Newspaper Page Text
TOR m PEOPLE.
CO COLE'S OPMIOIS.
In knnoiitkcing in pari of our edition l int week,
the candidates of tho Locwfiteo party we promised
in thi. week’* Advocate, to commence with Col.
Polk, whoie political course Ins been such a lor*
too is one that it will make n sober man drunk to
follow it. On every subject winch Inis divided the
Country since hi* entry into life, ho hn» been on
bath sides of it—an whatovor side it suited his in.
Wrest to lie, tut that sido he was. 11is opinions
have always changed to suit, what he conceived to
be, the prevailing current of public opinion. Can
any such a political weathercock he trusted ?—
Wliel go tranlee r.ui he given that lie will not
change and change in often as tho moon fills Iter
horns ?
This article wo take from the Nashville Banner,
and was written last year when Col. Polk was a
candidate for Governor of Tennessee, hut whoso
services were dispensed with by the people, who
deemed him unworthy of their suffrages even
for Governor.—Huntsville Southern Advocate.
a 07. Volk's consistency and Republicanism
—facts respcctully submitted to the umpire
of candor and common sense.
Gov. Polk often b lasts that he has never chang.
ctl j habitually talks of “republican simplicity and
purity,’ and always labors to impress the belief that
he lias been thro’life.an unswerving and consistent
Republican. In his late printed speech at Pulaski,
in his address in 1839, and in other publications be.
fore lite public, tiiese assumptions have been again
and again reiterated: In one instance lie said—
‘‘I iliiNaiige the newspaper press of the State, to pick out
Ihe ncl—the sing/rnrl*'*—upon which I have changed my
principle's.'*— [IfKrfreesboroiigk speech in 1839 )
These constant reiterations we think fully justi
fy the exposure we are about to make of his con
sistency and republicanism ; and unless we great.
Jy misapprehend the force of fads, it will be teen
in the sequel tint fe'.v men have been more incon
sistent, or are loss entitled to be called ilepubii.
cans. To the facts we are about to submit, drawn
from official ami authentic sources wo invite calm
and partial attention ; and first we w ill state what
those facts prove. They prove tiiat in 1324, Gov.
Poik.then a member of the Tennessee Legislature,
was au advocate for Internal improvements by the
General Government and so took his position in a
speech on the *22nd September, 1824. They
prove that the next year, 1925 he took bolder
ground in favor of this doctrine, and in a circular
letter to his constituents dated May 10;h, 1325,
advocated Internal Improrements by the General
Government both upon grounds of expediency and
constitutionality—a doctrine he now denounces as
highly Federal. They prove that in 1334, lie
strenuously advocated State Bunks as depositories
of the public moneys, uud has since repudiated that
doctrine—that in 1385 he opposed the Sub.Trea
sury system, and lias since warmly f.mbrackd it—
that the same year he thought the Dcposite Banks
might use and Bank upon the public moneys, and has
since publically changed such belief—that lie has
often spoken of"republican simplicity,” and illus
trated itsosoonns made Speakerof die House of Re
presentatives by paying twrntt o:;e hundred and
FIFTY FOUR DOLLARS TWENTY SEVEN AND ONE HALF
cents for a Speaker’s Chair—that lie formerly de.
claimed against the accumulation of power in the
Federal Head, as dangerous to the liberties of the
people, and is now the open apologist of such pow
er ns in case of the President’s vetoes—that he has
been equally inconsistent in his speeches upon tax.
ing tea and coffee, iron sugar and salt—that he
has borne a double lace towards the lamented
Judge White, both while living and dea l—that he
voted for the Tariff of 1332, a much higher Tariff
than that of 1842, which he is now denouncing—
that lie has also had two sets of priciples touching
the conduct of the"thirtcen,” the creation of foreign
debts. Ac. dtc.
But now to the proofs—and to be explicit, we
will regularly class our subjects:
Internal Improvements by the General Gov-
ment
ion report of the proceedings of the Legislature
of Tennessee for the 22nd -lav of September, 1324,
it is stated that Mr. Polk spoke oa the bill to in
corporate the Murfreesboro;.gh TurnpikeCompanv.
The report says :
“lie spoke ol'tbe propriety of surh works brine constructed
bv tbe State OR THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT—said
the question with regard to the powers of the Government to
make Internal Improvements had been SETTLED at the last
session of Congress, end he thought it hkeiv that the atten
tion of government might be directed to the object ulextending
tiie Military road from -New Orleans."
In a circular Letter addressed to his constituents,
and dated May 10th, 1325, (printed copies of which
are yet extant,) Col Polk held the following lan
guage :
**Ilow far the general government has power to make IN
TERN At. IMPROVEMENTS, has been a question of some
-dilticulty in the delib-rations of Congress. It HAS BEEN a
? ucslion long and ably controverted bv our wisest statesmen,
t scents bower er tn have been LATELY SETTLED bv the
THREE GREAT DEPARTMENTS of the GOVERN-
MEN I' in FAVOR ot the EXERCISE m si t'll A Po\V.
ER. rite EXPEDIENCY of mak
ing INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS is UNQUESTIONED;
at is only on the question of POWER that doubt has arisen.
They are calculated to promote the agricultural, commercial
and in iijufaeturingitlteiest uf the country; they add to she
■wealth, prosperity and convenience of the great* body of the
people,by diminishing the expenses, and improving the facili
ties for sue transportation of our sutplus products to market
and furnishing an easy and cheap return of titose necessaries
required for our consumption A judicious system of Inter
nal improvement, wilidn the powers delegated to the Gener
al, Government, I THt-itEFoRE approve."
We need nol oiler proofs to show how often lie
lias since denounced, belore the p tople of Ten-
ncsse, this very djetrine as highly Federal doctrine.
He has never explained how it was that advocat
ing in 1325 this high federal doclrine he was at that
time a consistent Republican” So much for Inter
nal Improvements.
State Bank depositc system.
As It) State Depusile Banks, prior to their ex-
plosion it w as an essential part of his‘'republican
ism" to advocate and defend those Banks. From
the report of tiie House Committee of ways and
means, of which Gov. Polk w as chairman, made in
March, 1834, tie make the following quotations :
" The l 'ommittee arc satisfied that the S TA 7’£ BA .VANS'
ere Ft’Ll. V COMPT.TKST to perform oil the sereins
which th* General Got<rumentought to require i* the eoIUc*
tion and disbursement of the revenue, and to afford *;„ 0 all
facilities to the inis > mol commerce and EXCHA XGES of the
couult jf a* Inch hate been derived from the Bank of (he 1'iutcd
State*."
