otbnrr of ilia ‘noble family—
imclOK, coariiit, die., fought with grt'iU vulor, and on
one occasion the 'Polk family’ fought and dnintoil «
baud of toriea of four tinmi their nivn nnuibcr. Well,
wt have ascertained, to our satisfaction, that the ‘Polli
bmilv* were, in lU mi in, true patriots, fought well
and ilisplayedgroal courage in the ilaya of the revolu
no,!. But there waa one exception in tho family—one
black sheep in 'he ft ink—one rank Tear—and it nine'
unfortunately happens that this one exception was mi
,sher than the uRANoraTitan of this s.iinu 'noble blood
ed' Jama KWe hope, therefore, when next the Lo
co Keen oramrs boast of tho 'noble biuod' of James K
Polk, they "'ill not forget to tell tho people that he des-
ccmled direct from one who, in Mhetime that tried men’s
souls,’ was fighting ajaiust hit country ! —that hie
grandfather was a TORY II”
If any evidence is wanting to show that this Loco
Poco candidate for the Presidency possesses tho feelings
of a Tory, wo can produce it in a record of hie votes a-
galnst the bills granting pensions to the surviving Pa.
triets of the Revolution. Pacts like these, exhibit a
man iu hit true character. Mere is the Reenril, which
idropied front the Congressional Debates. Read it.
Polk against the Old Patriots of the Revolution.
March 13,1838, on the passage of the bill fur the re
lief of surviving officers of the Rovoluliouary War, Mr.
Polk voted IN THE NEGATIVE.—Cong. Deb., vot.
4, part 2, pap* 2070.
March 18, 1830, he voted AGAINST the Revolu
tionary Pension Bill.—Same, vol. 6, part 1, page 620.
March 19, “Mr. Polk spoke some time against the.
bill,” and voted against it.—Same page 635.
Feb. 17,1831. he voted AGAINST tho bill for tho
relief of Revolutionary Soldiers.—Same, vol. 7, p. 730
May 2, 1832, he vote’d AGAINST the Revolutiona
ry Pension Bill .—Same, vol 8, part 3, page 2713.
In the language of the Albany Evening Journal,“we
ask for no better evidence that a man is without a
true American heart than is furnished by such Votes
as these. Nor would wc vote for such a man for Pres
ident, even if we had the misfortune to belong to tho
Party that nominated him. There is something so cold,
so unfeeling, so heartless, and withal of such black in
gratitude in tho refusal to smooth the pillows of the
Soldiers of the Revolution, that we can never forgive
men who retuso them a mere pittance from our abun
dance. We owe all wo possess to the patriotism and
gallantry of men who served through a long War, en
suring hardships and'privations to which we are stran
gers, and then received pay in a currency utterly val
ueless. And the - idea of making an ingrate who has
steadily opposed the payment of a portion of the debt
we owe to our Revolutionary Fathers, President of the
United States, is absolutely revolting. It ought not to
be endured for a moment. Give us a man for Presi-
dent who has some heart, who can feel for others
and who is not, like Van Buren and Polk, all for
themselves.”—Boston Atlas.
SP12ECVI OF HR. CLAY,
Delivered in Raleigh, N. Carolina, April 13di, 1844.
Friends and Fellow-citizvws,
Ladies and Gentlemen or North-Carolina:
A long-cheritthed object of my heart is accomplished. I
am at your capitol.and in the midst of you. I have looked
forward to this mv first visit to North Carolina, with anxious
wishes, and with high expectations of great gratification; and
1 am happy to say that my fondest anticipations have been
more than realized. Wherever I have passed, on mv way to
your city, wherever I have ntopped—at the depots of railroads,
in country town, nr village, it has been m v good fortune to
receive the warmeri demonstrations of respect and kindness,
from all parties, from both sexes, and from evervage; hut
nowhere have 1 met, nowhere had I expected such a distin
guished reception, and such enthusiastic greetings as those
with which my arrival here baa been attended. 1 am rejoiced
to be with you this day, to stand surrounded by vou in the
shade of this magnificent capitol, a noble monument of your
public liberality and taste; and while mv grateful heart has
been warmed by the thrilling grasp of each outstretched
hand, and my eye cheered by the smiles and beauty of the
fair daughters of North Carolina, who have honored this oc
casion by their presence,! cannot but rejoice, and I do rejoice
that I am an American citizen; and feel that, though far
removed from my immediate home and friends, yet I tresd
here the soil of my own country, am in the midst of iny friends
and countrymen; and can exclaim, in the language of the
Scottish bard, that this, “ this is indeed my own, my native
land.” I own that I have been truly and greatly, but agree
ably surprised. I had expected to find some hundreds, per
haps a few thousands, assembled here to meet and greet me.
I did not expect to witness such an outpouring. I did not
expect to see the whole State congregated together. Bat
hsre it is! From the mountains and from the senbnnrd, from
the extremities and from the centre, I see around me the sons
and the daughters of tho good old North State—a State which
has earned this estimable title by the purity, simplicity, and
effciency of its institutions; by its uniorm patriotism and in-
inflexible virtue; by its quiet, unobtrusive, and unambitious
demeanor; and by its steady and firm attachment to the Union v
of which it is one of the surest props and pillars—a noble
title, of which, although, it is not proud, because it is not in
its nature to be proud, its sister States mav well envy and
emulate her. For these hearty manifestations of your respect
and esteem, 1 thank you all. I thank my fair countrywomen
for gracing this meeting by their countenance and presence,
1 thank your worthy Chief Magistrate for the generous man
ner in which he has represented vour hospitality, f thank
the various committees for the kindness and attention which
I have received at their hands, and particularly the commit
tee who did me the honor to meet me on the borders of your
State, and escort me to this city.
lam here, fellow-citizens, in compliance with your own
summons. Warm and repeated invitations to visit thiu State,
and my own ardent desire to see it, to form the acquaintance,
and to share the hospitalities of its citizens, have brought me
in your presence. I have come with objects exclusively so
cial and friendly. 1 have come upon no political errand. I
have not come as a propagandist. I seek to change no man's
opinion, to shake no man's allegiance to his party. Satisfied
and contented with the opinions which 1 have formed upon
public affairs, after thorough investigation and full delibera
tion, I am willirn^ to leave every other man in the undisturb
ed possession of hia opinions. It is one of our great privile
ges, in a free country,to form our own opinions upon all mat
ters of public concern. Claiming the exercise of it for my
self. j am ever ready to accord to others equal freedom in ex
ercUing it for themselves. But. inasmuen as the manner ir>
which we may exercise the rights appertaining to us, may
•xert, reciprocally, an influence upon each other, for good or
for evil, we owe the mutual duty of considering fairly, fully,
and disinterestedly, all measures of public policy which may
be proposed fur adoption.
Although, fellow-citizens, I have truly said that I have not
come to your State with any political aims or purposes, 1
■JJ 1 of the general expectation enteitained here that I
should embraco the occasion to make seme exposition of my
sentiments and vjews in respect to public affairs. 1 do not
feel at liberty to disappoint this expectation. And yet I must
declare, with perfect truth, that I have not, and never had any
taste for these public addresses. I have always found them
irksome and unpleasant, I have not disliked public speaking,
but it has been public speaking in legislative halls, on public
measures affecting the welfare of my country, or before the
tribunals of justioe—it has been public speaking in which there
was a precise and well defined object to be pursued,
fought and argument adapted to its attainment.
