The Georgia journal. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1809-1847, September 10, 1844, Image 2

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'St 1 —as: SPEECH AT ALBANY. Mr. Wabiter having conaluded bis most able sod powerful defence of Whig principle* and Whig polio/, loud aeltf wdre made for (Granger, Steven*, die., when the latter came forward and in a parti, nent manner introduced Senator Berrien of Geor gia, who haa been travelling for the recreation of hi* family, and who ha* attended several meeting* in Georgia, Pennsylvania. and Massachusetts, and now came to lend a Itelping hand to tho Whigs. of Albany in urging on the lido of victory in the Em pire State. As he came to tho front lie wits greet, ed most cordially, when he thus addressed ttie ea ger moss: Pillow citizens—l thunk you sincerely for the cordial greeting you have given mo. It tvas (said he) impossible to survey the vast assemblage guilt, •red ao densely around tho platform, and met to. gather to deliberate on questions of vitul impor. loooe te the bust interests of the American puople, without being sensibly moved; nor cuuhl a man refuse an appeal so kindly expressed. Mo felt deep gratification in yielding obedience to the cull. Nor could it bo regarded merely ns an act of obo. dience ; it was a claim he held—tho right to ad. dress his fellow.citizons, by virtue ol hi* share in the free citizenship of the republic. Mis locul home 'Was far distunt from the scene of this day’s glory ; •■but wherever Liberty dwelt—and wherever free- ■ men with stout hearts and strong hands to defend her were found, there wus his home. And despite ■ the cry of “Texas aud Annexation,” and the grum. bling threats of miserable disunionists, the last look which he should be permitted to give abroad ut his native land from the verge of the grave would see it still united and free. He appeared (he continu ed) before tbenini a moment deeply interesting to . theircominon country. He would not like a cer. -tain statesman,say that we Imd arrived at a crisis —for already had the country outlived many such acrisi* as that statesman was fond of predicting had arrived. But we have arrived at tho period of an exciting canvass, nor did he, for one. fear the prospect.—He Imd traversed various purls of the country of late, and the people, knowing well that the principles he Imd over upheld were Conserva. -fine, had listened to him,and he was convinced therefrom that an overwhelming majority of the people were ready to defend such principles. II" had no fears for tho perpetuity of the Union, and if unhappily the reins of government should come by some terrible visitation of God, into the hands o the party whose agents are sought to be ihurst up on the people—if the Sub.Treasury advocates—i* the men who continually deny the rights of the peo- pie—if the men who refuse to defend and protect the domestic industry of his (Mr. B.’s) country, ■ should unfortunately prevail, still lie did not fear disunion. Hut if tho people will submit tho bond of Union to a test sufficient to make thu heart of ■ the upright statesmen fuil—(a voice “ we never will*’) then indeed have we arrived at a period of interest to every American,—wholher we shall commit the destinies of this government to those whose principles and measures have been traced in such fervid eloquence by the distinguished speaker who had just taken his seut, (Mr. Webster) or to those advocating principles of policy adverse to the ' interests of this country, a fate which under Uud, ' lie trusted never would be the lot of tho American people. In his travels lie had listened to much in. teresting discussion, and lie invariably found that the issues of the campaign of 1840 were avoided by the opponents of the Whig parly. Aud in thu, suffering those issues to go by default they but nc knowledge'! that the voice of the American people had been given ugainst them. The questions at is sue were “Protection to Domestic Industry,” and the “Annexation of Texas,” and on these quos. tions he desired to say u few words. On the Tar- • iff the historical argument by which tho power of the Federal Government to create u Tariff is es- tab'.ished has been delineated by the Hon. gentle, man who had last spoke, with all the force of elo. ■quence and unanswerable logic for which that gen. tleman is distinguished, and which, in tho face of political opposition, bus found un access to tho 'heart of every American patriot. Ho (Mr. Berrien) ■ could not therefore be txpccted to delay the assem- • bly with an argument to prove tho constitutional power of tho Federal Government to protect Its own domestic industry. He (Webster) had truced > in characters of living light tho history of this coun- - try and had shown indisputably that the Govern- - ment had been instituted for the promotion of tho prosperity and happiness of the people—to regulate • our foreign and internal commerce, and was armed with all the revenue powers of the Constitution, and unless the power belonged to the General Govern- ment to protect the industry of the country by fos tering aud protecting domestic industry.it would be powerless to effect tbo great object for which it was instituted. As a Southern man, and coming from a part of the country adverse to the tariff, he was present to give his views, not simply as a South, ern man, but as an American statesman. Looking at this question in all its great and national features, he advocated a turifffor revenue and a discrimina ting, not incidental, but an intended purposed tar- ■ iff for the production of the domestic industry of llio American people. Hu did soboenuso he full it was best calculated to increase the productive wealth of the nation. Admitting, for argument sake, that as a Southern man ho hud no interest in the pro- . teclion of the Northern manufactures—n position • he denied as a true one—yet as an American