In a speech, delivered in the House of Kepre.
sentatives on the 20th day of Juno, 1634, Col Polk
concludes an argument iu favor of the Deposite
Banks as follows.
"I hare lliu* cunkidrred the two principle point* of
objection— tha alledgcd unsafely of State Bank* ns public
depo«i»orie«. and their incomp^ncv to perform oil the duties
rcquiioj of them ua fiscal aeeuia ot Governiueitt. A* tecard*
the 6r»t,it haa bceu m> object to allow, limn well aliened
fart*, that thevareaaS* tFK AS ANY OTHER IlESCIilp-
TION OF ACJKSC'I COULD BE. That occassional lorset
duiinr their employ mer.t for a Iunp period of time, may he
poaeiMf, i.« not eotilrnrert^d. But ahould these occur, (aa in
not anticipated.) it should he remembered lliat such losses
are incident to all credit, and i* nut likely to he greater, nor
intleed. under the many guard* contained in Out lilt for the
public security. to great at that which mieht rauoMbly be ex*
peeled from the employment of any detei i/stion of ayeutt "
"Aa retard* the mccoqJ objection—the all*iocompetency
of theae Banka a* fiscal agents*- the manner in wh»< h they
have parlor w l.audar*? performing these duties, ino«t remove i
ail doubt t which miy have existsd on that point. It it no long- *
er a question of doubt whether they can, with faci ity and
proini»tiie8*,trai»«A*r the public fund* to the nv»*t distant points
tor disburNament.and perform all other data t trhieit at fiscal ,
agent*, tney ai ly be required to perform."
Tnis is strung language. Yet, lie has since do.
ixnineihnse flanks in stronger Menus. lu his
nddrrss in 1839. It* says—
-The Brink <>f the United Slate* had h«en tried and proved
f*ilhir*4. The Hfile l inis had been tried and proeed faith•
U*t *’
On another oc Mft*ion in 1W7, lie said "If would
lie fully lo trv them over again,** nr.J in his nd-
dres* of !* 3 41. h** said—
Ml M'h*-N »o'ii tiair* urged hr my p'*fiii<*al opponents
(list t. “I «»ne tiu»-, gave tu% support tn the Slate Bauk Be*
|>o*4ia ^y-teiu." * * *Tp »« lii 'l they ('lie State
Hinks) prut - l in be unfHiiliful.and the State H int. Systemi
utterly fetied."
U tilt all ilua-ilefutcnco, we u ill cay tint the Kx
(luventor bus Dover explained how it ic tint in all
this there it not a p -iliort ‘‘cltang d."
Bat-Vraamry lyittm.
lie haa been ainiilarly placed on both aidea, ns
to tho SnA- Treasury System—When the ycaa and
nuyawere taken on agreeing to Mr. Gordon’s
Sub-Treasury bill in 1835, Gov. Polk tvaa found
in opposition, and his voto stands recorded on tho
Journal against the bill. On the 10th February, ot
that year, lie made a speech against it, from which
wo make tho following extracts :
"A ici.lleiunu from A irgini. (Mr. Gordon) has aignitttd his
Iutcutioit to move the amendment in thU bill which he present*
e«l, and hud printed by order of the House eoniff dnvv ago-—
I hat nineinlmeiit provides (list the col|eclor*|of the public re
venue, wlimi the amounts collected arc small "shall he the
ngi uta uf the Treasury, to keep am) disburse the mine;" mid
Inal they ►liull receivenn annual compensation. It provides,
further,(hut, at place* where the amount collected shall he
Urge, "receners" shall be appointed, ‘‘to be ageuts of the
1 restorer, to keep am! disburse the public muneys," nn.l
that they shall he paid an annual compensation for their ser
vice*."
•It may he well questioned whether the heaviett teeurity
which the most wealthy individual could give, could male the
public de,pottle tafe at the point of targe collection. Intheci-
tv of ,Vmv \ ork half the revenue is collected. Several mil-
ln>ns of public money may lie in the hands ofa receiver at one
time; and if In* he corrupt, or shall engage in speculation or
f™«P.»nd meet with n reverse of fortune, TIIE BOSS BUS-
I AINfc.D BV UOYKIINMENT would BE INEVITABLE.
»\ ith ample security, ns it was supposed, the Government
lost a million or inure in the tea cases, a few i ears ago. The
Josse* in (luce cases alone, as already elated,'in 18 J7 and 18-
-3, » hen il was supposed ample care had been taken to sc-
n^t Jav. ,?. ,n , uU ." 1 f '* !o ne *»r two millions. As, then, their mad car.*
BEnir.EN THE KKSBON8IBILITY OF A PUBLIC
KM I.IVKK AND BANK CORPORATIONS, as hanks do
e»i>t, understate authority, THE I.ATTER I I’O.N THE
no^P„ C i l rv SAFETV 40 THE PUBLIC AKE TO BE
I Khr btOvr.D.
Bank*, when they are safe, recommend themselves to the
sen ice of the I'reasurv for other reasons.
l, »ey nosseaa OVER IND1 YII)L’ AL
COI.LLl I ORS OK KbCEI\ KBS, in making transfers of
public money to distant points for disbursement, without
charge to tli • public. Indeed, this is a service which indivi
duals, to the extent of our large revenues, could not perform.
It may happen, in the fluctuation of the amount of re*
zmsrnmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmL* -
iTHiV.VIS! •*«>*.«■ MEN ALONE. Oimiuh)
urvA'ru j tavolvwL It it. co.teat btrawn
'y.f*Tiie iaaue I, in foci joined upwi the
I.. ,h i ir Htlih etttfimiik aod
1 A IUONAOL OF PUBLIC RULLltS os the other."
Again, in (lie same circular—
• *.T*1°.* ic ?'. °fth* proi.iit dvnaity ii to oecumulalo
to Hie 4EDLKAL HEAD nil possiblepotcerlet slmtek and
conttrue atcay the most salutarv provisinua of the Cooatitu-
lion,ao as to enable them by dispensing a moro k&tkvsivk
riTRoRAUE ro I'l.nrtTVATE THEin rower in the line uf
".afefirecsdeiit.-"
W ell! ever since 1828, ho lias had his shoulder
to tlt6 wheel in support of tho assumption of Kx.
ecutive power snd Patronage. He is ot this dsy
the advocate of the Sub Treasury System, which
confers morn new and alarming powers than any
other one public measure which lias ever been pro
posed by any party since the organization of the
Government. lie is now, too, the open apologist
and advocate of the veto POWER ns recently ex
ercised by John Tyler—a POWER OF ONE
M AN crushing tho‘ Representative will of the
AMERICAN PEOPLE. As our space is press
ing, we will content ourself with an extract from
his speech at the Nashville Inn, Oct- 23, 1841.