Without presuming to prescribe to any body else the course
which he ought to pursue in forming bis judgement upon po
litical parties, public measures and tne principles which ought
to guide us, l will state my own. In respect to political par-
ties, of which I have seen many in this country, during a life
which is now considerably protracted, 1 believe, in the main
jnost of them think, or have persuaded themselves to believe,
that they are aiming at the happiness of theircountry. Their
duties and their interests, well understood, must necessarily
urge them to promote its welfare. They are, it is true, often
deceived by their own passions and prejudices, and still more
oy interested demagogues who cloak and conceal their sinis
ter designs. Political parties, according tn my humble opin
ion of their legitimate sphere of action, ought to be regarded
•• nothing more than instruments or means, subordinate, but
important instruments or means, in effecting the great purpo
ses of a wiso^ administration of Government; highly useful
when not factious, and controlled by public viitue and patri
otism; but, when country ia lost sight of, and the interests o
tne party become paramount to the interests of the country
“•when the Government is seized by u parly, and is not aa-
ministered for the benefit of the people, and the whole neopl
»h l Vi i 1 * 0 * ** ,e P ur P°**R ana selfish aims of itself, or n
juer of its leaders, then ia such a party, whatever may bo the
popular name it may assume, highly detrimental and danger-
?. Ui - 1 ® Whig, warmly attached to the party which bears
mat respected name, from a thorough persuasion that ita prin
ciples and policy are best calculated to secure the happiness
J*l prosperity of our common country; but, if I believed
oi J«rwne,1f I were convinced that It sought party or individ
ual aggrandizement, and not the public good, I would instant
in an “ »# avar abandon it, whatever might be the consequences
myself, or whatever the regrets which I might feel in ae.pn
**ia? from veteran friends. My opinions upon great -
exiling measures of public policy have became settled
icubds, and I am a Whig because that party soeks the estab
iMinient of those measures. In determining with which o
ne two great parlies of the country ( ought to be connected
Jj V® been governed bv a full consideration and fair comps-
°'the tendency of thair respective principles, measures,
•Unduei, and views. There Is one prominent and character*
wiic difference between the two parties which eminently die
mruishes them and which, if there were no other, would It*
■umcient to decide mv judgment; and 'hat is.tlie respect und
warsnea uniformly displayed by the one. and the disregard
*na contempt exhibited, by the other, tn the Constitution, to
ami t?' au< ^ *° P u bHo authority. In a country where a free
a«*i s i? OV<,,nm ® nl ••tabliahrd it ahoitld be the pleasure,
Kill i « honnden duty, of every citizen to stand bv and up
" ,e Constitution and laws, and support the public autlio-
uy; because they are kit Constitution,Iris laws, and the pub-
, authority emanates from hit will. Having concurred, by
e **rciae of his privileges, in the adoptien of the Constilu-
* n d in the passage or the laws,- bhv outrage or violation
of 'klier ought to he regarded aa an offence against
arl’i ,tn nl ^ ,nc ^ "gainat the majesty of the people. In an
ruurary and absolute Government,the subject may have some
, [ UM ' nr evading the edicts and ukasea of tke monarch, be-
will ^i y lr * not °«ly promulgated without consulting bis
ih« Uot ■amatiinea against tha wishes aud the interests of
tb. | Peo l9®* In Ibat speclaa of government the power of
u« bayonet enforces a reluctant obedience to the law. With
*he fact that the laws aro their laws, ought
n.iiir' ,n i u P. rowi P* Rud voluntary rally to the support or l
Public aoihoritv, a force mom peaceful, more powerful, and
reasonable than any derivable from a mercenary sol-
It is far from my intention or desire to do the least injustice
a rwse *l nilsrs. »
duriutf file I shall call your nlteiiiioir has occurred
SSXnaS" **F ha ^ varimy In the
the United all£ umrtibera to the House of llepmaentativeaof
beV. v T"*: b * in * < hu * e " l,y who,a *'*"*> «Hd
ewlierrtl I* 1 " ^stricta, wat lung n suhjeot ol deep and
JT. ** P avo 1,1 l * ,a Btnuui unequal power in
leooumrili of the nation. Mississippi or New Hampshire,
!j akc '' ** K *"'lng 111<1 .iMtinn i,,r It,
• n,l.l . *?"■" " r oil of on. Politico I
liarti 1,111 will acquire more itowttr in tltot lion,, than lit. Slot,
Setup. ... " ,k ' 'T lli< h 'tolm* it, nicinli.r, hjr itiatncl,, might
return on ,t|tial ot nrarlv an oqttnl nntnbi-r of m,mh*r,of
It innollfl ‘V Arcur.llttg to lit, rr.norot ticket ,y,tem, it
m lint n.ott.ln that ilio elective rmnclti.e can be exerciimd
r. 1 ...!.. tltaaiTtion untl judgment n, untler the dietrict
.i".i 1 “® elector cannot possess the sauin opportunity
u |, ** ,c ayaleni ns under the oilier of becoming ncquniut-
eil with am] ascertaining the capacity and fidelity of the cau-
for bis suffrage. An elector, residing hr one ext rente
ol ilia Mato, cannot he presumed to know a candidate living
nt a (iHtnnnn from him, peiltiqn at ilia other extreme. By
|, K** ,, «rol ticket, the minority in n State is completely smo-
tlinrnil. r rom these, and other views of the subject, it has
been lone a patriotic wish entertained that there should be
some uniform mode, both of electing members to the House
of liepreHRutntives and choosing electors of President and
Vice I resident. I recollect well, Rome twenty years ago,
wlion public opinion appeared to be almost unanimous upon
tins subject. Well, the last Whig Congress, in order to
prevent the abuses and correct the inequality arining out of
the diverse modes of electing inumbers ol the House of Re
presentatives, passed an act requiring that it Rlintild be uni
form aud by district!*. ’Phis net was in conformity with an
etpress grant of power contained in the Constitution of the
unite:! States, which declares that u the times, places, and
mnmier of holding elections for .Senators and Representatives
shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof;
but the Conpre*a may, at any time, by law, make or alter tnch
u?! i i except at to the placet of chooting Senators
• * ,Ql reaBona hle, equal, and just act of Congress, every
\\ b.g Statu, whose Legislature assembled in lime after its
passage, strictly complied, and laid off their respective Stales
into districts accordingly. Hut four States, with Democratic
Legislatures—Georgia,Mississippi,Missouri,and New Hamp
shire-refused to conform to the law, treated it w ith contempt-
hour neglect, and suffered the elections for members of the
House of Representatives to proceed in tolul disregard of its
provisions. I'hi^wus a new species of nullification, not less
reoreliensible than that which was attempted formerly in ano
ther State, tliougb admitting of n moro easy and peaceful
remedy. That remedy was to re!use to allow the members
returned from the four States to lake theii seats in the House
of Representatives, which they bad no constitutional or legal
right to occupy. That question the present House of Repre
sentatives had to decide. Hut it was predicted, long before
they assembled, confidently predicted, that the members from
the four refractory States would be allowed to take their scots,
the Constitution and the law notwithstanding. Why was it
so predicted? Was it noi because it was known, from the
B Mieral character and conduct of the dominant party in the
ouhc, that it would lint hesitate to trample under foot both
and Constitution, if necessary to the accomplishment of
parly object? Accordingly, the question recently came up
in the bouse, aud the members from the four Stutes were ad
mitted to their seats.
And what, fellow citizens, do you suppose was the process
of reasoning by which this most extraordinary result was
brought about ? Congress, you have seen, is invested with
unlimited power to make regulations as to the times, places,
and manner of holding elections for Representatives, or to
alter those which might have been previously made by the
State Legislatures. There is nothing in the grant of the
power which enjoins upon Congress to exercise the whole of
it or none. Considerations of obvious convenience concur in
leaving to the several Statos themselves the fixation of the
times and places of bolding those elections. In tliut, each
State may be governed by its sense of its own convenience,
without injuriously affecting other Stntcs. But it is different
with the manner of holding elections—that is, whether it be
bv general ticket or by the district system. If some States
lect by a general ticket, it gives to them an undue advanlngi
ver those States which elect by the district system. The
manner, therefore, of bolding elections was a fit subject, and
the only fit subject, contained in the grant of power lor Con
gressional legislation. If Congress had legislated beyond
that, it would bnve overreached the convenience and neces
sity of the case. But the dominant party in the present House
of Representatives have strangely assumed that Congress
could not execute a part of the granted, power without the
whole. According to.their logic, the major does not include
the minor. In their view, Government cannot execute a part
of a power with which it is entrusted, unless it executes the
whole of a power vested in it. If this principle hetrtto when
pplied to a part of the Constitution, it would be equally
true in its application to the whole Constitution. But there
are ninny parlB of the Constitution thnt never have been, and
probably never will he executed ; and, if the doctrine of the
dominant party in the House of Representatives he sound,
all the laws enacted by Congress since the commencement of
the Government are mill and void, because Congress has not
executed all the powers of Government with which it . ...
trusted. The doctrine, applied to tho enjoyment of private
property, would restrain a man from using any part of his
property unless he used the whole of it.
The case of the New Jersey election is familiar with every
body. There the Whig members who presented themselves
Washington to take their seats,bore with them the highest
credentials, under the great seal of the State, demonstrating
their right to occupy them. They bad been regularly decla
red and returned elected members ol tho House of Represen
tatives, by the regular authorities, and according to the law
ol the Stute of New Jersey. Agreeably to the uniform usage
which had prevailed in thnt House from the commencement
of the Government, and according to the usage which prevails
in every representative body, they had a right to demand to
he admitted to their seats, and .to hold and occupy them until
any objections which might exist against them sliould be sub
sequently investigated. In the ease of the four States nlren-
dy noticed, it was important to the.interests of the dominant
party, in order to swell their majority, that the members re
turned should be allowed to take their seats, although, elected
contrary tn law. In the New Jersey case, it was important
to the dominant party, to enable it to retain its majority, to
exclude the Whig members, although returned according to
law. The decision in both cases was adapted to the exigen
cy of party interest, in utter contempt, both of Constitution
and law; and it is worthy of observation that, in the decision
against the Whig members of New Jersey, members who
boast of being emphatically the patrons and defenders of State
rights, concurred in trampling underfoot the lawB and au
thorities of that State.