im bued with a love for his country, ho had an interest in increasing the sum of American wealth. It was . because it stimulated the general prosperity that he was die advocate of a liberal tariff which would uf- iford full protection to American industry. He then proceeded to examine tho argument against the tariff, and to expose its objectionable character, by showing tlmt the 400.000 hales of . raw cotton consumed by Northern manufacturers did more to increase tho woulth of tho country by increasing the demand, aud supplying a home ntar. kol.for the consumption of American produce, than the same amount shipped to foreign countries. Take, said he, these 400,000 bales and arid them to the already overstock in the European market, and estimate wlmt they will bring in the raw stale, aud compare this to tho same number of bales, when . issued out of the workshops of the North, und see the balauco in fuvor of American manufactures ; and this, lie considered, should regulato tho duly of every American statesman, when deliberating on this question of protection. Ho also advocated tho tariff, because he consid ered it best calculated to preserve llio public mor als (|f tbo nation. Alt persons wero familiar with the temptations which beset poverty, and it be came a questiur, of vital interest to every ntan who desired to see the general character of tho country, . unsullied, whether we shall luvo a class of opera, lives os wretched and degraded as that of Great ,Uritnin, or a band of intelligent operatives, who shall be able to understand the constitution of their country, and while they a re supported and protected by it* provisions, shall render to it, in return, tho support of honest, independent freemen. This is the question for tho statesman to consider. Again this people is a frcepeoplo.a glorious legacy Irom Jlieir forefathers, and he us one of the people, advo. , cated the tariff for protection, because it was cui. . culutqd la elevate lite national character, and to absolve the country from a relianco on the pnuper -labor of Europe. It was a fact written on tho pa. ges of history, that u country which relied on for eign labor for it* supplies, never could or had will), in it, that vpijit ol'fieodoin, such as he felt lie had, and such us lie Imped is fell in the breasis of his countrymen throughout Ihn Union. Ho had Imped that the 20 millions of the present generation would .be succeeded by 70 million* of us free ami noble a .race ; and lie would profer to know that tho com. ing generation—speuking, as they will, the •amt language—holding to tho same principle of civil liberty—having ono bund of Union, and kneel ing at one common alter to Worship a common God—with every variety of climate and soil, with all capabilities of producing ell articles which skill and enterprise can Invent—with tho raw products abounding, who, he would ask, is willing that these 70 millions, thus trained and educated to enjoy the blessing of freedom, shall be tributary to the work shops of Europe for ail the necessaries and com forts of life? Such was the principles which gov. erned him, not ns a Southern man, in advocating a tariff for protection, but ns an American stulcsinun, in deliberating on whatever appertained to the in terest of the American people. He advoented the tnrilf, because it drew closer tho bond of Union which connects the country.— if there is aught calculated tu preserve the happi ness of a people, it is that feeling ofuclivo bouev- olenee which is exerted equally for the inhabitant uf the inland lake and southern river, und is felt equally from northern seaboard to (lie utmost lim it ol'lhe Western Sabine. And had he (Mr. B.) a boon to ask from his country to cheer the close of a life passed in its service, it would he that each American would love his fellow as a brother, as children having a common interest in thebond of llio Union’s confederacy. Pussing to tho details, or rather cavils of our opponents, to the system of pro tection, he observed tlmt it wus sought to be oppos ed to the tariff of 1842, tliut in its operation it had raised the prices of ull articles which were required for purchase, aud Imd depressed tho vuluo of all articles for sale. How true this argument was, he would nut pretend to say ; but us a Southern man, ho was assured by the tho concession of the oppo items of the lariffilmt the Southern planters sold at higher rates and purchased at cheaper prices now than before the operation of the present tariff; and they seek to explain it by the argument that it is caused by the depression of prices in the Euro pean markets. Thus, by the very urgument they are compelled to employ to explain this improved state of things, they admit tlmt tho tariff of 1842 has not had tile effect ascribed to it by some of tho members of thoir own party. [He then proceeded to compare the condition of the country before the operation of the tariffof 1842 to what it is now.]— Before General Harrison came into power, the en ergies of the country wero paralyzed—every thing in the muikel was depressed—die manufactories were closed—our national credit was impaired, and a bill drawn on the Government of the United States was held up in the Senate Chamber and there publicly protested for non-payment—the Government was in debt—the treasury notes is sued to meet the dillicuity were below par—an a- gent was sent to Europe to beg a loan, and it is a well known fuel tho Government of twenty mil. lions of freemen could not burrow money in tlmt market on as good terms as a responsible individ ual. Such wus the slate of matters and such the degradation of tho country under tho operation of tho Compromise Act, which had destroyed tho re. sources of the Government. How stands it now under the Tariff of 1842. The credit of tho Government has been redeemed—tho treasury notes uro at par—tbc script issued to meet the debt of the outgoing