"NoNational Hank was chartered, amt thePRKsidkkt is
EST'ILED TO TIIE LASTISG GRATITUDE To Ills CODXTRT.
« hicl^as one of her citizens I CHEERFULLY ACCORD
lor arresting the dominant ninjarilv lx Cun^ress in
d,career, and saving his country from the domin-
"d political incubus of the money POWER is the
form or a National Bank.”
Let the reader make his own reflections upon
these facts.
The MPXissaek Setter.
Me now come to on accidental development of
one of the principles of this "consistent Republi-
can.” M'e allude to the letter to his McKissack
of Bedford county, in which he proposes to SUB-
renue andexpeiiditurcs, lliat nierewili i»o"al 'sonie" Hmcs^a SlD,ZE the .^ ar “'“‘V « Shelbvville. That
cousiuerable surplus in the tcasury. which though it may be our ®I , P C ® " *** 1101 permit ns to republish at length
temporary, if it be withdrawn.from circulation, and placed in —but in it ho proposes McKisxack to 0£r-‘sea our
the strong box u! n receiver, the amount of circulation would t j.ii «, _„'/■'•! t • , a t „ ...
be iojnnout y disturbed by hoarding the' drpost/e. by which <J rien ^ s 8ee ^BChnat, Aiulersor), Mitchell, “see
tha value ^of every ^article uf merchanJi.se and proper*! iheoi COltnilenlially.** “See lllfll (ihe man he pro*
, srtainly gets pos.
session." ‘Be sure to see our friendsj and have
this part ol the matter attended to, for if he faiis
to comply with his contract a SINGLE DAY after
the time they will take advantage of it.” “So
far asl AM CONCE RX ED you know what to re
ly upon. Write to me and iishall be attended to."
Did the reader ever have it in his power to w it-
ness so much burning zeal in a public man to subsi.
dizea printing press? This letter came to the
public by accident. M’e have no means of know,
ing how far the system of thus buying and corrupt
ing the public press has been practised. But il ap.
pears manifest that in this case Gov Polk’s money
"as to perform an important service, whatever we
may think of Ids “republican simplicity,and purity.”
So far as 1 am concerned (said he) you know what
to rely uyon—write me arid it shall’be attended to.
M’e pass to his
Tea and Coffee Votes.
The repeated ana ample exposures of ihes e by
the lion. Milton Brown, will justify us in Ibeing
brief upon this point. It is a matter now of ge uer-
al notoriety that in his Nashville Inn speech in the
fall of 1341, Gov. Polk charged the Whigs with a
disposition to levy duties on tea and Coffee (which
duties by tiie by, the M’itigs did not levy) and which
design he held up ns a political offence of the
greatest magnitude, and he and his friends really
go. up some excitement on the subject against the
M’liig Congress. Thus assailed, the M’higs natur
ally began to look into this matter of taxing Tea
and Coffee, and what did they find ! Tiie auswer
is known to the country. They found, in the lan
guage of Judge Brown,
‘Tiiat in 1032, when there existed So di'tv o.i tea nndCor-
fee, when it was not neci-ssary for revenue, as there was a
surplus without it, and when General Jackson had recom-
mended a reduction of duties general!,-, this same GOV
I'OI.K. a member of the Committee of wars and Means uni
ted with the other members, constituting a majority of the
committee,in reporting “A bill to reduce at.d otherwise alter
the duties on imports f* to which, while the duties on other
articles, many of them not necessaries, w ere either reducedor
entirety taken off. A tax was laid ox.teaaxd coffee Gov
folk warmly advocated this bill, and a direct vote in favor of
striking out,or. in other » ords, HE toted for taxikg them,”
These facts have been proven from the records.
So of iiis
Salt, Sugar and Iron Votes.
In his Giles county speech last tall, in order to
cover his retreat from his Tea and Coffee difficul
ties, he made a new charge to wit: that the M’higs
“retained” the duty on sail, iron, sugar, &c. M'hen
the fact was looked into, it appeared that the doty
on these articles was fixed by the act of IS'32,
for which Gov. Polk voted and that by the act of
1333, for which he also voted, it was agseed that
the duties thus imposed should remain untouc hed
till the 30th June, 1842. Thus he was caugh ', in
the language of Judge Brown, in CO”''assaitin|- the
M’higs, for not repealing laws he had assisted to
pass, and nol violating pledges which he, am ong
thers had solemnly made.”_£^) This point is
clear.
Foreign Indebtedness.
In his message of October 22d, 1839, Gov. Polk
recommends the conversion of a “million and a
hail” of unsaleable State Bonds into ‘Sterling
Bonds, with the interest payable abroad," to insure
their sale “at par.” ‘It would be a matter of no
greater inconvenience to the Bank to pay the setni-
auticipatt ur capoiate what*i > he'exBct > anDDum “ of | ,,nSeS ‘°,? llb . S ^ i2e " S P u «i*ber) certainly gets pos.
expenditure ma\ be from year to year, there may oecurnn ex*; SGSS,on - ,n cwo r -—' u
cess of retenue In the treasury,nut immediaieiy'called tor, to
be disbursed, which it wouldbe very inconvenient to abstract
from trade and circulation. Whilst the deposite is in n b.mk
tiu* hank may use it, keeping itself at the same time ready to pay
when demanded, and it is not,withdraw nlroni the general circu
lation, asso union money hoarded and withdrawn Ironi the use
ol the community.
If iu the hands* of receivers, they must either hoard it, by
keeping it locked up in a stkuKG box, or use tr at their
OW N RISK IN PRIVATE SPECULATION OR TRADE, or they lllitrl,
tor their o« n security, and on their own responsibility, place
It AT LAST o.V DEPOSITE IN BANKS FOR SAIF. KEEPING, until
the» are called on by the Go\eminent for it.