In connection with the subject on which I am now address-
_ng you, the manner of admission of Michigan into the Union
is worthy of notice. According to the usage which hod uni
formly prevailed prior to the admission of the States of Mich
igan and Arkansas, a previous act of Congress was pnsoed,
authorizing the sense of the people of the Territory to be ta
ken in Convention and regulating the election of members
to that body, limiting their choice to citizens of the United
States residing in the Territory. Michigan, without the sanc
tion of a previous act of Congress, undertook, upon her sole
authority, to form a Constitution, nm! demanded admission
into the Union. In appointing members to that Convention,
u great number of aliens, as well as citizens of the U. States,
were allowed to vote, against the earnest remonstrances ol
many resident citizens. Under these circumstances, she ap
plied to Congress to bo admitted into the Union. No one
questioned or doubted that she was entitled to be received,
whenever she presented herself regularly and according to
law. Rut it was objected against her admission, thut she had
assumed to act, against all usage, without the authority ol
Congress; and that, contrary to the Constitution and laws of
the United States, she had permitted aliens to partake of the
elective franchise. The danger was pointed out of allowing
aliens, unnaturalized and without renouncing their allegiance
to foreign sovereigns and potentates, to share in that great
and inestimable privilege. Hut all objections were unavail
ing; (be dominant party, under the hope of strengthening
their interests, in spite of all irregularity aud in contruvention
of law, admitted Michigan as a.State into the Union,
In intimate connexion with this case, the subject of Dorrism
may be noticed. Rhode Island bod on existing Government
of long duration, under which her population bud lived hap
pily and prosperously. It bad carrieil her triumphantly thro’
the war of the Revolution, and borne her into the Union "*
one cf the original thirteen independent sovereign Stat
Under the operation ol it, the people of no State in the Unii
in proportion to her population, had displayed moro vnl
patriotism, and enterprise. Dorr did not find his ambitious
aspirations sufficiently gratified under this venerable Govern
ment, and be undertook to subvert it. Asserting the principle
that every people have a light to alter, modify, and change
their Government, whenever they think proper—an abstract
principle which, with cautious limitations, may be true—
without consulting the established Government nnd the pub
lic authorities, lie undertook to beat up for recruits, to bold
irregular elections, at which persons qualified end unqualified,
dead and living, were pretended to have voted, and thus se
curing a heterogenous majority, bo proceeded to form a new
Constitution, and to set up a new Government. In the mean
lime, the legitimate and regular government proceeded in op
eration nna|prepared to sustain itself, and put down the in
surrectionary proceeding. Dorr flew to arms, und collected
a military force us irregular and heterogeneous as bis civil
majority bad been. Hut on the first approach of military force,
on the part of the legitimate and regular Government, Dorr
took to his heels and iguominionsly fled, leaving his motley
confederates to faro as they might. Now, fellow citizens,
what has boen the conduct of the two parties in respect to
this insurrection, which at one time seemed to be so threaten
ing ? The Whigs, every where, 1 believe to n man, have dis
approved and condemned the movement of Dorr. It bus
been far otherwise with our opponents. Without meaning to
assert thnt the whole of them rounteiianccd and supported
Dorr, every body knows that nil the sympathy and encour
agement which he has received have been among tlie.n. And
they have introduced the subject into the nresent House of
Renresentives. We sholl seo what they will do with it. Vou
can readily comprehend and feel what would be the effects and
consequences of Dorrism here nt the .South,if Dorrism were
predominant. Any unprincipled adventurer would hove noth
ing to do but to collect nround him a mosaic majority, black
nnd white, aliens and citizens, young and old, male and female,
overturn ex»sliiig Governments, nnd set up new ones, at his
pleasure or caprice! Wlmt earthly security for life, liberty,
or property would remain, if a proceeding
trade it the true Democratic doetnM.and tkPRpcotirAMxnfl
ol domestic Industry Federal heresy, in other parte omae U».
ion they insist (bat tha DeumorMe ere alone to be relied upon
to perfect the industry of the country, and that the Whigs am
‘used to it. .
list is a |(rciAt practical and administrative question,id re*
pact to which there is happily oow prevailing among the whig# I and internal taxation. In process of tlhie, however, their nre-
throughout the whole Union a degree of unanimity uet uqaro- dictions wore falsified,and the system was found to pmdu
_ . # Oil
cedentrd as it ie gratifying. From New Orleana to thin place
I have conversed with hundreds of them,and f have not met
with a solitary one who dona not assent to the justice and ex.
pediency of the principle of a tariff for revenue with discrimin
ations for protection. On this interesting question, feffow-
citizetin, it is my purpose to address you with the utmost free
dom aud sii.cfliity.Bitd with ns little reserve as iff were before
all Hull and experience in oontempt,l>ut they'are utterly in
conslaioat with themselves. Atone lime they endeavored to
raise tho alarm that the tariff would pul ou end to all foreign
commerce, and) thus drying up our principal source of revenue
in imports, it would become necessary to resort to direct taxes
was found to produce
an abundant revenue. 'Chen they shifted their grouud ; the
Treasury, said they, is overflowing; the tariff is the cause,
and the system must be abandoned. If they had taken the
trouble to inquire, they might have ascertsined that, although
England is the greatest manufacturing nation In the world, in
amount, extont, and variety, site nevertheless draws a vast re
venue from customs.
■t the South, and we In the West. Ills Indispensable toour prosper
ity. And, if our brethren at the North and the East did eof feef the
want of it themselves, slnee it will do them no prejudice, they ought,
. v:. ^ 1 lodatf
upon principle* of sympathy and mutual a
atlon, to concur In
an audience in the State of |{antucky. I have long given to Allow me to present you, fellow-citizens, with another
this subject tlm most impartial jitid deliberate consideration of 1 view of Ibis interesting subject. The Government wishes to
of raiment
vast surplus lor exportation
which my mind is capable. I believe that no groat nation ev
er has existed, or can exist, which does not derive, within it
self essential supplies of food and raiment and the means of de
fence. I recollect no example to the contrary In ancient or
modern times. Allhough Italy did not itself afford all those*
supplies to ancient Rome, the deficiency was drawn from Iter
subjugated provinces. Great Britain,although Iter comnierc®
encompasses the world,supplies herself mainly from the littlo
island under her immediate dominion. Limited and contract
ed as it is, it furnishes her with bread nnd other provisions for
the whole year, with the exception only of a few days; and
her manufactures not only supply sn nbundnnc- - r -
nnd means of defence,but afford u vi
to foreign countries.
In considering the policy of introducing and establishing
manufactures in our country, it has always appeared to nm
that we should take a broad and extensive view, looking to
seasons of war, as well afl peace, and regarding the future, ns
well us the iinstaml the present. National existence is not to
he measured by the stundnrd of individual life. Hut it is equal
ly true, both of nations and of individuals, thnt when it is ne
cessary, wo must submit to temporary and present privations,
for tho sake of future end permanent benefits. Even if it were
true, ns I think I sliull lie able tn show it is not, thnt the en
couragement ol domestic manufactures would produce some
sacrifices, they would be compensated nnd more thancoun-
hnlnnced by ultimate advantages secured, combining together
seasons of pence and of war. If it were true that the policy
of protection enhanced the price of commodities. It would be
found that their cheapness, prevailed in a time of peace, when
the foreign supply might be open to us would be no equiva
lent for the dearness in the period of war, when that supply
would bn cut off from us. I am not old enough to recollect
the sufferings of the soldiery and population of the United
States during the war of independence; but history and tra
dition tel! us what they were; they inform us wlmt lives wero
sacrificed, wlmt discomforts existed, what hardships our un
clad and unshod soldiers bore, wlmt enterprises were retarded
or paralyzed. Even during the last war, all of us, who oro
old enough to remember it. know what difficulties,and at what
great cost, the necessary clothing and means of defence were
obtained. And who does not fee) conscious pride aud patriot
ic satisfaction tlmt these sufferings, in any future war, will be
prevented,or greatly alleviated, by the progress which our
infant manufactures have already made? If the policy of
encouraging them wisely, moderately, and certainly, be per
severed in, the day is not distant when, resting upon our own in-
derive a certain amount of revenue from foreign imports.
Let us suppose the total animal amount of imports to be
$100,000,000,nnd the total annual amount of revenue to be
raised from it to be $20,000,000. Is it at nil material whether
that $20,000,000 bo spread, in the form of ditties, equally over
tlm whole $100,01)0,000,nr that it be drawn from somo $50,-
000,000 or more of the imports, leaving tho rest free of duty ?
In point of fact, such has been the ease for several years.—
Is not a compensation found for the duty paid upon one arti
cle by the exemption from the duty of another article?—
Take the wearing apparel of a single individual,and suppose
you have a dut> of $2 to raise upon it; is it of any consequence
to him whether you levy the whole $2 upon nil parts of his
wearing apparel equally, or levy it exclusively upon nis coat
and hia shirt,leaving the other articles free? And if, by
such discriminations ns I have described, without prejudice
to the consumer, you can raise tip, cherish, nnd sustain do
mestic manufactures,increasing the wealth nnd prosperity
and encouraging the labor of the natir.n, ought it noi to be
done ?
We are invited, bv the partisans of the doctrine offree trade,
to imitate the liberal example of some of the great European
Powers. England, we nre told, is abandoning Iter restrictive
policy and adopting tlmt offree trade. England adopting the
principles of free trade! Why, where are h*r corn laws?
Those laws which exclude nn article of prime necessity—the
rerv bread which sustains human life—in order to afford pro
tection to English agriculture. And, on the single article of
American tobacco, England levies annually nn amount of re
venue equal to the whole amount of duties levied annually by
rite United States upon all the articles of import from all the
foreign nations of the world, including England. That is her
fnae trade! And nn lor France, we have lately seen a state paper
fmm one ol Iter high functionaries conotlnining in bitter terms
of tiie American tariff of 1849. and ending with formally nn-
soilncing to tlm world that France steadily adhered to the
system of protecting French industry !
But, fellow-citizons, I have already detained you too long
nn this interesting topic, and yet 1 hnvo scarcely touched it.