administration is above par, and a surplus of over seven millions of dollars lias been lying in tho public treusury subject to pub lic draft. Such is the result of tlmt measure, and so deeply was he (Mr. B.) impressed with its ne cessity, that though told that it would add burdens to his friends, lie replied that lie would not consent to the adjournment of Congress until action Imd been Imd to remove the stain on American credit. He told them tlmt it was to save them from a more grievous burden that he voted for the tariff—from the burden of national dishonor. When called upon, ho told twenty thousand patriotic Georgians, that the man who, in viow of such results to the country, would refuse to vote for tlte protection of the industry—"he might bo a ve ry good British subject, but 1 swear,” said lie, “that he could not he a good American patriot.” lie then proceeded to examine wlmt tlte oppo. neuts of the tariff, would givo in its place in ex change for domestic industry, and which would invigorate every American heart. It was Free Trade ! And what, asks he, is Free Trade, and wliero does it exist? (a voice, “no where,”)— Where in the present condition of the world can it exist ? Some learned Fabian ol a Congressman had somewhere read in some old history about some Grecian city having imposed a tax of 20 per cent, on some grain which wus introducod for tho con sumption of its citizens, and inspired with a rever ence for the wisdom of the ancients, tilts Fabian seized on tho Grecian 20 percent, as the legiti. male rate for taxing all importations ; anil thus or. igfnuted the free trade of our opponents, which lie (Air. B.) described facetiously as a 20 percent. Grecian horizontal duty, and such were tho free trade notions of James K. Polk. And it was to bring about this horizontal tariff tlmt a southern member introduced a billot the recent session, to provide for the re-enactment of the exploded Com promise Act. Free trade, then, means nothing more or less than a liorizontal.duty ad valorem of 20 percent on all articles imported into thiscoun- try. As to free trade, it was impossible that it could exist in Europe, oppossed as every portion of it was by taxation. Great Britain herself, with whom we are so closely aud intimately connected, cannot even admit the principle. Her customs now an nually bring into her treasury over twenty-three millions of pounds sterling, and from wlmt other source of taxation can she derivo such n sum, should sho throw open her ports to please the ad. vocutes of free trade. Even now, in times of peace, she has her income tux—a thing never be. fore resorted to, unless under the soverc pressure ofa Imrrassing war. Everything capubio of being taxed is taxed, and England never can resign her customs. Tho heaviest tax imposed, both here and there, is when her Free Trade advocates at. tempt to impose on the credulity of this country, and at the wot Id, by representing Great Britain as in fuvor of Free Trade 7 Gan Amerca have Free Trade? The choice is between a discriminating duty und direct laxution. The people have taken from tho States tho power of levying imposts, and placed that poworin the General Government, and it is in vain to think that direct taxation cun exist llio United States. Tho maxim of American statesmen is this—looking at our vast internal commouco when compared with our little foreign commerce—“Free and unrestricted commerce with ourselves—reciprocal commerce with the na. tions of the globe,” Such is tho policy which will be curred out by Clay and bis advisers, if tho con test now pending eventuate as wo eagerly antici pate it will. We shall leave our internal com merce free, and meet the nations of the world— yielding when they yield, and demanding when they demand. As to tho idea of Free Trado, we, the American nutiun, approach nearer tu it lliuu ail the other nations of tho world—we lag far behind them in the imposition of imposts. To cxpluiu this position, he took Great Brilutu as an example. She levies nil 47 articles, which we could export, a duty of 280 per cent., and if you abstract the ur. tides of cotton, thu average would he 300 percont. Sho derives 220 millions annually from her cits toms, and 28 millions or ono quarter of her whole imposts is derived from articles wo export to her. She received in 1838,, 1839 aud 1840, un income of fifty milliuns and over, from imposts on our exports; while we, in the sumo period, re ceived but seventeen millions on thu average, from all the imports of tho countries of the world. How. then, can our opponents usk us to impose hut 20 per cent, on imports, when Engluml, ns is shown, imposos 330 pur cent, on our exports to Iter ? It is in vain, said he, to ntlempt to delude the American people by ths ideal conception of mcro abstraction ists—Free Trade ! Tlmt protection is endeavored to b i made a Polk argument, Air. B. observed. So perfectly settled is the great truth of the necessity uf pro tection with the American people, that 1 have found tho friends of Jumos K. Polk saying to the people tlmt ho too is the advocate of Protection ! This attempt, »aid Mr. H., exceeds in impudence any tiling ever beforo attempted by tbo parly, to impose Uteri and sons in tlte struggle, by their presence un the American people. If Jumei K. Polk Is TOn/ngthem at their council mootings. Among thu advocate of Protection, where is it recorded Itfe Whigs of Georgia, Pennsylvania and Massu- in tho history of his country. Where ha* I cluseUs, the spirit was thoroughly arouiad, and he he ever shown himself the advocate of R tariff, Jhfped the Empire Stuto would be as nctivo and cither accidental, incidental, actual or pur--rj(arm in the cause. He assured them on bohnll ol posud ? To expose the fallacy of such attempt* > n!ie Whigs of Georgia, that tho banner they boro to make James K. Polk appear as the advocate | mbs the same as llioirs. For them, he assured the of protection, Mr. proceeded to judge him from hit^! Whigs ol New York, that it was no sectional or What .,„!SR?ffliwRSs5 b. .j. purporting to be a letter signed by Jnlm PurJ • old and respectable clt.zen or M “ nr “. g (ll f his reason, for abandoning the Wing own words, trad toad several pmsagos from a pamphlet of Polk’s speeches and letters. Lot hint speak, said Mr. B. lor himself. 