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Oftkr.. i will ulwojroboeootlnued occoldtoB lo theoo, the loful utilooiothenviie ordered. oflhlikludeootlouoitoroeoiro prompt ottontlon ottbc JtktOF.ORnl* JOURNAL. WalTTANCE* BY NAIL—“A pootmutor moy oudooo moooy ^uttirwIkepubliikorof ouew.n>per,lopey thepubMrlptlonofo Jj^no ood ftouktko loiter, If wrlitouby hlnurlf."—Amo«JTn- FN O - — . VOL. XXXV. MILLEDGEVILJJS, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, 1844. NO. 52. POLITICAL. Mtt, CLAY’S LAST LE ITEtt Arotbbr Slandbr put Down.—The follow- igoUlier from the Lexington Observer i* nt once a !(^er, upon those vile wretches who would assort irinsinuate that Mr. Clay is an Abolitionist at k|irt, or would court Abolition votes. It also nili to the counter the assertion that Mr. Clay ad. •till the right of Congress lo Abolish slavery in Ibo District of Columbia. Ashland, Sept. 2,1844. Mi. Wicklipfe.—The editor of a neighboring riot, (the Kentucky Gazette, of Lexington,) call- uiny attention to a letter of C. M. Clay, Esq., Uder date of the 10th July, 1844, and addressed loCohJ.J-Speed, of Ithaca, has appealed to me, tjih so much earnestness, and a purpose of such ftcled, sincerity lo say whether I approve or disapprove of that loiter, that I have not heart to deny to that editor the very great gratification ehich he will dorive from the perusal'of this note, especially when it gives me so line trouble to wriie Mr.C. M. Clay’s letter was written without my knowledge, without any consultation with me, and without any authority from me. I never saw it un til I read it in the public prints. That gentleman iim independent citizen, having a perfect right to entertain and avow his own opinions. 1 am not responsible for them, nnd he is not for mine. So fir as he ventures to interpret my feelings, he has entirely misconceived them. I believe him to be squally mistaken as to those in the circle of my per- tonal friends and neighbors generally. In tty speech, addressed lo the Senate of the United States, nnd in resolutions which I offered lo Mr. Mendenhall, about two years ago, and on various other public occassions, I have fully, freely, and explicitly, avowed my sentiments and opinions the subjects of the institution of slavery and abolition. I adhere lo them, without any reserva tion. I have neither entertained, nor expressed, publicly or privately, any others. And my friends and neighbors generally, so far as I huve inter changed sentiments with them, coincide entirely with me. The sentiments and opinions, so expressed by me, may be briefly stated lo be, 1st. That Con. gross hus no power or authority over the institutions of slavery. 2d. That the existence, maintenance and continuance of that institution depends exclu- •ively upon the power and authority of the respec. live Slates within which it is situated. And 3rd. That Congress cannot interfere with slavery in the District of Columbia, without a violation of good faith to the States of Maryland and Virginia, im plied, if not expressed, in the terms, objects, and purposes of the gram of ten miles square to the general government. 8o far from the success of the Whig cause hav. ing any injurious tendency, as has been alleged, I believe it will have a powerful efTect in tranquiliz- ing and harmonizing all parts of the Union, and in giving confidence, strength, and security to all the great interests of our country. I hope that your editorial neighbor will be now satisfied. And, as I trust that 1 do not exaggerate the pleasure which this renewed expression of my viows and opinions will give him, is it too much to anticipate,that he will forthwith renounce the error ofhis ways, and come straight out a staunch and iterling Whig 7 Yours, respectfully, H. CLAY. LETTER FROM MR. CLAY. His position relative lo the Protection of Agricul tural Interests, the Bankrupt Law, <f-c. coaaiirosDEScDBETwaiir oes. cabuthers and mh.clay. Lebanon, (Tenn.,) Aug. 12,1844 Deab Sir:—It is charged against you in this State by the Democratic newspapers and speakers, that you do not embrace in your system of prolee lion of American industry by a discriminating tar iff the agricultural interest, and this is attempted to be sustained by a remark in your speeches that "the agriculturist needs no protection.” It is also insisted that you regard a bankrupt law as one of the Whig measures to be carried out in the event of their success. To give the sem blance of truth to this charge, they refer to some remarks made by you, and reported in the Intelli gencer, on the bill to repeal the law passed in 1841, in which you state that the measures of the extra •aasion were regatded at the lime as a system con- nected with and dependant upon each other. Altho' your positions on these subjects are well under stood by all candid men, yet, as you have manifest- ed a disposition to affirm and re.affirm your opin ions on all and every subject to the full satisfaction of frianda and foes, I will ask of you an answer to the following questions : I* 1 ; In making discriminations in a revenue tar- }n with a view to protection of American indus iry, would you include the agricultural as well as manufacturing and other interests ? 