For near thirty years it Iirs agitated tho nation. The sub
ject has been argued nnd debated a thousand times, in every
conceivable form. It is time that the policy of the country
should become settled and fixed. Anv stable adjustment of
it, whatever it may be, will be far preferable to perpetual va-
Idilation. Whenoncedetermimed,labor,enterprise,!andconi-
merce can accomodate themselves accordingly. But in fi-
„ . nxlly settling it, the interests of; the whole Union, ns well as
ternnUesources, we may be perfectly sure of on abundant sup- j all its parts, should be duly weighed and considered, in a pn-
e ternal nnd fraternal spirit. The Confederacy consists of twenty
have improved and sre Improving, aud so they have and are. This
improvement it mainly attributable to the taluinry operation or the
tariff of IBt9, which turned the balance ol furolRn trade In our favor.
But Much U the enterprise and buoyancy of our population, that we
have no security for the continuation of tlilt state of things. The bal
ance of trade may talie another direction, new revulsions iu trade
may take place, ae.T«onsoldi*tre«i and einbarrat*ment we mu*t expect.
Does any body believe the local banking gyiiem ot the IJoited Stale»
f« competent to meet and provide for these exigences? It is the part
of a wlxe Government tn anticipate nnd provide, as tar ax possible,
for all these contingencies. It Is urged against bank* that they are of
ten badly nod dishonestly administered, and frequently break, to the
injury and prejudice of tho community. I nm far from denying that
bank* are ntteuded with mHcbipf and some inconvenience, hot that
is the lot of all tinman institutions. The employment of steam is often
attended wilii most disastrous consequences, of which we have bad
recent melancholy examples. Hut does any bodr on that account t bink
of proposing to discontinue the agency of stenm power either on the
land or the water? The most tlmt Is ihouglii of is, that it becomes
our duty to increase vigilance and multiply precautions against the
recurrence of accidents. As to hanks, the true question Is, whether
the sum of the Inconvenience of dispensing with them would not be
greater tlinn any nmnunt of which they nre productive? And, in any
chattel
i tha
nted,
should anxiously endeavo
ritics, and gunrnntWs against
•xpcrlenc
provide all possible,restrict!
their mismanagement which ... . _
Sucli are iny viewsof the question of establishing a Bnnk of the
United States. They have been long, and honestly, and sincerely
entertained by me: but I do not seek In enlorcc them upon any oth
ers. Abovoall, I do not desire nny Bank of the United States at
tempted or established, unless and until it is Imperatively demanded,
as I believe demanded ll will tie, by the opinion of the People.
I should tinve hemglml, fellow citizens, it I had time and strength
to make n full expositionof nty views nml opinions upon nil the great
measures and questions that divide us and agitate our country. I
should hnve been happy to hove been aide to make a full examination,
ol the principles and measures ol our opponents, If we could find out
what they are, and contrast them with our own. I menu them no dis-
respect -, I would not use one word townundlhe feelings of nuy one of
litem; but I nm really nml unaffectedly ignorant of the measures of
public policy which they nre desirous to promote and establish. I
know wlmt they oppose, t know thnt they stand in direct opposition
to every measure which the Whigs espouse. Rut wlmt nre their sub
stitutes? The Whigs believe that the Executive power hns, during
the two Inst nnd the present Administrations, been intolerably abused;
that it has disturbed the balances of the Constitution j and tlmt, by its
encroachments upi
her
rdliv
Blarmiognnd dangi
i restrninit within constitutl
brandies of the Gnvcrm
The Wings are. therefore, (1
inn I nnd proper limits. Rut oi
ticnlly the friends of the penpl
,U
lie-
*y go lor vetoes in nil their vm iety s fot
armies, Treasury circulars. Occupying
Tories ol Knglnnd. they stand up for pour
privilege nml popular l ights. The Democ
-»», taught by the fatal example* of nil Idst
vngante
lowers and foreign wars nt defiance. I know tlmt, from extreme
suffering and tlto necessity of the ca^o, manufactures, in tlie
long run, would arise and sustain themselves, without tiny
encouragement from Government, just as an unaided infant
child would learn tojriso, to stand, and to walk; but in both in
stances great distress may be avoided, andessentail assistance
derived from the kindness of the parental band.
Tho advantages arising front tho division of the labor of the
population of a country aro too manifest to need being much
dwelt upon. I think the advantage of a home, as well ns for
eign markets, is equally manifest; blit the homo market can
only be produced uy diversified pursuits, creating subjects or
exchanges nt home’ as well ns abroad. If one portion of the
population of a country be engaged in the business of manufac
turing, it must derive its means of subsistence from the agri
cultural products of the country in exchange for their fabrics.
The effect of these mutual exchanges is beneficial to both
parties nnd tbe whole country.
The great lavr which regulates the prices of commodities is
that ol supply and demand. If the supply e xcecd the demand
tho price falls; if the demand exceed the supply, tbe price
rises. This law will' be found to be invariably true. Any aug
mentation of supply is beneficial to the consult. *er; but, by estab
lishing manu'actures in the United Stntcs, an additional sup
ply is created. Again, anolherprinciple, universally admitted
to be beneficial to consumption,is the principle of competition.
H Europe alone supply the American consumpt ion of manu
factures, Europe will enjoy a monopoly in thats.up)ily. That
monopoly it is true, will bit subject to tbe competition which
may exist in Europe; but it would be still restric-ted to that
competition. By the existence of manufactures in the United
Stntcs, on additional competition is created, and thi.s new com
petitor enters the American market, contending for it with the
previous European competitors. The result is an hicrease in
the aggregate of supply, and a consequent reduction jn price.
But it hns been argued that the fabrics manufactured in Amer
ica take the place only of so many which had been before man-
mufactured in Europe; that there is no greater consumption
in consequence of the home manufacture than would exist
without it; and that it is immaterial to the consumer whether
the theatre of manufacture be Europe or the United States. „ -
But I think this is an extremely contracted and tallicious view j a lent shall exclusively prevail. What, "train I ask, i:
nfilio cnltipM. Gonsnmntimi iu in innspniionnA nfllin I <’ ompminise or reconciliation impossible l In tills (.
silt Slutes,besides territories, embracing every variety of pur-
I snit,every branch of human industry. There may he an np-
| parent, there is no real, conflict between these diversified in-
letcsts. No one State, no ono section, can reasonably ex
pect nr desire that the common Government of the whole
I should be administered exclusively according to its own pe-
, citliar opinion, or so as to advance only its particular interests
without regard to the opinions or the interests of all other
parts.' In respect to the tariff, there are two schools holding
opposite nnd extreme doctrines. According to one, perfect
freedom in our foreign trade with no or very low duties ought
to prevail. According to the other, the restrictive policy
ought, on manv articles,to be pushed, bv a high and exorbi
tant tariff, to the point of absolute prohibition. Neither pat
ty can hold itself up ns an interring standard of right und
wisdom. Fallibility is the lot of all men, and the wisest
know how little they do know. The doctrine of free trade
is a concession to Ihrsign powers, without nn equivalent, to
the prejudice of native industry. Not only without equi
lent, but in the face of thpir high duties, restrictions, nnd
prohibition's, applied to American products, by foreign pow
ers, our rivals, jealous of our growth, and anxious to impede
onr onward progress. Encouragement of domestic industry
is n concession to our own, fellow citizens, to those whose
ancestors shared in common with our ancestors in the toils
of the Revolution; to those who have shared with us in the
toils nnd sufferings of our dnv ; to those whose posterity are
destined to share with our posterity in the trials, in the t i
umphs, nnd the glories thnt await them. It i« a concession
to those who are bone of our hone nnd flesh of our flesh,nnd
who in some other beneficial form do make nnd nre ready to
mnke equivalent concessions to us. It in still more ; it is a
concession by the whole to the whole; for every part of the
ntry possesses a capacity to manufacture, nnd every part
*nb-Tren«urtcs. Mnndinx
(similar ground will) the
ami prerogative Hrnin«t
it* or Republicans,of 1798
• fatal example* of all l.lstm y, were jealous and tl!«-
tivi* power. It waft of that department Hint their
fears wore excited, nml against llint their vigilance was directed. The
Federalists of thnt day. imbibing tbe opinion from f fie founders ofthe
Constitution, honestly believed thnt the Executive wn» the weakest
branch of tlie Government, nnd lienee they were disposed to support
nml strengthen it. Rut experience hns demonstrated their error, ana
the host pnrt of them hnve united will) the Whig*. And the Whigs
nre now In the exact po*lilon of the Rep ihlicnu* nl 1793—»9. The res
idue, nnd probably the larger part i.f the Federalist*, joined nuroppo*
nonts, nml they nre now in the exart position ol the Federali>i* of
l79 S .-fl_with Ibis difference, tlint thev hnve shut theireyes ngaio t nil
the lights of experience, nnd pushed the P
tar beyond the point to which they were r
cescors.
am trespnsMng too long on your patience, nml m
I regret that I am toonwch exhausted,nnd lini
other interesting subjects tlmt engage the public
should lie very glad to express to you my views oh the pi
hut I linve often, on the floor of the Senate nnd on oilier
.... fully exposed them. I consider it the common prop
tion, and the whole nation. I Iw-Ueve it to lie essential toil
vntion of the funds which may accrue Irom
Ithdrnwn Iromthe theatre orparty politics,
id nbuse incident to it whilst it remains flier
he distributed, upon just nnd liberal prinrir
?d by their prodc
ind must hasten K
■vstl.ii
it shoulif hr
fund ought
the States, old ns wet I a< new. it tlmt he not no
to apprehend,nt no very divtnnt period, n total I
Considering the other nbundnntaml exhnu«tlej
nl Government, 1 think that the proceed* oftlu
may lie well spnred to the several Stnt-s, to l
lienilicentlocal object*. In their hands judhimmymiMiin.ru,m»-.T »
lighten the burden of internal taxation, the only form of rai-lng l et
nueto which they can resort, and assist in the payment of their del
or hasten the completion of important objects, in which the win
Union, ns well ns themselves, nre interested and will lie henefltled.