1 appeal not from Alexander drunk to Alexander sober, bull ^ appeal from all argument tu Jumes K. Doll; himself—und hero ho quoted from Mr. Polk's reply to the citizens of Tennessee, when they usked him it lu> wus in favor of the compromise principle uf 1833 (which will be remembered was the plan proposed to bring about the horirontal Grecian 20 per cent, duty.) Mr Polk’s reply was lhut“I am. They then asked him if he v/as iu fuvor of tho tuiiffuct of 1842, (which act, its Mr. B. hud shown, had restored the credit of ihn conn- try, hud replenished the Treasury, und Imd no cer. tuiuly improvud the personal condition of the peo. pie.) The reply of Mr. Polk was that lie was not, as it was in many uf its provisions highly prtdeclive. and not designed as a revenue measure !! Thus it is seen by Polk’s own words that his oppocition to tho tariffof 1842 was because it wus hig/ily pro tective of the industry of this count)*}'. But said Mr. B., this now be-pruised aduncate ol protection further adds to the ahoue : "A all times I have been opposed to the policy 0j protection!” So that by his own words it ia evident that never had a single ray of li(.;ht shone upon his free trade mind to sh ow him the necessity of protecting the industry of tins countr y against tlte pauper labor of Europe. Again, says Mr. Polk, “I am in favor of tho restoration o f the coin, promise uet of 1833 ;” or in oilier words;, he is op. posed to everything but the 20 per cent- Grecian horizontal duties. The time was, said Mr. B., when I would have taken delight in drawing ttie contrast between the two nominees for the Presidential chair, hut now Christian charity forbids, uud I forbear. Ho than, acting on it suggestion from some one on the p lat. form, made some remarks on the distribution of the Public Lands, which lie contended were unright eously withheld by tho General Governmerit,— These lands were held either by deed of trust from the several States or by purchase. Tho first wore chargeable with paying the debt of the Revolution, uud that paid, then the lands were to be held iu trust for the benefit o f the States. Tho latter were justly chargeable wi lit the debt of tho Federal Government, and then become in 1 rust, as the former and fot a like purpose. It is d ie moral as well us legal duty of the General Government to restore those lamb, that the S lutes iu debt may be nlilo to relieve themselves, an ,d that the other States may ho enabled to exb jnd their internal improvements. He next proceeded to the quest Jon of annexation. It was a mistake to consider this as a Southern question. This opinion was circulated by our Southern opponents, but it was a false one. Mr. B. observed, tlmt us a Southern man, ho had pro posed the question to large bodies of Southern men und their reply wus that it was not uSouthern ques. don. Wus Texas required for ll te increasing ot the great staple of the Southern pi intor ? Intelli gent Southern men know too well tha t tho Texas crop added to the already oversitocl.ed market would depreciate the vuluo of that; staple. Add, then, the 400,000 hales now used in home con. sumption nl tho North, und usk th e p lanter if he wishes to put his worn out soil in c )mp«tition with the broad surface of Texas und rislt beside t lie de. preciuted into, caused by the exp ortertiofi of tho 400,000 Northern bales,and his repl y is,,“We do not desire tlte annexation of Texas.” The intelligent Whigs of llio South are not to bo deceived by tho Secretary of State for Julia Tyler, who tells them, in his famous statistical letter, tliui: tho annexation of Texas will strengthen the iuititutions of the country. They feel that those ins titut ions arc un der tho protection of the laws and are safe. And if any additional security wore needed, they have it in tho sacredness of the bond of Union , and in that attachment which Americans fool Ifur t heir consti tution. Hence they spurn the additional security which this Tvler secretary would offer them.— Such is the opinion und feeling of (ileoi gin Whigs. They feel that there are higher, nobler and loftier interests at stake in this great corniest. This an nexation is no southern question. .No,. said Air. B. warmly, tve stand shoulder to shoulder, and hand grasped in hand, oil the Whig platlurnt i, with om northern brethren, to abide the issue u. ('the slrug. gle. Mr. B.then proceeded to consider com e of the nr. gurnentsput forward in favor of anno; ration, es pecially that bequcullied by llie Hero of t lie Hermi tage ns u legacy—that Texas w;.s nnedec las an im portant military post. Mr. B. ridiculed t, his absurd military notion, for cannot wo now ns it udily de fend our southern border with Louisiui a ut the Sabine, as wo could nt tlte Rio Del Norte, with the scattered population of Texas? The fuciliti es which the Father of Rivers afforded oftrnnspoiti uingour hardy troops to the Sabine are overloolie d when the far away Rio del Norte is proposed as a boun. dury, merely for its military advantage und protec. lion. If llio northern frontier, with an English province on its border, could he defended by Ameri. cans against the overwhelming military pi awer of Great Britain, surely it cannot bu necessary io seize on Texas ns a shield to our southern torritor y. lie considered the argument, that smuggling w ould bo carried on through Texas, unless it was a unexed, ns a foulish threat, and a slander on the pi tuple of Texas, many of whom were Americans, at ul could not be enticed by other nations to engage iu llio destruction of tho industry of their native land.