Thi* temporary lise of the money on deposite in a bank
constitutes the only compensation which the bank receive*
lor the risk ol keeping it, and for (lie services it performs, If
receivers be employed, they can perform no other service than
to keep the money, and must be paid a compensation from
the treasury.
Here it will be seen is a cogent argument
agiin-t the Sub-Treasury system.—He is r.ow
for that system. To a question put to Li in bv
certain ciiizens of Memphis a few weeks ago.
“Are you you in favor of the Sub-Treasury sys-
lent passed by Congress in 1840, and tepealed in
1941 ?” he answered‘‘I AM."
In his address of 1341, he attempted to reconcihi
tliis palpable inconsistency. He says that Gor
don’s Sub-Treasury proposition “was presented in
a crude and undigested form. It provided no vaults
or other places in which the pub ic money could be
safely kept. It provided no punishment for the
fraudulent or improper use of it,” 5co. A glance
at the arguments against thesvsTE.M as given above
will show the want of all candor in this explana
tion- It was not to the details of Gordon’s biil that
Gov. Polk objrcted in 1935, but to the system it
self—not to the imperfections of the bill, but to the
principles of employing individual collectors and
receivers to collect, keep and disburse the public
moneys. He doubted the heaviest security which
the most wealthy individual could give could rnaki
the public deposite safe at the point of large col
lection,” as at New York; aud “if he (the Receiver)
be corrupt” “the loss sustained by Government
would be inevitable.” Again, “between the re
sponsibility of a public receiver and bank corpora
tions” "the latter upon the ground of safety to the
public, are to be preferred.” Again, ho cbjecte to
‘receivers, because they must ‘hoard’ tiie public
moneys, which would seriously derange ‘trade and
circulation Ac. Thus, it clearly appears that so
far as regards this system,Gov. Polk hascomplete-
ly “charged his principles.”
Banks nsieg Public Moneys.
The reader doubtless observed this language
above, in relation to Banks using the public money.
As an argument in favor of bank agency in prefer,
ence to Sub-Treasury ogency, lie said :
Whilst the deposite is in a bank, the BANKS
MAY USE IT, keeping itself at the same time
ready to pay when demanded, and it is not with
drawn from the general circulation as so much mo
ney hoarded and withdrawn from the use of the
community”
This is his language in 1835. Now look below
and contrast it with « hat lie said in 1839. In his
printed address of that year, the following passage
occurs:
A direct vote was taken on this point in the House of Rep
resentatives, near the close of the session of Congress in 1831.
The Federal party now calling themselves Whigs, voted
against the proposition. And provided als >, That nothing
contained in this act shall be so construed as to authorise, the
difur made a similar statement with reference to
Mr. Grundy which it is not material here to insert.
They then udd:
“When th«r had (limbed, you remarked that, as to Mr.
Gruiidy and Col. PuJk youoould stale that they elated to you
leaf eunmiftr, at Nathville, that they thould support Jud^e
Wbita,!! he was a candidate. One of the undersigned enquir
ed whether Mr. Grundy and Co!. Polk mentioned in that con
versation whether they expected Judge White lobe nomina
ted by a National Convention before they would give him their
support. You replied, that nothing was said about a con
vention, and that you understood them to mean that they
w ould support Judge While, if he was run as a candidate, in
Any way he would suffer bis name to be used.**
All know how Got. Polk*s support of Judge
White turned out; The baUeries of the Polk
presses were turned against him. A few year# af.
ter, his organ hero (the Union) denounced Judge
White as a ‘RENEGADE* and predicted lhat his
•APOSTACY* will ‘CAUSE HIS MEMORY TO
BE HATED IN ALL TIME TO COME.’ He
wns charged with apostacy and federalism in the
Polk prints throughout the State; Col. Polk's own
language, in his address ofl839, though more cau
tious is to the same purport. He said :
"If Judge White ha* aeon fit to change hisnoliticn! position
3d support Mr. Clay in preference to Mr. Van Buren at the
and
next Presidential election, as he has declared his intention to
do, and if his leading friends in the State take the *aine course,
I cannot follow them ; and if thitf be a sufficient reason why I
ought not to be supported for Governor, be it so. 1 have been
too long in public life and mt opinions nre ton dee:
«d lor mo to change either MY ASSOCIATIONS OK PRIN
CIPLES.
Since Jiulgo White's death, Gov. Folk has for
political effect praised him in a public speech, and
the lidilor of the Union declared that "to the day
of his death Judge White went uniformly for his
old principles of a strict construction of the consti
tution. Comment is unnecessary upon such facts.
Tariffs of 1838 and 1843.
The Ex Governor at tbit tinio habitually de
claims against the Tariff of 1842, as "imposing
enormous duties against many articles of the first
necessity”—as being not only a ‘high’ but a ‘pro-
hibitory Tariff, Ac. In his printed Pulaski speech
last full, by nay of illustration he enumerates cer-
tainjurticles of necessity which he says are thus
taxed, among which are salt, brown sugar, bar iron
manufactured in part by rolling, pig iron, cotton
bagging, fianncls, axes, adzes, chisels, vices, draw-
ing knives, cutting knives and scythes, spades and
shovels, anvils, mill-saws, manufactures of wool,
manufactures of cotton, Ac. For the information
of the reader, we present here a table of tho duties
imposed by both the act of 1842 and the act of
1932, (for which last, Gov. Polk voted.) on the
identical articles he has enumerated :
Act of 1832. Act of 1842.
10 ct* per bush. 8 cts per busli,
Jot the Government depositr*for banking purposes. The
Republican party voted for it. The House was equally divj.
ded and it BECAME MY AGREEABLE Dl 7 TY TOGIVE
TIIE CASTING VOTE TO PREVENT THE BANKS
PROMISING THE PUBLIC MONEY on deposite with
[them iu loans to their customera, or lor any other banking pul
toses. The measure was afterwards defeated, and did not
•ecome a law. I refer thus particulaily to thi« vote because
it was marked by party lines, and is important to show the
’ ws of the two parties on this point.”
His Republican Simplicity.
Those who have ever heard Gov. Polk speak or
have read his publications, have in all probability
observed tiie frequency with which he talks of re
publican simplicity and purity. We now beg leave
to submit an illustration of litis principle.