On tne subject ofnholiiion, I am persunded it is no
say one word to tIlls enlightened nsseinlilnge. My opin
ex pressed in the Senate of the United States n few years ago, mm me
expression ol it was one of the assigned causes ofmy not receiving the
nomination as ncamlidnte f.rthe Presidency In December, '930 Rut,
it there lie nny one who doubts or desires to obmln further informa
tion about my views in respect to tlmt unfortunate question,! refer
him to Mr. Menm-nhnll, of Richmond, Indiana.
I hope nnd believe, fellnw-clltr.cn*, that brighter day* and better
tlmesnre approaching. All the exhibition* of popular feell-tg, all the
manifestations ol tli? public wishes,this -ponlnneottsnnd vast assem
blage, deceive us if the scenes nml the memorable event of 181" are
not going to he renewed and re-enacted. Our opponents complain
of the mean* which were employed tn tiring about that cvci.t. I hey
attribute thair loss of Hie public, confidence to the popular meetings
nnd proce-sion*, to the display of banners, the use of log cabin*, the
docs mnun flic lure. Some parts
others, but the progress of all
of the eountrv more
hnve advanced further th
is forward nnd onward.
Apnin, I ask what i* to ho done in thin conflict of opinion between
tho two extreme* which I have stated? F.ncli believes, with quite nn
much confidence as tho other, thnt tho policy which ho espouses in the
I je«t for tho country. Neither ha* a right to demand that his judge-
existence of manufactures nt home. They create a demund
for labor, which would not exist without them, and the em
ployment ol labor creates an ahilitv to consume which would
not exist without it. How could the American labor,employ
ed in manufactures at home, supply its consumption of Eu
ropean commodities, if it were deprived of that employment?
What means of purchase would it possess? It is in vain to
point to agriculture, for every department of that is already
producing superabundantly. It cannot be questioned that the
chief oouse of tho reduced price of cotton is the excess ol pro
duction. The price of it would rise if less were produced, by
diverting a portion of the labor employed in its cultivation to
sonic other branch of industry. This new pursuit would furn* •
ish new subjects of exchange, and those who might embark in
it, as well ns those who would continue in the growth ofcotton
would he both benefited by mutual exchanges. The day will
come, and it is not distant, when the South will feel an imper
ative necessity voluntarily to make such a diversion of a por-
lof its labor. Considering the vast water power, nnd otl»-
facilities of manufacturing, now wasting nnd wnemployod
at the South,and its possession at home of the choice of tli «
raw material, I believe the dnv will come when the cotton re •
cion will he the greatest manufacturing region of cotton in tlrt*
world.
The power of consuming manufactured articles being in
creased,in consequence of the domestic establishment of man
ufactures, by the wages of labor which they employ, nnd bv
the wealth which they create, there is an increase also in tho
use and consumption of cotton and other raw materials. To
the extent of that increase, the cotton grower is directly and
positively benelitted by the locution of manufactures at home,
instead of abroad,
But suppose it were true that the shifting to a certain ex
tent of the theatre of manufactures,from foreign countries to
our own, did not increase consumption at nil, nnd did uot
augment the demand for cotton, there would he no just ground
of complaint with the cotton planter, nnd the most that ho
could say is, thnt it would he a matter of indifference to him.
All that would happen to hint would be, a substitution
of a certain number of American customers for an equal
number of European customers. But ought it to be, can
it ho a matter of indifference to him whether any portion of his
fellow citizens in the United States are in a state, of prosperity
or adversity ? If, without prejudice to him, his own country
men can acquire a part of the wealth which arises out of the
prosecution of manufacturing industry, instead of the foreigner.,
ought he not to rejoice nt it? Is it to him a matter ol no conse-
ouence that a certain amount of wealth, created by nianufnc
' _i._u i...i • • - .
reconciliation impom
, niui the
nice lit rated in it* fate, to lie blasted and destroyed forever? No,
| fellow citizens, no! The Union must be preserved. In tho name ol
• the- people of this noble old State, the first to announce the indepen-
i donee of the United States, by the memorable declaration of Mecklen
burg, nnd which hn* ever since boon nmnng tho most devoted and faith
ful to tho preservation of this Union ; in tho mime of the people of mj
»i gallant Stnto; and in the name of tlm whole people of the United
fully
HOKE HEW WORKS t
R ose d’alrret, i>, a. r. r. w emi^ Tan bm*
of Oar'e, by Charles Lyon, anlhor or Henry Lorreroer;
Charles O'Malley, flee.; Fairy Lofnndt or lb# South «7 Ire
land, by T. Crotton Croker. a new edition; tho Mortyr Wife,
a Domestic Romance, by the author of Elwood. the Banker,
or Lika Father Like Son: Amy Herbert, by n Lady—Edited
by the Rev. W. Sewell, B.D.
The Life and public services of the Hon. Jemee Knox Poth v
ith a compendium of hie Speeches, an Nation's public moe-
-jres; also, a sketch of the Life of the Hon. George M.I>sBe»,
published by N. Hickman; Life and Speeches or Henry Cbf,
* * “ *“ ~ inj Major Jooes'i i* '
vol., dec., 2, by Greeley and McElrath. , V | RV I
ship, with illustrations, by Darley; July Noe. of tbe OoluUft-
biau Lndyn'and Gentlemens'Maganine mere of the Megniinee
ofShakespeaie, with a variety of other new works of tne day.
for sale at E. M. EDWARD'S Store;
Milledgeville, July 9,1844. 41 tf
US:
Regimental He ad-Quarters*
Milledgkvily.k,JuIv 1st, 1844.
I N pttrsurance of on order of the Governor, it ie here
dcreil that an election be held at the several placet for
ing Elections for members of the General Assembly within the
limits of the 33d Regiment, on Wednesday the 3!st day of Jw-
ly, For Brigadier Genetal of the First Brigade, Third Division,
Georgia Militia, vice Robert Bledsoe, resigned. It ie Air
flier ordered that the returns of said Election be made to Head
Quartets, in Milledgeville, in the manner and time preeerih-
ed by law. Bv order of
JAMES GLADDEN, Jr.,
« „ Major, commanding 33d Regiment. G. M.,
Pr.CHARI.B8 OUDEN. Adjutant.
July 9,1844. 4(4,
SPECIAL Uf I VISION ORDERS, >
llead-<tiinrlci-,, a 3d Dlv., fi, H,, >
Mili.kdokville, July 9, 1844. J
A N Election will bo held on the 20th inst.,st the Company
Room of the u Metropolitan Gteys,” attached to said Di-
ision at 5 o’clock,P. M., for Ensign—J. A. Yrooman, resign
ed.
The election will be superintended by Capt, Beecher, and
Lieutenants Sanford and Brown.
Bv command of
filaj,Gen.J. W. A. HANFORD.
N. McGhke, Aid •de-Camp.
July 9, 1844. 4!
HAMILTON, HARDEMAN & CO.
AM
WILL CONTINUE THE
FACTORAGE & COMMISSION BUSINESS
tion to the sale of Cotton, filling of orders, nnd receiving and
forwarding of goods with despatch.
EVRRABI) HAMILTON, >
THOMAS HARDEMAN, > Copartners•
CHARLES F. HAMILTON, J
Savannah,3rd July,l&'M. 41 6tn
Whip vonws,
M0. How c
Ifitge do they Ul*pb
tb**y di-r.iv’ i
of human natal
gn. ^The event ilxelfv
slsllhle movement of the people. Oar opponents were unable to with
stand, nnd were borne down by a popular cm rent, tar more powerJut
than that of themiidily lather of water*. I ho symbol-nnd inrignln
CLOTHING AT WHOLESALE,
ron c.tsn:
MTaif & JDA3MTO*
3» NASSAU STREET
(over DOilEMUS, SUYIIAM & NIXON’S,)
NTBW YORK.
T HE Subscribers would respectfully call the attention of
Southern nnd Western merchants to the fact that they am
now prepared with nn extensive stock of
Fall mid Winlet Clothing,
got up under the inspection of one ot the firm, who has had a
long experience iu the Western and Southern trade, whieh
they offer for cash nt prices much, very much belOW all
houses turn do n credit trade ; their large cosh facilities give
them immense advantages in the market.
DEVLIN fli BAjHSETT:
Merdinuts who prefer it, can have their own goods manu
factured nt tho usuaL rnlep*
July 9,1814. (M.&T-A.X 3t
Court. o£ Ordtsinrjv
rm 1# i844.
vhicli they comnlnin.no
impede.
. .. which flont upon the bosom of the Mls-WsjjH
impetus to the stream. Ouropponent* proles# to lie great fri<
the poor, nnd to tnke n great interest in their wmf in-,but tne;
like the log cabins In which the poor dwell! They dislike tin
erase ol hard cider; they preler sparkling champaign, and |
their taste is correct, but they ought to reflect tlmt it is not wit
pom-man’* reach. They haven mortal hatred ta our unot
coons, nnd would prefer nny oilier qundruped. And, a* t-»i* oui
songs, to their cars they appear g.atingand full of discord, u
chanted by the loveliest daughters nnd most melodious voire
laud! We are very sorry to disoblige our Demoerntic friend
nm afraid tlu-y will linve to reconcile themselves ns well nstlu-
our log-cabins.hard elder'and Whig songs I’opuhi" *
a tin
far prelern
a lively Intelesl in the adinini
i fur it* intrnduetln
tilln
s the exist
lien g
of public-
ii, nn.I sih'i
• wrong.