2d. In case of your success, would you bo in ■avorof the revivul of the bankrupt law or any “w of a like character; and when you voted Hainst the repeal of that law in 1842, before it Into force, did you conaider yourself instruct' why the Legislature of Kentucky to vote differ I *m, with great respect, your friend and obedi «n servant, R. L. CARUTHERS. Hod. H. Ulav. Ashland, August 20, 1844. My Dbar Sir: —l recoivcd your letter <d the *2th instant. You surprisj me by the statement of •J>me opinions which are attributed to mo. No- king can be more unfounded tlmn the assertion hat I am unfriendly In the protection of ngriuul- “'*• I conaidor that interest in ail its departments, ••the predominant interest in the United Stutes. ”J* on i hemp, wool, manufactures of tobacco, nnd mher articles of agricutluial product are protected; *"<■ if Ihe mensure of protection bo inadequate. °msn in the United States would be willing logo tacit , * lan ^ wou ^ * n oxlending sufficient pro- i ^ * wv ® never or expreseed any otb. •ud < "'k' ne,, .t*’ ^ ,|le oubstance of what I have said, is ,i ' c '* j* 10 I* 6 found ic my published speeches, 1 mat agriculture iu the United Statas, owing to —- _„, u| rea„ euuniries, needs ou in’* rffrtcl protection. But the principal aim in introducing and protecting manufactures is to ben efit agnouliure by opening a new nnd home mar. Rot For its surplus productions. Expressions dis. pa raging to agriculture, or, rather, to the habits of those who pursue it, have been put into my mouth and paraded at the head, oven of newspaper*. 1 never used these oxpressions. They huve boen forged or fabricated by political enemies. Of all the pursuits of man, 1 consider the cultivation of the earth the most honorable. It is my own pur suit, and any .reflecting man must at once perceive that I could say nothing derogatory of it. 1 have already stated in a letter which bns been published, that the General Assembly of Kentucky gave me uo instructions to vote for the repeal of the bankrupt law. Instructions were pending be fore the Legislature, but they fell by a disagree- inent between the two Houses. I consider that the American people hove ex* pressed a decided disepprobation of the bankrupt law ; and for one, in deference lo that opinion, I do not desire to see that law revived,or any other bankrupt law passed, I congratulate you on the satisfactory result of the August elections, and remain your friend and obedient servant, H. CLAY. Gen. R. L. Cabuthers. Mb, Clay on the Public Lands.—The Chic ago Democrat (edited by Hon. John Wentworth, M. C ) publishes the following private letter from Mr. Clay which it intimates was not honestly obtain ed from the gentleman who received it in confi dence. It is a patriotic, manly, statesman like let. ter, eminently worthy of its frank and Hue heart ed author. Washington, 22d June, 1838. Dear Sir : I received your letter of the 14th and feel greatly obliged by the friendly motives which prompted you lo address it to me. There was no full report made of what I said dur ing the progress of the Pre-emption Bill through the Senate and none which was corrected by me. Tho Globe habitually misrepresents mo, and I am compelled to believe from design—I never used the words “They are a graceless set of robbers—land pirates, poor miserable! pre-ernplioners,” The lan. guage 1 used was substantially the same as that em. ployed by Mr. Van Buren in bis message at the opening of the session. I certainly made strenuous opposition to the pas sage of the Pre-emption Bill; I did it on princi ple, and from a serious sense of duly. I thought and still think, that the Public Lands which are the common properly of al 1 the people of United Ststes, ought not to be liable to be tresspassed upon and seized and appropriated by any person who choos es lo enter upon them, not only without the author ity of law, but against its positive commands. The experience of the Government had satisfied me that a system of Pre-emptions, especially in connection with that of floats, were perverted to the worst purposes of fraud, perjury and speculation. But notwithstanding my aversion to the system, I should