Col. Polk's Gorgeous Chair.
We give below on extract copy of tho workman's
bill for making this Democratic Choir, as it was
presented to ami paid by Congress :
Washington, Dec. 1st, 1838.
The House of Representatives of the L T . States of America,
Dr.to Bush & Oliver, Upholttot
465, Broadway,Nei
To Crimson Velvet Cl.air for the .Speaker
To C7 yards of Silk Bullien fring, with gimp head
per yard 8^4
To 13 yards« I Silk and Worsted f 9
To 4 pair of Crimson Silk drapery Tae?
To 2 pair of Jo do large
To 20 >ard- of Silk Cable Cord
To 2 targe Milk Slides
To II pieces of India Satin Damask
To l.vj varJs of Crimson Florence Silk
To 143 yards ofMuslin Interliugs 12{
To lion fixtures
To Shield and Ornaments
To making Curtain over Speaker’s Chair
To bovine and P.icair.g
To Freight aud Cartaee
To expense and time ii. the Summer to measure
Do no to pul up Curtain
Do do ot tuari to a?si«l
To 3 \ aids of Silk and Worsted Fringe
I’o 12 do Crini»“U Uirij l.ace 1 Jj
annual interest abroad titan at the eastern cities’
els
Ao \fQ 00
12 40 00
6 rJ oo
30 33U 00
1 03 160 60
17 86
43 00
Gentlemen :*~I have e
of the fringe, tassel, u ml i
usual CphoUterscliaige
2181 37J
mined this bill as the mamiiacturer
,e, and «e And the prices to be the
*8“
• York
JOHN JOHNSON,
437, Broad wav.
Feb. 13, 1839.
1 have the best reason to believe that the < barer* made in
the written bill are such a* afford lo the undertaker! of the
work nothing more than reasonable profit, at.d rurU os are
paid h\ private pcn-cu. lor lire same material and labor.
1 (Signed,) T. L. SMITH.
Mr. T. L. Smitli was tiie Regi.ter of the Trees,
ary. and a Democrat. The ch.ir on which Col.
Bell sal when speaker cost iihout §30. M e sub
mit the vase without another word.
Siccative power and patronage.
Gov. Polk ono time habitually made war upon
Executive power and patronage. That w as w hen
Mr. A Jams was in power. Since his own friends
have controlled the niiminislration of public htiairs.
lie ha. been quite a changed man. The proof, in
a circular to his constituents dnled March 4, 1927.
he declared Ilia belief that executive patbo.nage is
ALREADY TOO GBEAT, IS INCREASING, AND OUGHT TO
be diminished, of tho contest ol tiiat litivo between
the ins and outs, lie said—
said he, ‘aud in order lo make the Bonds available
at an early day it is recommended that they be au
thorized to take that form.’ ‘Thus ills seen that
one of the first acts of his administration was to re
commend a measure which had it been carried out,
would have greatly increased the burdens of the
people and caused an annual drain of specie from
the State, which would have flowed directly in the
pockets of the British Bankers and Capitalists, and
thereby entailed upon the State tiie very evils so
loudly complained of iu the case of the late L’uited
States Bank, viz : that foreign Lords and Ladies
owned its stock and yearly drained the precious
metals in payment of their dividends. M’hat think
the honest democracy who have so steadily urged
this complaint against the United States Bank, of
this position of their leader I
Appointment of A. O- F. Nicholson
The appointment of Mr. Nicholson to be a Sena
tor of the United Slates, at the time il was made, and
' ° r jci ou ! tinder the circumstances, was unquestionably high-
j iy anti-republican aud violative of the known wish-
(its 00! cso f (he |,eople of Tennessee. It was just after
35 140 on the Presidential election of 1840, in which Gov.
Polk took an active part as a stump.speaker, in
which Mr. Nicholson wasaVun Buren Elector,
and in which the people of the Slate cast a majori.
ty of more than 12,000 against them, and for tho
lamented statesman and hero of North Bend. Gov.
Po’.k mokes repeated professions of obedience to
THEPopULAr. will; in what way will he explain
this to be such a case of‘obedience 7’ In what
way will he maintain his right to be called a "con
sistent republican" in view of this appointment of
the rejected Nicholson (rejectad as an elector by
the popular vote of the whole State) “to reflect
THE DISTINCTIVE CHARACTOR OF THE STATE" in the
Senate of the United States? Let this be explain*
ed.
Treachery towards Fudge White.
Under this Head we have a case of extraordina*
ry political turpitude to expose. M’hen the Ten
nessee members of Congress held a meeting in
M’ashington in 1934 to consider what course to
pursue touching the then recent nominations of
Judge White for the Presidency, Gov. Polk was
invited to attend. The lion. Luke Lea, w ho invi
ted him, affirms that
"lie h.d n-queiit-d Col. Polk to Allend the meeting, and
he ,aid he did not ihiuk herould do »o,owing to the personal
relation, in which tie eluod to rcix.e of the drtegniion, and
Sfked the rel.ier. (Lea'.) advice upon the euhject hut al
though he declined alteuding, be il.led he wra. O*for Judge
White iu preference to any other in.n fur the Pre»idency—
that the people i f hi« district were for him, nod that he would
cu a. fArea Any of (he delegation in xnpport ot hi. .lection
under uny circum,!.ncc» that he, JuJgc White, would per
mit his name lobe ue* d."./ Jl
in a letter lo Cavo Johnson, dated Jan. 1, 1635,
Messrs. Stnmhfcr, Peyton, Inge. Bell, Forrester,
Lea and Dickinson, seven members of tiie Ten.
oessce deiegalon, affirm that Mr. Lea made the
above statement at the meeting, and that Mr. Stall.
2J cts per lb.
$18 per ton
31 r.ta*q yd.
30 percent.
30 “ «
30 ° “
30 “ “
30 “ “
2J “ *•
$1 eaclt
8 cts per lb.
50 per cent
7J cissq yd
$1 50 per pair
2J ct* per lb.
$30 per ton
$17 per ton
4 cts sq yd.
14“
30 per cent.
30 ‘‘ "
30 “ **
30 « «
30 " “
tl each
3 cts per lb.
40per cent
25 porcent
Gets sq yd,
$1 35 per pair
40 00
20 00
18 n
5o ou
50 (-0
50 00
$9 27 00
3 371
Salt
Brown sugar
Bar lion manufartur
ed in part by rolling $30 per ton
Bar iron, nol inanu*
feetured by rolling,
Cotton Bagging
Flannels.