— That it was not a southern question, and sh ould not be viewed as such ; ho argued, that if 1 ,'exas is admitted wo must pay her debts, und receii o her in to the full and perfect bund uf union whic it unites the American people together. Would it; then ho just und right to regard the question us o nly to ho decided by tho will of the South. Tils Whole American family ought to ho consult-ed. And so long us uny portion of the American far nily were disposed to rofuso Texas admission, he (Mr. B.) would not force it on them, even though it could ba effected without a breach of the national faith.— Ho would not exchange the rights of a fre o citizen of this Union for ull tho brand lunds of Te) ;as, from tite Sabine to the Rio del Norte. Ho concluded his very able remarks by a re view of the position uf the two parlies in tho con test—tho approved leaders on the our side, and the unknown, undefinablo principles of llio new men on theothersidc—tho united stale of tho Whigs, the disunion, distrust and doubt which hur.g over and around the Democratic party. Ho sketch vi vidly thu conduct of the nominating Convention* ; the Whigs Imd obeyed tlte already expr.j ssed wish of llio Ainericun people, when they, wilt- tours of joy, proclaimed Henry Clay us the ma.j of their choice. Tho Democratic Convention had disobeyed thu wishes of their party, as expressed in the ma jority voto cast for Van Buret), and nomil lated an i d.vidual whom no uiio hud thought of u itv I the niun of the majority was sacrificed. Uc paid it compli. ment to the character of our second lendt'r, Fre- linghiiyscn, well timed und deserved. Netv Jer sey, lie said, claimed trim as hers by right of birth —New York, by right of possession ; but to pre vent dispute, tho United Status took und riatulo him hers by right of American citizenship. [This created much good fueling among the us sembly.] Folk uud D dlus, ho remarked, had in their hitherto public career, been advocates of measures diret'.tly nutipodiucal to each other, yet now they are sought to bo presented as lit persons to conduct in harmony und concert the uffuirs uf the American nation ! He was too good a Whig not to givo a word of encouragement and praise to the ladies, who havo so nobly sustained their fathers, husbands, bra- Georgiau banner, but that it was tho proud Whig banner, and under its ample folds they were murehing un triumphantly, and as they passed on to luke up their position on the field ol buttle, their challenge shout to New York was, “Aro you also toady.” Mr. Berrien sal dow n amid the most enthusias tic applause: (indeed throughout his whole speech lie was nguiii nudngnin brought to a stand by most hearty cheers.) Ilu had to speak in the fnco of n hot sun, which poured full upon him, nl times al most blinding him, and it was necessary to hold an umbrella over him to him to eiiublc him to read the extracts ho required mg Ins reason) iui & ' ,, nr \, which he ha. always been a staunch .uppor cr) najnit over to Polk and Democracy, f bo iu er snytMnuuy clever things of the Polk h»Hy. • • Jeffersonian Republican** & acting wilh them as — ■ . . » tlftr „ North Carolina. It will be seen by hi* Rite lows, that ho knew nothing ot any 8Ut ' 1 ‘ publication, that he Is .till a Whig,and never knew Clay Club of Crawford County* At a meeting of the Club, held in Knoxville on Monday, the 20th of August, George Mooro, Esq., ono of the Vico Ptesidents, was called to the chuii und David G. Worsham, Esq. was requested to act ns Secretary protein. Samuel Hull, Esq. offered the following resolu tions, which wore, upon motion of Col. Win. M. Brown, iinuiiiinuusly adopted .- Resolved, That wo cordially approve the nomi- nation of. Washington Pon, Esq. for Congress, and tlmt we will spare no honorable exertions to elect him to a seat in the National Legislature. Resolved, That as a testimony uf the high regard i und esieeiii in which we hold llie said Washington Poe, we tender him it public dinner ul Inis place, on he 25th September next. Resolved, Tlmt u committee of twenty-seven, o be composed of three from each district in the county, ho appointed by the clmir, to solid con tributions to, and make arrangements for sui i dinner. Resolved, That thu Chair appoint a committee of invitation, to be composed of five persons. Resolved, That we uppiuvo tho Convention to be held at Thomuston on the 18th proximo, that we hereby accept the invitation of our friends of Upson,and recommend that ull our countrymen, without distinction of party, attend said Conven tion. Resolved, That the committee of twenty.seven appointed under the third of the foregoing resolu tions, be requested la procure tiie names of delegates and to nmko arrangements to accommodate such persons as may desire to be present ut the Thom* aston Convention. Resolved, That the Clmir appoint a committee of leu, to prepare a banner to be borne by the del egation from this county to the Convention ut Thomaslon. Resolved, Tlmt a standing committee of twenty- seven be appointed by the Clmir to attend to the gen eral interests and welfure of the party, and that said committee he vested with suclt discretionary powers as may be necessary to carry out tile oil. ject of its creulion. After some delay, llio Chairman announced the following committees, under the foregoing resolu lions. Committee to make arrangements for Dinner. Panhandle District—Win. L. Johnson, Samuel P. Corbin, lticlmrd Yarborough. Beasley’s District—Win. Woods, Bartley Mc Creary, Wm. Smith. Hammock’s District—John Curtis, A. C. Cloave land, Hiram B. Troutman. Webb’s District—Jus. A. Miller, Robert Ale’ Owen, James Harris. Hatcher’s District—Ezekiel Simonton, Beverly B. Robinson, John Jones. Knoxville District—Andrews J. Preston, Sam- uel Rutherford, James Matthews. Sowel’s District—Win. Burgess, Samuel Lowe VVm. G. Vincor.t. Sixth District—Benjamin Burncs, Joel Rushing, Joseph Patterson. Seventh District—Jonathan Ross, Benj. Light foot,Juo. VV, Ellis. On motion, it was ordered that George Moore Elbert M. Davis, and Thomas Preston be added to the above committee. [The members of the above committee are re quested to meet in Knoxville, on Saturday, the 14th of September.] Committee of Invitation.