. fJItrnisin i
„ fraught with
confusion, disorder, and insubordination were tolerated and
sanctioned? , , . ,. .
Then there is repudiation—that dark a»»d toul spot nnon t
American name' and character—how come it there ? The sir
ha* been put there by the Democratic majority of the Legis
lature of Mississippi. Under special pleas and colorable pre
texts, which nnv private mint of honor nnd probity would scorn
to employ, thev have refused to pay tho debts of thut .Stute—
debts contracted by the receipt of an equivalent expended
within tlie State! The VVItigs of tlmt State, who are the pun-
t'ures, shall be in his own country instead of being in foreign
countries? If here, its influence and effects will be felt, directly
or indirectly, in all the departments of human business, und in
a greater or less degree iu all parts oftho country. It becomes
a clear addition to the aggregate wealth of the nation, increas
ing its resources, nnd forming n basis of taxation and revenue*
in seasons of war or peace, if necessaty.
But the advantage resulting from domestic manufactures,
in producing an American competition with the European,
competition, augmenting the supply of manufactured articles,
and tending consequently to a reduction of prices, is not the.
sole advantage,great as that is. A double market is produced
botlt in the purchase of fabrics for consumption ami in the tale
of piodnctionsof agriculture. And how superior is the homo
to any other market in the. conditions of its proximity, its being 1
uuderourown control,and itsexomption from the contingency
of war! It hns been argued, however, that we sell no more than
we should do if wo were deprived of the home market. I have
shown that to he otherwise. Tho importance of opening new
markets is universaliy admitted. It is nn object of the policy
of all nations. If we could open anew market for 400,000 hales
ofcotton with any foreign Power, should we not gladly em
brace it ? Every one owns the benefit which arises out of va
rious markets. All who reside in the neighborhood of largo
cities or market towns, aro sensible of the advantage. It is
said thnt our manufactures nhsorh only about 400,000 hales of
cotton, which is n very small pArt of the total crop. Rut sup
pose thut were thrown upon tlie market of Liverpool,already
overstocked nnd glutted? It would sink the price far below
what it now is. France consumes also about 400.000 bales. If
the murket of Havre were closed, nnd that quantity were
crowded into the market of Liverpool, would not the effect he
ruinous to the cotton grower? Our Amonicnn market is grow
ing, annually increasing, and,if the policy of the country can
only become’ firmly fixed, the time will come, I have no doubt,
when the manufacture ofcotton in the United States will ex
ceed that of England. I do notdesire to see nny market closed,
domestic or foreign. I think it our true interest to cherish and
cultivate all. But I believe it to he our indispensible duty to
afford proper nnd reasonable encouragement to our own.
But it must ho borne in ntind that, although cotton is by far
the most important ofonr agricultural products, it is not the
only one. Where should we find u market for our ludiun corn
if it were not for the existence of our manufactures? We
should absolutely have none. My friend, Mr. Pettigrew,
who sits before me, can find no market for his corn in North
Carolina,because hisneighbors like himself,are occupied in
producing it. Nor can lie find any in foreign countries. But
lie meets with a good, sure, and convenient market in Boston
and Providence,a ltd other Northed capitals. Where should we
seek a market for the flour,provisions, and other raw agricul
tural produce now consumed by our manufacturers ? If their
present business were destroyed, they would he employed
themselves in producing cotton, corn, provisions, and other
agricultural produce, Hus augmenting the quantity aud ine
vitably leading to a further decline of prices.
It hasheencontcuded that the effeot of affording legal en
couragement to domestic manufactures is to cnhance^the price
of commodities, and to impose a tax upift the consumer. This
argument bus been a thousand times refuted.
It has been shown again and again that the price of almost
every article ou which tho system of oncourngetnent has ef
fectually operated has been reduced to the consumer. And
Wxtromoa, falli
ml policy nnd wisdom, always
i to bo found in tlio.;r<«fc milieu.
. and, if followed, never fails to lend to fatnl
st reject both tlio doctrine* of fron trndo and of
. n high* nnd exorbitant tariff. Tlio partisans of cnch must mnko somo
sacrifices of their peculiar opinions. They inunt find some common
ground on which both can stand, nnd reflect (tint, if neither Im.* obtain
ed all thnt it desire*, it hns secured something, and wlmt it does not
' retain hns been gotten by it* friends nnd countrymen. Tlioro nro
very few who dissent from the opinion thnt, in time of pence, the
' federal revenue ought to ho drnwn from foreign imports, without re
sorting to internal taxation. Here is n basis for necommodntion nnd
mutunl sntisfactian. Let tbe nntounl which is requisite for nn econo-
, mien! administration of the Government, w hen we m e not engaged
in wnr.be raised exclusively on foreign imports: and iu adjusting a
tariff for thnt purpose, let sur.li discriminations tie made os will foster
' nnd encourage our own domestic industry. Ail parties ought to lie
j satisfied with n tariff for revenue nnd discriminations for protection.
In thns settling this great nnd disturbing question in n spirit of mutu
al concession nnd of iiinicnble compromise, wo do but follow the noble
example of our illustrious ancestors in tlio formntion nnd ndoptionof
out present happy Constitution. It wns thnt benign spirit thnt presi
ded over sit their deliberations, und it has been in the snme spirit thnt
«H the threatening crises thnt linve nrisen during tbe progress of tlie
ad ministration of tlio Constitution hnvo been hnppily quieted nnd c
oemraodxted.
Next, if not superior iu importance to tlie question of encouraging
the national industry, is that of tlio national currency. I do not pur
pose to discuss the point, whether a paper representative oftho pro-
cions metals, in the form of bnnk notes, or in other forms, convertible
into those metnls on demand, at the will of tlie holder, be or bn not
desirable nnd expedient. I believe it could bo easily shown
the netunl stn o of the commercial world, and considering the
and distribution of tbe precious metals throughout the world, such n
convertible paper is indispensably necessary Hut thnt is not nn open
question. If it were dcsirublc tlint no suen pnper should exist, it is
«ot in the power of the (Jonernl Government, under its present Con
stitution, to put it down, or prevent it* creation nnd cirriilntiou.
Such n convertible paper has existed, does exist, and probably will
always exist, in spite oftho General Government. The twenty-)'
States which compose the Union claim tho right nnd exercise the right,
now not to be controver'ed, to authorize nnd pul forth such n con-
vortililo paper, according to their own sense of their respective inter
osts. If even n large majority of the States were to resolve to disconti
nue tlio use of n pnper representative of specie, the paper would ne
vertheless lie created and circulated, unless every State in the Union
nlinudnned its u*c; which nobody believes is ever likely to happen.
If some oftho States sliould continue to employ nnd circulate such n
pnper it would flow into nnd lie current iu other States thnt might hnve
refused to estnlilish banks. And in tlie end tlie States which bad them
not. would find themselves, in self-defence, compelled tn charter them.
I recollect, perhaps my friend near me, (Mr. B. W. Leigh,) if ho tie
old enough, may iilso recollect, tho introduction of hank* in our nntive
Stnte. Virginia adopted slowly nnd reluctantly the (making system.
I recollect, when n boy, to linve been present iu 1702 or 1703, when n
debate occurred in the Virginiu Legislature on n proposition, I think
it wns, to renew tlie charter of n bank in Alexandria—tbe first thnt ev
er wns established in that State, nnd it was warmly opposed and car*
riod with some difficulty. Afterwards, Virginia, finding herself sur
rounded by Suites tlint had banks, nnd tlint slio wns subject
es, nnd then drink ing the dirty liquid ? Du they
tbe ii*c which they made of the hickory, of bickoi
ry boughs? On more occasions tlinn one, win-
known that I wns to pnss on a particular romt, lu
obstructed by hickory houghs strewed nl mg it.
up your time by nnrrnting the numerous iustnncf
vulgar indignity to which I Imre been personally
nentshnd better exercise n little philosophy oil
up m the passion* of tlie people; nnd if theyw-m
opbij.e n little they would arrive nt tlie conclnsi*
army or n political party achieves victory over ru
er or inter, to employ the snme ntenne.
( am truly glad tosce our opponents returning t<
decency. I should licstitl happier if I did not tear
by the mortification of n past defeat,nnd the upp
of thc
ploymcnt *'l h
cliise. I slioul
erently prele
considering n
prosperity “t
ndependently dep
do not approve of appeal*
of disgusting or unworth)
lerstanding. Although I ca
nut coon* to influence tlie i
• glint to sec them entirely
to the pnssio
riookanX
he pn
y. hn
nlselnod.i
otnlly i
I good faith nione practised in
are our opponei
he never" hi
elect io
nh. *in-
GLORGIA f
Newton Comity, S July Term,
ril H E petition of Edwin Pnynn nheweth unto thc-ConrUhett
L on tlm I til, day of Novtunber, 1834, Epps* Tttoker Jr.,of
fluid countv, now <leeen.>ed, made ami delivered lo-ltiiii his
il bond in the sunt of Four Tho jsumlDollurs, conditioned!
nke or cause to lie inudn good nnd lawful titles to the east
half of lot of lu ml. No. ono hundred und ninety-five, with the
ception of twelve acres sold to John Brit, nndtuIso, the e«M
Itolf of lot of land, No. one hundred nml ninntv, both lots lying
d being: iu the tenth district of formal It Henry now New
ton county. Ami it appearing to the Court tlint the said
Eppen Tucker,Jr departed this life without making titles to
the said east halves of lots of land with the exception as
aforesaid it ml without making provision tlierefot by will.