Axes,
Adzes,
Chisels
Vices,
Draw ing knives,
Cutline knives and
Scythes.
Spades and Shovels,
Anvils,
Mill-saws,
Cut Nails,
Wool Mnnulactures,
cotton Manufactures not
otherwise, specified 30 per cent
All dimities, shirting
homespun, sheet
ing, cotlou flannels
and every other un.
dyed cotton, not
exceeding 20 cents
cost per yard,
Boots und Bootees,
inode of leather,
Boots and Bootees,
for womenof leath
er, $150perpir $0 50perpair
Jt is thus seen that the Polk Tariff of 1832 is
higher than the Whig Tariff of 1S42. M’hen the
former was passed, there was no necessity for im
posing high duties for revenue, as the Treasury re
ceipts already exceeded the expenditures 86,000,-
000 annually. M’hen the latter was pussed, the
necessity for increased revenue was absolute and
pressing. But if the M’hig duties upon ‘articles
of the first necessity’ are ‘enormous,’ what are the
higher Polk duties ? If the M'hig Tariff is not on-
ly 'high* but ‘prohibitory,’ what is the higher Polk
Tariff? Reflecting men will properly answer these
questions.
Countenancing the “Thirteen.”
In one of his late replies to the Memphis inter,
rogatories, he makes an argument a good deal ia.
bored, to sustain and justify the course of thethir-
teen Democratic Senators in our last Legislature,
who refused to go into the election of Senators to
the Congress of the United States by the joint bal
lot of the two Houses of the General Assembly—
the old mode invariably practised in this State. We
will only add the fact that Gov. Polk, while a mem.
her of the Tennessee Legislature in 1832, fully
sanctioned this mode of election, and voted in the
Contest between Gen. Jackson to be a Sonator in
'•he Congress of the United States. But we must
close.
Surely here are consistencies enough in the life
of one man !—a man too, w ho ofteu boasts, I have
never changed ! He has been for and against al
most every thing—for and against Internal Im
provements by the General Government—for and
against State Banks—for and against the Sub.
Treasury—for and against the use of the public
nioney by deposit banks—for and against Federal
Power and Patronage—for and against running in
debt to foicigners—taxing Tea and Coflee, Salt,
Iron and Sugar—high Tarifl’ duties—the thirteen,
Arc. Ac. He has by Iris own showing, also been
a Federalist, for he affirms that high Tariffs, and
Internal Improvements by the General Gov
ernment constitute the gist of Federalism. He
has likewise been a disorganizer for he gives coun.
tenunce ar,d sanction to the thirteen in perpetrating
the grossest outrage upon the will of the majority
ever attempted by any Legislative minority. But
our space brings us to a stop. The facts and evi.
dences above recorded speak for themselves. All
we ask for them is a careful examination. Gov.
Polk is again before the people for their suffrages
—let the reader ponder these facts of the record,
and then nobly act for himself.
An RIVAL OF THE HIBERNIA.
13 Days Inlet from Europe.
The steamship Hibernia, Capt. Uyrie, arrived
at Boston on M’ednesdav last, after a passage of
12 1.2 days.
Bv this arrival we have received M’ilmer (A
Smith’s European Times, of the 4th inst., front
which we make up our selections of the Foreign
Intelligence w hich will be found in this morning's
Courier.
The Hibernia had an unusual large share of pas
sengers, numbering 111 from Liverpool to llali.
fax and Boston, and 6 from Halifax.
The demand, at Liverpool, on the 3d, for Cotton,
was steady,and the middling qualities of Ameri
can being sparingly offered, the market continues
tolerably Arm. It is generally understood, that if
better prices were insisted upon, the demand would
band I
• • mi • ‘
gm spottr***!
".lilLLBDGSviLLB:
Taesdny Morwia*. Jwlyaa, 1844.
Per President.
HENRY CLAY.
Por Vice President,
THEODORE FRELINGHUYSEN-
BX.HCTOSLAX* TICKET.
FOR THE STATE AT I.1RCK.
JOSEPH HENRY LUMPKIN, ol Oglethorpe.
JOEL CRAWFORD, of Early.
TOR THE DISTRICTS.
1. w«. p. McConnell, of Liberty.
2. THACKER B. HOWARD, of Muscogee.
3. CHRISTOPHER B. STRONG, of B,bb.
4. B. A. T. RIDLEY, of Troup.
5. DAVID IRWIN, of Cobb.
0. CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clarke.
7. Wm. C. DA M’SON. of Greene.
8. CHARLES J. JENKINS, of Richmond.
WHIG CANDIDATES POR CONGRESS.
1st Dist. THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn.
2nd « WM. H. CRAWFORD, of Sumter.
3d “ WASHINGTON POE, oi Bibb.
4th “ JOHN J. FLOYD, of Newton.
5th •* II. V. M. MILLER, of Floyd.
6th “ J. W. IL UNDERM’OOD, of Habersh’m.
7th “ ALEX. IL STEPHENS, of Taliaferro.
8th » ROBERT TOOMBS, of Wilkes.
PEOPLE OF GEORGIA, CHOOSE TIIE RIGHT.
The contest waxes warm; The spirit of true Whig,
gcry has been aroused in many sections of our State,
and we have evidence before us that in all parts of it,
the M’higs will do their duty. On the other hand, the
Poll; and Dallas faction, are desperate iu their exer
tions to get the vote of Georgia. The end, with them,
justifies all means which they can use to promoto it.
Allied together for but one purpose, they use every in
strument they can, adopt any heresy, sanction and ad
vance any argument, to attain their object—while the
M’higs, with their principles engraved upon every ban
ner, advanced by every press, and proclaimed from ev
ery stump, with truth for their guide, and their coun
try’s prosperity, their aim, are prepared and preparing
to march “lo battle and to victory."
Feeling the justice and strength of our cause, we
cannot too often contrast, during this Presidential can
vass, tiie position assumed by tho Whig Party of the
Union, with that of their opponents, Il is by compari
son, that the people who seek after truth, will be ena-
bled lo form correct opinions, and then to act according
ly. Calmly, and briefly will we pursue this course, ask
ing only from those who seek to know the truth, a fair
and impartia. hearing, for it shall be our endeavor to
mete out even handed justice to all. Note, then, people
of Georgia, Whig principles !