—Samuel Hull, David VVorshum, Allen R. Wright, Wm. M. Brown, and James A* Alillcr. Committee to prepare a Banner.—Robert Me Owen, David Worsham, Samuel Hall, F. IJ. Mur Jock, Allen R. Wright, Seth Casson, L. D. Lock hart, Thomas A. Ritiues, James A. Alillcr, and Thos. C. Matthews. Standing Committee of Twenty seven.—Samuel P. Corbin, Wm. L. Johnson, C. F. Feckling, Wm M. Brown, Henry L. Corbin, Martin L. Harp Green P. Harp, Wm. J. Smith, Thomas Feaquin Jumes Harris, Wm. A. Matthews, James G. Bias singamo, Thos. Stripling, Royal Lockett, VV Simmons, Samuel Hall, Samuel Rutherford, Jume Mathews, Giles M. Chapman, Wm. G. Vincent, Jucob Hampton, Archibald Blue, Joel Rushing, Hardy Ray, Benj. Liglufoot, John VV. Ellis, and George Lowman. On motion of David Warsham, Thomas A Raines James A. Miller, David VVorshum, and Royal Lock ett, were appointed a committee to selecta place for the dinner on the 25th of .September. [The lust named committee is requested to ro. port to the committee of arrangements, at Knox ville, un the 4th of September.] On motion uf Col. Brow n, it was Resolved, Tlmt tho proceeding of the Clav Club he published ill the Georgia Messenger, and tluil the Columbus Enquirer, and Georgia Journal he requested to copy. On motion, tho Club adjourned. GEORGE MOORE, Chairman. David G. Wousham,Secretary. The Polka.—It is dated that uu American lady, formerly a great hello in Boston, is now the cyno. sure of llio elite Parisian reunions. Sho i* perfect in the art of dancing the Polka, and executes it with her husband to the admiration of ull beholders, “Whooror for our side.” The Post offices of Franco last year received 114,200,000 letters, of which 3,200,000 remained unclaimed, and distributed 00,000,000 ol printed papers. Tho amount uf postage iv us 43,009,2001'. about £1,832,000. In England there uru 1075 cotton factories, employing 183,243 hands ; in Scotland 159 fac. lories and 32,580 hands; in Ireland 28 factories and 4011 hands. Moubning.—Thu universal custom of mourning was white, over the whole world, till about the year 1480, when black was substituted. The Difference,—The whig* boldly form Clay Clubs ns they are not ashamed of the,r lender.— Tho Locofocos dare not form Polk Clubs, hut pro. pose “ Young Hickory” Clubs. Tho reason is oh. vious. Mr. Clay is a niun in Iiis own right. Mr. Polk is only llio shadow of another. Law.—-A celebrated burrister, retired from practice, wus one day asked Iiis sincere opinion ol the law. “Why, the fact is.” rejoined ho, "if nnv mail wero to claim the coat upon my back, ami threaten my rofusal with a luw-suit, lie should cer. tainly have it, lest in do lending my coat, 1 should lose my ouiscont also.” Self Rbsfkct.—“Reverence thyself,” i*a*n. cred maxim, trad I wish to cherish it. I think 1 told you Lurd Bolmgbroke’s saying to Swift :— “Adieu,dear Swift ! with ull thy fuults I love line entirely : multc an cffurl to love me with ull mine.” A glorious sentiment, uml without which tlieru can be no friendship. Inch fol tho Polk family, fi.d that in every respect (lit.letlor s a vile forgery. This is .. fair specimen of the truth of the frequent reports orpolllicalchang (and of Monroo county especially)—and of the de pernio resorts of the Democratic party. Monroe County, August Slat, 1844. To the Editors of the Georgia Messenger: Gentlemen ;—Although I am averse to *PP fiarln S[ heloru the public in my declining years, even m sell defence, yet 1 cannot forbear noticing promptly a let er published in the Federal Union last week purpor ng to have been written by myself. It »Ihow^ *®«“* [ had left the Whig ranks, and that 1 knew and aetc wnt. the lather of Jus. K. Polk politically, in| the State Ol North Carolina. In the first place, I had noracqua n .race whatever, with any such character as_lbo gent - man alluded to iu said letter. If said Polk had afa her, lie mav, or mav not, have belonged to the Ripubhcan arty—1 know'nothing about Ins political views orac nous. As for detaching myself from the VVhtg party, wit’ll whom I have acted since its organ zation, 1 pro- nice It a base falsehood. I shall five and d.ea nibor of that party, if >bey conlinue to advocate such ,,—asurcs as have been taught and advocated by our Revolutionary Fathers, and which is now mscribed upon every Whig banner, and found at the mast head rv Whig newspaper in the whole Union. What 1 vote 'tor “Polk, Dallas and Chappell! !!” Never. never! I mteml to vote for men and principles ; and I conceive that those qualifications attach to neither of of tlie aforesaid gentlemen. In conclusion, 1 pronounce the whole letter a vile forgery, and I have determined io ferret out the name of the author, and deal with him in such a manner as Iiis officiousness deserves. And l now state that any party who can deliberately write such a vile letter for political effect, in the absence of princip'es, for the purpose of deceiving the honest vo ters and yeomanry of tho country, deserve no counten- mice. It is certainly a desperate shift—butts in char acter with many of the pitiful subterfuges of the falsely styled Democratic Party. . .. Well, “cntlemen Editors of the Federal Union, if you have any regard for truth, I hope you will do me the favor to correct the falsehood which you have been made the instrument in circulating^ PAR KER. Witnesses to the signature of the above letter. D. D. Doyal. W. W. WllOLBSY, Wm. Swan, Jeftha P. Parker. Also three ladies present. MILLEDGEV1LLK7 Tiiodwy Morning, September i t| ^ For President, ^ HENRY CLAY. For Vice President, THEODORE FRELINGIIUYSEN. ELECTORAL TICKET. ^ JOEL CRAWFORoTof Early. V\ 11,1,1 AM I,AW „f Chatham Wm. I*. MeCONNELL, of Liberty THACKER It. HOWARD, of Musm-s CHRISTOPHER It. STRONG, ofBbh R. A. T. RIDLEY, of Troup. DAVID IRWIN, of Cobb. CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clarke Wm. C. DAWSON, of Greene. CHARLES J. JENKINS, of Richmond. WHIG CANDIDATES FOR tONGItEM, THOMAS BUTLER KING, ofOlw I WM. It. CRAW FORD, of Siimle, 1st Dist. 2nd “ 3d 4th 5fh 6th 7th 8th A Yankee Stratagem.