And it also, further appearing to the Court, that the said Ed
win I'nyite has paid the consideration money mentioned in
said bond for said east halves of lots of land ns aforesaid witb«
the exception of the number of acres therein excepted. Dis
ordered by the Court tlmt .McKeudreo Tucker, Adininistratorr
i.tt tlio estate of Epprs Tucket, jr., deceased, do ri>*w onuee
il any lie can, why u ru!o i-.lisolnte nh'tuld not be gritoi* d-re
quiting him inexcKttte lilies to naid east halves of the IMrufl
laud in conformity with the provismus of-sitid htmd. And-ill
in further ordered by the Court that this rule he published in'
some public, eazettu o.' Jliis State in coufmnuijy to tha statute
in such cases made nnd ptoviUed.
J. W. MANNING. Pet. Ally.
A true extract from tho minutes, July 1st. 1844.
\VM. D. LUCKIE.c. c. Oh
July 9,1844. [20 25] 413m
Guiti'diitii'B Salts
\ GREBABLY to an order of the Honorable the Inferior
Court of Hancock county, while silting ns a Court of or*
ne first Tuesday in OCTOBER neat',
door in tho town of^tirto, Hancock-
PRINCE, belonging to my-children*.
!< Terms on the dnv.
BUR WELL JMOtVN, Guardian..
July 9. IB»L 41 id
US ONI TIMS afterdate, application will he ntedn
1 to the Inferior Court of Laurens county, when sitting^
t\ Court of Hancock
dinnrv, will he sold on
hefoYe tho Court house
county, o If k i* kg no MAlj
nnd sold lor their lime
rens county, when sitting tut
ell all the laud hclo\gir^to
, 1 papula;
in the manner nml upon the principles which I linve indicated, the
Whig patty will lie ns prompt in tallowing tln-ir gnn.l exnmp’ei«*lhey
were slow nnd reluctant to intitule their had one. The man does not
breathe who would lie more happy than I -bnuld lie to see n!i parties
united ns n band of brother* to restore our beloved country to wlmt il
has been, to wlmt it I* so capable of being, to wlut it ev.-r slmnhMie—
if go’
i tliriuiglx
f of i
n, the
•e, deply deploi
id by the
»ie
■slice,
the dr.
ovnlirnllo
ofalt
, amt tie
nt*. Ik
Ii it'll has mi ev
ifi-
inconveniencc, what
banks upon a more extent
two principal banks with hr
ever benefits might arise from such i
The same necessity tlmt prompted.
il that idio
thev might lie, resolved
scale, nnd accordingly i
thing powers, to secure to I
lotions,
thnt pe
establish
‘staid ish
•If wltat-
il, the legislation of
Virginia, would hereafter influence State* having nn hanks, but adja
cent to those which had. it follows, therefore, tlint there nre, nnd pro
bably always will Im. locnl luniks. These local banks are often rivals,
not. only acting without concert, but In collision with each other, nnd
having very imperfect knowledge of the general condition of the
vliole circulation of the United States, or the stale of our monetary
i elation* with foreign powers. The inevitable consequence must lie
i rregulnrUv in their movement*, disorder nud unsoiindnesK in tbe cor-
ey, nml frequent explosion*: The existence of local bnnk*, under
authority and control of the respective Stntcs, begets a necessity
an Uni tod States Hank, under tlie authority nnd control of the
leral Government. The whole power of government is distributed
iji flic United States between the States nnd the Federal Government.
All that is general nnd nutionni, appertain* to the Federal Go
orient, all thnt
States nr.nnot perfn
ought thut to nttomp
jpnl iK.nnviiig |>nrlimi iiftlic pnpnUlion, « nil ruunrknblo
inmnlinllv ulc in htvorut prMrrvin, il* honor nnd ((nod faith
by a roiiiibiiracmc! I ofilio d. bia; lint ihc Deimiurutio majority
|,«r,l»l» in refnain*lo provide for it. ^1
■rcfhicli i
i far from clinreing
!Vie whole of ilie lie rom ratio pnrlywilh Ihiaahainoful public
perpe
Without the
fitted. |
( ti trated by tltfir hrrllneii in lit. Bl.loof Miaaiaaipni,
in Statu, to tlirir honor he it stud, most of them dm-
approve It; and wiiliitt tlio State thtrearc ninny honorable ex-
eenllo.. atnonf the Ileinocrtil,. . , .
Oilier examples might bo cited tc prove the destructive and
dl.organizing tendency of tlio character and principle, of tlie
Democratic parly,but tbeae will suffice fur tliia coca.ton. It
Ilia evaiema and maaruroa of public policy of lit. two panic,
are completed and compared, tlie reanll w>” not lie Icaa favor-
able 10 tlio Whig partv. With the Witt* l«on.r 'bora prevail,
entire concttrrenoe aa to the prlirolplaacd Ittaaaiiraa of nubile
policy which It oapouaee. lit the other party »o behold.noth
ing but deri.ion anil duprnction-tlieir priiiciplei vary mg at
Fag bad de rial on PH I
different ilinea and In dine
latilitdr*. In respect to tltS
demand, and thnt principle of competition, to which I hnvo
before adverted. It was foretold long ago by my self and oth
er friends of the noltcy. But it is in vain that we appeal to
facts. Il is in vnin that wo taka up article,by article,and,com
paring present witlt former prices, show the actual and gruduul
reduction. The free trader has mounted his hobby,ami hn has
determined to spur und whip him on,rough shod, overull facts,
obstacle*, nml impediment* that lie iu his way. !t was hut the
other day I lieurd one of tin se free trade orators addressing an
audience, and depicting, in tho most plaintive and doleful
terms, tlm extreme burdens and oppressive exactions arising
out oftho abominable tariff. Why, (sayshe,) fellow citizens,
every one ofyou that we.uren shirt is -jouipelied to payuix cents
s yard more forit than you otherwise would (10,111 order to in-
oreose the enormous wealth of Northern capitalists. An old
man in the crowd, shabbily dressed, nnd with acurccly any
thing lint a shtril on. stopped the eloquent orator, and asked
him how that could he ? For, says he, "I have a good abirt
n,that rout me only five and e half cents per yard, and
d and locnl to the Stute Governmcntc. Tlio
tho duties of the General Government, nor
perform, nor enn it so well execute, the trusts
(vmfidoj to tho Stnto Government*. Wo want a national army, a na
tional nsivy, a national post office e*tahii.*liment, national law* iTirnln-
ting onr foreign commerce nnd our coasting trade; nhnvc nil, perhaps,
we want i national currency. Tito duty of supplying these national
noons of safety, convenience, and prosperity, must ha executed bv
tbe Gene rnl Government, or it will remain neglected nud unfulfilled.
Tlie sev arid State* can no more supply n national currency than they
can pro ride nrmies nnd navies for tlie nutionni dofenre The nere>t-i-
ty far u national inMitutinn doe* not result merely from the existence
of local institutions, hut it arise* also out of the fuel that nil tlie great
commercial nation* of the world have their hanks. Fnirlnnd, Frnuro.
Austria. Russia, Holland, nnd nil the great powers of Europe hnvo
tlteir nutipiiiil hanks. It is said that money i* pow er, nnd thnt to em
body nod’ concentrate it in n hank is to create u great and dangerous
power. Rut wo may search tho record# of history, nnd we slinll find
no inut.nnce since the first introduction of hanking institutions, of nny
<i8 o of them having sought to subvert the liberties of a country or to
create confusion nnd disorder. Their well being depends upon the
stability of laws and legitimate nud regular administration of Govern
ment. If it were true that the crentiou of a hank is to ciuhodv a mo
no// fd power, i* not such a power in the hand* of the General Govern-
ment necessary to protect the people against Ilia moneyed power in
the t iirm of hanking institutions in tlie several States, nnd in the hnnd*
of f ireirn Governments? Without it, how can the commerce of tho
Uni ;ed States cope nnd compete with tho commerce of foreign I*
ere having national linnkr? In the commercial struggle* which
tantly in ooerutton between nations, *11011)11 we not labor tin
free t and decided disadvantage if we had no hunk nnd ihnv hud t
baul is? We all recollect, a fow years ago, when it was nlleged ti
the policy of the Rank of England to reduco the price ofonr great
Sou .hunt staple; in order to accoompiisti that object, the policy wns
adoi ited of rofusing to discount the notes nnd hills of nny English
houi ms engaged in the American trade. If n Hank of tha U. Stute*
had Imon in existence at that time, it could have adopted some man-
of counteraction ; but there wu* uono, aud tho Bank of Engluud
ted its purpose.
lias been asked, NVImt, will yon have hanks merely hocniise tlie
archie* ot Europe hnve them? Why nut also in-rixture their
n... ft, Lords, and Commons nnd their Ai itineracy ? This I* a very
ska• low mode of reasoning. I might n*k. in turn, why have armies,
es, laws resulnting trade, nr any other iiitiunal institutions or
u because tlie monnrrliles of the old world linve them ? Whr cm.
rilkk. clothe or homo our«elves. became monarch* perform these
up* •iiilon*? I suppu-e invsrlf, the course of true wi-ibun and of com
mon sen*e In be. to draw from their art*. »elo»ec*,and civilisation and
r 1 .' •leal Institutions wlintevcr in good, and avoid whatever is bad.