Economy In the Federal Administration.
The M’hig Party have ever been opposed to extrara.
gance in the administration of National atFairs. They
now go for an economical administration of the Federal
Government. Their leader has ever been an opponent
of extravagance in action, or in theory—and, let it be
remembered, that, when lie was Secretary of State
from 1824, to 1S29, the Government was administered
at 813,000,000 per annum. Contrast this with Van
Bwren’s administration, at an average annual cost, of
835,000,000, and surely, laying aside all professions,
the/ac/, that there was adifference in the two administra.
lions of 822,000,000, should speak volumes in favor of
tho M’hig cause. When we add too to this, that ex-
travagance leads to corruption, and that corruption was
detected during the reign of extravagance, it forms no
unimportant principle of the M'hig party, that pledges
to the country an economical administration of the Gov
ernment, should Mr. Clay be elected. Georgians who
have sufi'ered so much by the extravagant administra
tion of their own State affairs by the Democratic partv,
will know to appreciate this whig principle.
The One Term Principle.
Intimately connected with the above, is another prin
ciple which the Whigs advance, and which will tend
greatly, in its practical operation for all future time,
to keep the Government honest, M'e mean the one
term principle. Should Mr. Clay be elected, be stands
pledged to retire at the end of four years, and he also
stands pledged not to dictate to the people, who his
successor shall be. He will designate no heir to his
honors, much less will lie be base enough to promote
such an iniquity, with the power or the patronage, he
may wield. His history is a sacred guaranty against
it, and his honor is pledged to avoid that rock, upon
which General Jackson had well nigh totally wrecked the
ship of State. A people’s indignation properly aroused
alone saved it from absolute destruction. Upon the
M'hig banner then, is also engraved the one term prin
ciple—a principle salutary, wise, and well calculated
to banish from the chair of the Chief Magistrate of this
glorious Republic, undue party influence, A President
for one term is more likely to be the representative of
the Nation, than the representative of a party. His
own fame demands it.
The Tarifl.
The Government economically administered, will re
quire moderate revenue, and moderate revenue will re.
quire a moderate Tariff. Hence, as it is a Whigprin.
ciple to supply tho Government with on! y rev-
enue to support it, by a Tariff, that Tariff will not be
either excessive or oppressive, but will be so levied, as
to afford, by discriminations, incidental protection to
home industry, and at tho same time, yield only
enough for revenue. The absolute wants of the Gov.
eminent will be provided for by a Tariff, and nothing
more. It is false lhat they are in favor of realising any
surplus for distribution among tho States. That is
democratic policy—corrupting iu its influence, and in
jurious to the political weal. The M higs are as much
opposed to it, as they are to the free trade doctrines
of the Democrats, and their consequent result, direct tax-
aiion. A Tarifl’for Revenue—a tariffsuflicient to meet
the wants of the Government, is all they advocate.
The slang of our opponents about high protection, and
oppression to the South, can best be answered by referring
them to Mr. I’o.k’s recent letter. The Democratic
Candidate has assumed Mr. Clay’s position on the Tar-
ifl ", who then can have the hardihood to condemn this
M’.'ii£ principle !
Modification ot the Veto Power.
A modification of the Veto power is another principle
contended for by the M’higs. They propose to do this
—lo so alter or amend tlie Constitution, that tho pas
sage of an act which has once been vetoed by the 1‘rcs.
ident, by a succeeding or new Congress—the question
involved having been submitted to the people shall con-
fad off, and the stock on hand being so heavy, with a : * l a law. It is not for an abolition of the Veto
prevailing belief that the last crop will far exceed the
^ recent estimates, that,in short, il will nol he much,
if any, below two .millions and a half—holders
are content to sell at the current rates. The mar.
ket may, upon the whole considered steady, and if
there is an absence of great excitement, there are
oo existing symptoms of depression.
Saddle Galls.—Saddle Gulls are generally oc
casioned by an unequal pressure on the saddle, or
by a saddle being badly fitted to a horse’s hack, and
if neglected they grow into very ugly and trouble
some sores. When these inflamed tumors arc suf
ficient to disperse and drive them away, if applied
ns soon ns the saddle is pulled off; but when lhat
will not have the desired effect, by washing them
twice a day in the mixture I shall here reenmotend,
the cure will be readily performed.—Take of
-harp vinegar one gill ; spirits of any kind, one
talle spoonful ; to be well mixed before used.
power, they contend ; but fur a nxvjijicalion of it. Now,
the President of the United States, can, by his exercise
of the \ eto power, absolutely prevent an act of Con.
gress, no matter how often it may pass and meet the
people’s approbation, from becoming a law. The whig*
propose to limn tins power—to refer the question it*,
volvcd, first to the people, and should they favor Uto
act of Congress, tor it to become a law. A modifica
tion of the Veto power is therefore a limitation of Exec-
utivc power. It is making one man yield to many men
upon qutstions which involve the common interest* of
the whole. M ho can forget Gen. Jackson’s arbitrary
exercise of tho Veto power! M'bo can think of John
Tyler’s exercise of it, without feeling that unprincipled
tyrant* can be found iu Republics, a* well at in Mon-
archies I
Distribution of the Proceeds of the Puhtie Lands.
Another Whig prinrt;*, imolvcd in the prcuenl con.
c»t, i* Distributism of the Proceeds n/tht P.bl i
This distribution is the first, we believe, that be ***'
of Georgia ever opposed—and let it not be f'" 0 ''''
either, that when the distribution ua« inaj 0
the Democratic Governor, Charles J. McUunj 'V^
agent, Mark A. Cooper, was the first man i 0 L ^
tho door of tho United States Treasury, and d*?*
Georgia’s share. They would not advocate i|, e J*
but like a hungry wolf, rushed and demanded 'I, Wlt, '
w.'-h slmnelesa haate. Now, who i. bcnefiiteiH ,k# ’'
holding the proceeds of the public | am i. , ^
States ? Is it the people ol the U. Slates! r ,k|
not-forit must be apparent to every
amount placed in the Stale’s Treasury by th.’i!"*** 4 *
lion ol the proceeds of the public lands will liT' 1 *
much either of the State’s debt, or tlm
led upon the people. In either case, j, *
oeoule from fl nnrtinn nf iU . . .
people from a port.on of the taxes wrhich th U -
pay. But if you do not distribute it amon* ,k. m h
wham do you benefit ! Why no one but B ril n ’
labels and British Manufacturers—f or you " IC **'
the Tariff act, or accumulate a surplus in the r* ^
which according to Democratic policy will
distribution any how. True, some contend fo^ll*
ent policy. Mr. Calhoun, f or instance, was if,
givmg the public lands to the States m wLi
lie-aud other measures were proposed of neari ^
ilar character. But the Whigs advance but I”*
pie,plain, straight forward way of diep 0 ,i„ , *■
The public lands belong to the States, and fil
cate the proceeds arising from their sales lobe , ‘ ln '
the Slates. Can any thing bo more roasonabuT*!!
there any thing unjust in taking that which ‘
own 1 How much belter it is, t0 use it ih 0 .
make our public domain a hobby, upon which ‘
demagogue would attempt to ride into power!