— Stratagy as well as force among all nations is considered justifiable in war, but whether tho conduct which is embraced in the anecdote which we are about to relate, should be in strict accordance with the moral prin ciples which ought to regulate the actions of men, we leave to casuists to decide. During the early part oflhe last war with Great Britain, a small brig, mounting about ten sixes, with a crew of forty or fifty men, sailed from New England as Letter of-Marque, with permission to oruisj as s privateer for a certain length of lime, and capture prizes from the enemy. While cruis. ing in the latitude of the homeward bound West Iniliamcn, the brig one morning foil in with a large ship, to which she gave chase, but the Captain, an “old son dog.” on reconnoilering her thiough his spy glass, sutislied that she mounted loo many guns to contend with, with any prospect of success, aud hauled off, much to the dissatisfaction of the crow, who attributed.his conduct to the wont of spirit and courage. In fact,they were not very backward in exhibiting their feelings, and the word coward was more than once bandied about tho ship in hear- ing of tho Captain. A few days afterwards the brig fell in with nno. liter vessel. Every stitch of canvass was spread, and just nl night, the chase was made out to be a largo West Iudinman apparently well armed and manned, looking like an "ugly customer.” “Now,” said the Yankee Captain to his crew 1 “I wish yuu to listen, men, to wlmt I urn going to sny. I heard some of yuu multoriog something, not long since, about cowards; and to oblige you, 1 will give you an opportunity of testing tho courage of every man onboard. You see that ship ahead.— She is pierced for twenty.four guns, and probably carries sixteen at least, of heavy metal. Tlmt ship shall be my prize before two hours. So look out for squalls. If some of you don’t loose tho number of your mess I’m mistaken. But mind ye, no backing out.—Cowards, ba !” The crew looked rather blank at this pithy har angue, but dared not rernonstruto. They wore cauglit in their own foils, and resolved to tight it out like men. Night como on and they still kept sight of the Englishman. It was about Imlf pnsl eight in tite evening, when they ranged up within hail, on tho weather quarter uf their more bulky antagonist, who Imd every man ul quarters, evidently prepared for a brush, and with his high bulwarks, and numerous deck lau. terns, presented rather a formindable appearance. The captain of the brig seized his speuking trum. pet, and in a peremptory manner hailed the stran ger— “Ship ahoy !” “Hallo?” “Heave to, and I’ll send my boat on board.” “Wlmt brig is that, pray ?” "The United States brig Argus.” “Aye, aye, sir !” John Bull thought it would he madness to can- tend with the U. S. brig Argus, which was well known to ho a craok sloop-of-war of twenty guns, and accordingly hacked his main-topsail, without further parley. The Yankees were thunderstruck at their captain’s impudence. But the quarter bout was lowered, and officered and manned in the true man-of-war style* The Amorican officer ascended the gangway of tho English ship, with a “swab” on his should er. •‘Wlmt ship is this?” said he, in ail authorila. live tone, ns soon as he reached tlte deck. “The English ship Carnarvon Castle, sir. from Uurbudoes, hound to Bristol,” returned the English man, submissively. "Then, sir, you will please step into the boat, with your papers, and return with moon board the Argus. Mr. Simpson,” said lie to tho captain’s clerk, who filled llio post of a middy on this occa. •sion, “I leuve you with the men in charge of the ship ! }ou will proceed tu put the prisoners in irons, ready to he transferred to llie Argus.” When the British captain arrived alongside tho Argus, lie was ustonisliod at her diminutive size; when lie got on board, he suw at once ho had been duped; but it was then too late tu remedy the evil. “.Sir,” said lie to the Yankee captain, morn in linger than in sorrow,“you told mo tins ves. sel was the United States brig Argus.” ‘And l told you tho truth, sir. Her nnmo is the A rgUH,—and she belongs to the United Slates /” Large Yield.—Mr. Joseph Will, of Bristol township, ono of the carries of the Germantown Telegraph, ralsad, the present season, on a plat of ground lilt lent by 40 the enormous quantity of fifty right bushels of Unions. This isthe largest yield of die kind we ever recullt ct to have teen recorded, and however gratifying to the producer, is sufficient to draw Icuis from the eyes of every inhabitant of iit'le Bristol.—Germantown Telegraph. . - Sumter' WASHINGTON POE, of Bibb. JOHN J. FLOYD, of Newton II. V. M. MILLER, of Floyd. J. VV. ft. UNDERWOOD, of HabenP. I ALEX. H. STEPHENS, of TikZr ROBERT TOOMBS, of Wilkes, I Electoral Ticket. ~ An impression we are informed prevails, that s*} I Congressional District, will voto for but oneeleew I This is a mistake. The Election for Presirf,nto) I F, lectors comes off on the Dret Monday in Notsa^ I next, and each voter ha9 the privilege or voting ul TEN ELECTORS—One from Iiis own district, u from the other Congressional Districts, and twofml the State at large." PUBLIC MEETING AND FREE UlSCUlSIOt. I The citizenR of Baldwin and the adjacent count ins, invited to assemble at the Court-house in Milledp^, I on Monday next, tho 10th instant, at 10 o'clock, A.N-1 The Hon. A. H. STEPHENS will address hi, t*. I stituonls on that day, and Iiis political opponents mil vited to participate in free and fair discussion ofthe I political topic* of the present campaign. Othsrp,. tlcmen of the Whig party will be present, win will I probably address the meeting. 