W Acre, exclusive of those who oppose the establishment of a Bank
of t *le United States upon constitutional ground, do we find tlie great-
eat opposition to ti? You nre. followeltixen*. perhaps not possessed
of Information which I happen to have nequirrd. The greatest oppo
sition tn 11 Rank of the United tale* will be found to arise out of a for.
rtgn tuAlienee, and may tie traced to tlie bunker* amt brokers of Watt
tariff whilst iu »oo»«* pieces they ar* proclaiming that fare ’ I ahoitld like to know how ! paid a duty of six cents.*’*
id must painful regieJ. Fnlsch.
illation und fratitl nmonepubli e
ml ruin among the people; disti
e-«, dm ing tlie period t
id Hip history of the pn
•trnlile veil. And w>>
, the chains of party, nnd ijs
it nml stand up, firmly resoli
istillied purity, and perpetu
■d tndnr«' all and i
had anticipated much gratification I
long anxiously wished to visit It, tot
Independence wns first proclaimed;
those who were the first to questlo
who themselves nre surpassed by nc
man liberty, nnd to the Constitution
Only one circumstance has liappcnc
myjourney. When I left my reside
LL persi
A't'
medium pnvnpMit
astnie, nre fiereb;
proscribed 1 y lav
.1 nlv 9, 1844.
AorrcE.
indebted to the estate ol Mo sc a Ttson, late oft
unity, deceased, me requeued to make iiu-
t ; nud tlio*e having deinnnds nguinst eaitB
y required to render them iu wilhtu the tieusr
ABNER TISON, Admr>.
41
GFORUsU. W ilkinson Count?.
W HEREAS,John Hoover nnd Henry Hoover apply ttw
to me for letter.* of Administration on the estuvn of
Joel Ilnover, info of said county, deceased :
Those are therefore, to cite und admonish nil ami srngnlar.thn
kindred nnd creditors of paid dereoKed. to be nud uppeur at my
office " it bin tin time i.iefnibed by law, to show cause, if any
thev have, why snirl h-tteta should not lie granted
under my hand nt office, this2d day of July,1844.
-Vnlv
A. B. KAlFOKD, c. c.
VS 0 #.!
w
llroiitflit (o Jnil.
BROUGHT to the Jail Lit Spat to, Hancock,
county, u runaway who.says his nunte ia Bill.,
nud belongs to Iversoo L. Brooks, ol Benfield,'
nnd hired by n mutt h> tint name of Braxtou.
Ezell, of Jumper county. Tlie owner is request
ed to prove the property and taka him away,
is about fifty-five or sixty veara of uge,chunky niniw*|l'
is a scare ou the none.
It. S. HARDWICK, Jailor.
v fill), 1844. 41 Jf
Wiire August SliorilT’s Sulcs.
ILL be sold on the first Tuesday in .AUGUST next,be
fore the Court-house door in tire town of Wnmdioro,',.
county, within the usual hours of sule, (ho following
lily and to you, I offer
iiblcil multitude
, friendship, and Imspt
One lot of land, N
nally Appling, now '
up the
take
r li It
tor with ymi.iu nl! honorable struggles to place tlie On
our count, y mice more upon a solid, nitre, nml patriotic I
with yon nil tlint i* in my power to ufl’er—my lervenl tunj
iilzens—Indies
id gentle
n-nn i.flVr
XT The CL A Y CHJB <>f Putnam County will meet
in Eatonlon on Saturday. the 13th ins/. Gentlemen of all
parties are requested to attend. The meeting will he ad-
dressed, as is expected. In/ some of the distinguished gen*
tlcmen of our parti/ from abroad.
OUR POIATICAL OPPOSESTS will he heard
with pleasure in the discussion, if they desire it. They
are invited to participate.
.7 A, MERIWETHER, Pres. Clay Club.
Eatonlon, 3 i July, 1844.
(I. M.
Griffis nml Hi
bv n couBinbli
’One lot of I
Appling, now
Grdii*- to f
tv, in fnvn
iper Cirillis.
One buy p
87, iu the Twelfth District ofori£>-
re county, containing four hundred
mprovvd, with the present growing-
consi-tiiig of corn, rice, potatoes, und sugsri
1 tlm pioperly of Kic'.curd \V. Gliftis, to satisfy
d from a J net ices’ I'ourt, oJ the 970th Distrkl.
or of Samuel Register, 8«h., v» Samuel,
hard \Y. Griffis. Levied ouuivl returned tv uts<
ml,No.24fi iu tU&Seventh District of origittally.
v Ware county ; taken ns the property of .lumper,
isfvoun ft fa IVmu the Superior Court ofsaidcouic-
f Thomas- B Russell, vs Clun Its Grift is nud Jun-
a, Jibuti! ten ycaraold;fuken ua the jvrop*
itiffis, to patixfv one ft fa front the .Superi
or Court of said cn*.iut\; in favor of Timothy Kirklattd vs Dun-
ot 11 Bohuiton nml Maiming G. Griffis.
Ono gray horse, ten ycara old ; taken a* the properly »f Da
vid Giwritton, to aniisiy lv\o fi fas from tha Irderror Court of
Kuid county ; in favor of Jolut T. Clough and others vs David
Seven head of stock cattle; token as the properly of Amos
Emanuel, in satisfy two ft fas from tire Superior Court of saidi
county,iu favor of tho ufficersot said Court vs said Emanuel,.
One red Bull; Uik&naa the properly of John Griffis, to salt
isfy one ft fa from the Superior Cotwt of said county, in favor,
ofllobl) Slating \ •• • •
rds
aid John Giifft*.
MILES J* GUEST, Sheriff.
40
I foreign
the growth, cheeks the prosperity, or arrest* the progress of this c
tijr. Tlio.c who wield that foreign capital And. from experience, It
they ran employ It t » th# lie«t advantage lu a disordered state of t
currency, and whe 1 exchange* are fluctuating and Irregular. Tlir
ere no section* of the Union which need a uniform currency, tom
Idling Moork,in
Mr. Moorn hud t
Keeper oftho 1.11
■culiarly
limbi
iceorthelx
Ins lot was cai-t in
lenvo Iiih tienrt p<
higher station, t
freely towards hi*
(DbUuflrp.
rMWedfevlUs, oil the loth ult. Mr
red tho dll
Midway.
* of the ol
r which li
. .‘ere
sof th
ii vale ofltumhle lit
enerattiig
Although
Mould have adorned i
his temper, ami heuevolei
relyt
happ
oft .
iiigoring disease of three moot I
'..rtitudoa.id putiuii. c, ami wit
mlthograve.
nkidoncnin Laiircnscouuty, C
Mogr.s Tison, Esq. aged 73 year.. Ilo was
tempera ara and industry through iiie, and du
gospel, wliir.U ho lirnl long prol'cu. d, a* a
Church, hopfaf for a happy immortality, throi
dectner.
Milledgeville, Ua. July, 1 P-14.
JOT The New Orleans and Louiriaua paper,
cd to co|t> the above notice for the .portal inf<
son. whui* .opposed, if living, to be iu Lo-jimi
mg St at*..
i the full fa
in her of tho Ruptisl
tbe inurils of hu Ho-
i respectfully roquet-
July 2, 1844.
Aduiinislnitor’s Salts
W ILL lie sold lit the lute reaid*M\t.e. of Moriah II. Ev*rt»k.
decMiscd.iii Decntiircnunty, ou Saturday, the 27th daw
it Jl LY next, ul tin; usual bourn of sale, al! the periahaWta-
property of deceased; consisting of Houte lutUi nud kin lie*,
fiiriiitufn: hurt-os, entile, sheep, farming rdensila, one fiats
Imiuich,dtc. Ace.,sold for the benefit of the hetm and rredilr-
or*. Terms made known on the day of sal*.
IIENHY A III.INK, Ailm'u
June 18th. 1844- 38
HOW A KI» & niTHIRFOII»,
co m m l s s i o in ni rmn a m n,
ApnliM-liicola.Fla.
r P IIE undersigned having dHemiinedio continence a Ge#
nl Co
.c.i*on, will give theii pot
ded to tin ir cute..
Mnv 28.1811.
otuiJ mention to all huainc.M
T. B. HOWARD!
A. S. RUTHERFORD.
35 tf
FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY,
1.1 FIT.IL 1300,0119.
rpiir. MCW-YUKK CUMIIAIIUTIONMIIP f IRK
L i.VS'JIlANCt CO.MI-ANV ft. vin, cl.lilipheii .,.(.0,
r» In Kmiiviu.*, CMivford cnnnly. will In.ui.
’ HI It.l)IS(iS. MERCHANDIZE, HOUSE
HOLD FURNITURE,
ntx) .very ilracripliun of itron.rtr, ng.ini>l Io*. nr tt.mag. ta
fire. FRANCIS ll. Ml'RLOCK. Anil.
KuoirUln, Juur U, 160. 37 If