A United States Dank.
A sound currency-a currency of uniform n u.„
the whole Union, the Whig, ,l 80 advocate
propose the establishment of a United Slate's 111"
promote so desirable an object. This it 7.'
their principles, and experience, lhat best of-nTT 1
hath taught the people that, in ibis, the Wk
right. Experiment after experiment ha. tJTJI
to do without suck an In.mution, but failure la
result of every one of them. The GoventeJ7?
the want of such a Bank, has in the course of ih?!
ten years, lost millions upon millions. Not 1 Z,t
it ever lose by the old United Stales Bank iJiv
ttaelf, proves its utility. The Whigs, therefore
all the lessons of experience which they hare le'ind
to prove to them that they are on the right tmek.
favor of the eatablishment ofauchan Institution
would guard il well from abuses, and would g'JJ
power of doing good alone. As far a. bumuLJ
could reach, they would exercise it, to prevent it, JS
made subservient to either a party, or a]man. It
be—and if the Whigs create it, it will be a Ng*
Institution, dispensing benefits equally upon lbe M
and the rich; giving to the people a sound currein
checking tho local banks from over issues; mT*
venting hazardous speculation. In a word, the Wife
want such a Fiscal agent, as was approved of tpffgj
ington and Madison, and which, through a series
years, proved of vast service to botu the people uji
Government.
These, then, are Whig principles. With fifth!
able, and honest representatives and public offiem*
carry them out, they must prove lasting benefit, toft
whole country. In the long life devoted to it* ^
the people have a certain guaranty, that the pUtf
chief of the M’hig party, Henry Clay, will
administer the Government, in consonance with tk*
principles, but that he will administer il witbipj)
of purpose and an honesty of intention such as hem*
one, who is, emphatically, an AmericanPatuoi. U
let us now briefly turn our attention to our oppoMfi
their principles, and their chief.
Our Opponents.
M ho are they ? They are a party united togetka
for the purpose alone of attaining power. Intbeiri
are to be found politicians of every hue, bora th
Hartford Couventionist, to the modern Fedoraliat,
men, and freetraders—Bank men and anti.Bnnk *
Texas and disunion men. They style themselvn
,icrats, but they are Democrats of a modem u
whose action upon all questions, since the day, of,
non, prove them lo be the destructives of the cm
l\o such democrats were to he found in the day**
revolution—no such Democrats were to be found i
c’ays of M’m. H. Crawford. Then, democrat,
governed by principles—these were proclaimed
the house tops—now,
What are their Principles!
In vain do we call upon them lo proclaisi tk*
The only answer that they give is, “M’e are o/pudl
the Tariff, we are opposed to a Bank, we are typtad
Distribution”—in a word, they are opposed to.,
thing, and in favor of nothing but the itnraediilei
ation of Texaa, or a dissolution of the Union, if
Siouih Carolina allies can make them go that fir:
only principle, then, tiiat they do proclaim is the
humbug. Upou this, abuse of Mr. Clay, aod 1
nesentation of Whig principles, they are striving tali*
into power; and then, people of Georgia, you villi
find out what are their principles. Instead of t
the hard.money Sub-Treasury will be the fiscal 8*
of the country. Instead of a modification of ita Y
power, if possible it will be enlarged. Instead of
ing to the Slates their share of the proceeds of lb* ’g
lie lands, ii will be turned over to Sub-Treasury n* 1
to be used to continue Mr. Polk in the Pre*ide*tM
chair,or to elect a named successor. Instead ofaT* 1
iff, you may expect fres trade and direct taxation *
stead of an economically administered GoveE-
you may look out for extravagance like tbit vhid
tinguiabed the career of Martin Van Buren. L-
ofalVesidcnt who will look to the interestsoftbe
people, guarding and protecting them with 1 **
eye, you will see alone the President of a party
stead of permitting the militia of the States to
military duly, according to the laws oi each, a
array will relieve them from such perfornusth
we, who live m Georgia, may be marched to!
and quartered there, ten day* in a year, to h*
good acldiers of. These are their principles—ad
proclaimed, it is true, but kept behind ihe curtai**
practically enforced wbenover they have the po»»
and tbeir leader, to whom we shall now refer, ■**
instrument for such a parry! Let us refer lo *•*,
Janes K. Polk. r
The political history of Sir. Polk proves hi®
Unworthy of the high station to which Ins p*NJ*_
elevate him. In addition to this, there ar*
porlant reasons why he should not be .
magistrate of this glorious Union. To •‘1*****
Presidency a man, the descendant of a North C
tory, is a direct insult to the memory °f ,,ur
ary sires, as well as to that snail band ol rerol-
ry soldiers t ho have been spared till o' 1 *'
among us. But, in addition to this, his »w» •“*
nectcd with the aoldiers of the Revolution,
him beyond ihe chanec even of filling the hrtt --
the gift of freemen. M’ho does not know, jk
occasions, Mr. Poik voted iu Congress *#*,-•'
claims of the revolutionary soldiers to d* ’“J;
• ions now bestowed by a grateful nation “l** 1 ■
If any ouc doubts, let him look to thereooi»i
will be convinced! Of lory ancesUViand sgk 1 ^
olulionary soldiers, what can be expected -
Who wdl tote for hiut! Surely the
a loader ought to couvinc* the great heJj 1
ocratio party in Georgia, that there i»
ten in Denmark”—that lie is not the leader *
tbemaclre* would select. ,
For his other political act*, let out K> °