0”VVe call the attention of our readers to tbespeecb I of Judge Berrien, delivered at the great Mass meet-1 ing of the Whig party in Albany, New York. Atom. I representations are afloat with regard to this spent, I the reader cannot do better than to peruse it for kit I self—lie will then be able to refute, from ptntal I knowledge, tho many evil reports concerning whottar | distinguished Senator did say at Albany upon the Tv | iff and other questions. O' We regret to learn that the Court-house inMii-| ison, Morgan county, was destroyed by fire on the 1st I inet. The loss is estimated at 810,000. The books V and papers of the several offices were saved. Cowl, I which was to have been held on the next day, wu id-1 journed over by the Judge until the second Uondiyii I October next. ICTThe Secretary of the Treasury has given ao. I lice that the Government is ready to redeem all Tras I ury notes now outstanding. The amount is slatedu I be 82,008,459 17. This is one of tho fruits of tke | Tariff of 1842. ITFOntlie3d inst. the election for President of Ta-1 as took place. The Madisoniaa says, that llie part* I have divided on the question of annexation. ThisilI strange. Wo have been told lime and again, think I people of Texas wero unanimous for annexation,nil now, it seems, that Mr. Tyler’s , organ says, that lh«jI are divided upon the question, so muen so, asiomUtl it interfere with the Presidential election. Gen.Burh.l son is the annexation, und Dr. Anson Jones the inf.l annexation candidate. If the people of Texas divide I upon this question, why should the people of Georgal be urged into its support 1 ItJ’Tlie charge of “ Perjury” made against Mr.Cut,I because of Iiis taking a seat in tho Senate before be hat I exactly completed his thirtieth year, is going the roasdi I of the Democratic newspapers, and ornamentsthe‘EsI bodiment” recently published in tho Federal (fataI The National Intelligencer in noticing it, makes the | charge recoil fearfully upon the Democracy. Thll paper in an article under its editorial head, proves tbit I the " Hero of the Hermitage,” Gen. Jackson hinusH, I the renowned champion of Democracy, and political I father of“Young Hickory," took Iiis seat in the Senate I of llie United States, under similar circumstances I This fact is proved by Kendall’s life of Jackson,page* | 101 and 102. Wo shall refer to it again. COTTON. There have been two arrivals recently from linf I pool—tho Great Western and the Hibernia, thelatui| bringing news three days later than llie former, extract the following from the Charleston Courier,that I our readers may judge for themselves w bat the pi* I peels aro, iu relation to Cotton, on the oibersided| tho Atlantic. “Liverpool, Auk. 19.—This iimrki-t is now is * ,n “ ,l *,l pressed stale, ami llie general opinion is "gainstConi')- I nppears to me the growers ure trying all limy f* D ***]l down prices,and utifurtnnaiely the weather iicrc bcot I luvcrnale for the harvest, it rains everyday. '1“ ff I reports from the country are oflieavy roiua—should w*: | continue all oftliis month nnd September, il tlien “ t .P°VL ■ that the prices 1'ort‘otton, will remnin firm—every thing, I ever depends matenully on llie further accnuiit in'® ■ United Slates. ^s “Havre, Aug. 17.—Tlte advices from NewAork "PJ® I Ulst July, liuve caused ear lioldeis tn become free)*jf*| Yesterduy 1,000 bales changed hands at I l- l J ct,,l '‘ mr j!l , Lul Today llie market is heavy nnd llie sales amountiow)*V, I only. Should your next crop be estimated at aver t*° ions of bales, pi ices hero will rulo lower Ilian ever. The same paper, the Courier of Saturday, say* : Charleston Market.— Cotton,—There was soinr I atllieelose of llie last, and in thu early part vl the I week, for upland, und although purchasers may I have bought on more favuruhlc lerins, there a si i'° I change in llie general feulures of llio market. Rises ^ nesday, however, very little has been done ia llie waul of means of trsnsportaiiun. Our quotiUsw, give a fuir index of llie stale of the market at ™ Bincss yeslnrduy. The reeeipls of llie week have t"*> buh’B, and the sales in llie same lime I8SU bales,** n 21 hales at 5; :t- Ul ftj; 29 at hi; IAS at 6. 16 ai 61;»*'1 207 at (IJ; M3 ul 0j; 308 nl tii: 166 at 6|;.476 •'M* I hales ai 7; cent", uf tiie foregoing opelulions,2l | ^ , a• , ” . ■ of llie new crop, nl prices ranging from Ct t" f" 9 Nothing lias been dune in LongCottal) since our last* Changes I Changes t Chungcs. To our Whig friend*, to all who seek forte* either party, wo have a word of caution to "I i* in relation to the changes going oil m uur Tho Democratic press, politicians, and stump for cfi'ect, talk a great deal about the cliangtt* is gia. in their favor, and so active have they *’ ecn ' n that llio mass of tlioirpar'y, and manyofodif* in tlieir exaggerated statements. Now there changes on botlisidea—some Whigs have turn Derate, and many Democrat* have turned Wntffu^ these changes, ao far as we have been able ton* aro incur favor. Our friend* may rely upon d 11 *'^ the Democrats brag ns .nucli as they pi***® ^ gain of a lew politicians, who wero Whig 8 ^ them do this, we uro satisfied with it, aud^ will not bu sick of tlieir recruits ere long- our own part, 'vo assure the Whig*. lll 'L*,7 r *cjk that our gains, that the changes front 1' Whiggtry, overbalance the Invars wo li»' c * u ^ (t and are to bo found among a aluss ol men j^iki) oilier object in view but tlieir country’* g 0 ™ - statement satisfy our friend*! And let • 1 ^ tbo bragging of our adversaries, about cba"g M cause, with any ellier than a believing *} • WHIG CAUSE IS ON TIIF ADVANCE- IT WHO CAN! State*' orata**| I