have cheerfully acquiesced in the late Pre. emplion bill, under all the circumstances, if its friends would have consented to insert a clause ter. minating for ever that mode of disposing of the Public Lands ; but that they refused to do. I wrilo this letter lor your satisfaction, and not for publication. I would rather submit to the effects of calumny than to betray any undue sensitiveness about it. 1 have outlived other calumnies, and by tho blessing of God, shall survive this and oth ers. With great respect, I am your friend and ob’t serv’t. H. CLAY. S. Lisle, Esq. not consult Mexico, but he announced that her * t- sent to the annexation was altogether unnecessary- And he proceeded to conclude a treaty, embracing a large extent of Territory and a numerous popu lation, not comprehended in the Texas which the United Stales ceded to Spain in 1819. In the mean lime too, a powerful opposition had arisen in the United States against the annexation of Texas to them. Several Slates had declared, through their Legislatures, agninsl it, and others, if not whole sections of the Union, were believed to be 11 d verse to it. This was the opposition to the measure, to which in my Raleigh letter. I alluded, when I spoke of u considerable and respectable portion of the confederacy.' I did not refer lo per. sons but to States or sections. Under such circumstances 1 could not but regard the annexation of Texas, at this time, as compro- milling the honor of my country, involving it in a war, in which the sympathies of all Christendom would bo against us, and endangering tho integrity of the Union. I thought then, and still believe, that national dishonor, foreign war, and distraction and division at home were too great sacrifices lo make for the acquisition of Texas. But, gentlemen, you ure desirous of knowing by what policy I would be guided, in the event of my election as Chief Magistrate of the United States in reference to the question of the annexation of Texas. I do not think it right to announce in ad vance, what will be the course of a future admin istration in respect to a question with a Foreign power. I have, however, no hesitation in saying that, fur from having any personal objection to the annexation of Texas, I should be glad to see it, without dishonor—without war, with the common consent of the Union, and upon just and fair terms. I do not think that the subject of slavery ought to affect the question, one way or the other. Wheth er 'l’exns lie independent or incorporated in the United States, I do not believe it will prolong or shorten the duration of that institution. It is des. lined to become extinct, at some distant day, in my opinion, by the operation of the inevitable laws of population. It would be unwise to refuse a perma nent acquisition, which will exist as long as Ihe globe remains, on account of a temporary institu tion. In the contingency of my election, to which you have adverted, if the affair of acquiring Texas should become a subject of consideration, I should he governed by the state of fact, and the state of public opinion existing at the time I might be call ed upon to act. Above all, I should be governed by the paramount duty of preserving this Union entire, and in harmony, regarding it as I do, as the great guaranty of every political anti public bless ing, under Providence, which, as a free people, we are permitted lo enjoy. 1 am gentlemen, respectfully. Your obedient servant, H. CLAY. Messrs. Thomas M. Peters, LETTER FROM MR. CLAY. Ashland, 27th July, 1844. Gentlemen I have received your favor in forming me that my views, as disclosed in my let ter from Raleigh, on the question of the Annexa tion of Texas, are misconceived, if not misrepre sented in your quarter; and that it is supposed that I have changed my opinion from what it was in 1819. I endeavored to express myself in that letter as explicitly as 1 could and I do not think now that it can be fairly misinterpreted. In 1819, when 1 addressed the House of Repre sentatives, the Executive had negotiated the treaty with Spam, by which Texas was ceded to that power, bulCungre8s had not then given any sane lion lo the cession. 1 believe now, ns I thought then, that the troaty making power is not competent without the concurrence of Congress, to cede away any Territory belonging to the United States. But Congress, by repeated ucts, subsequently man ifested its approbation of the treaty; and these acts rendered it us valid and obligatory upon the Uni ted Stales,as if Congress had given its assent, prior to Ihe conclusion of the treaty. Al that period of 1819, Texas as claimed by us, was unpeopled. No hostile incursions had been made into it by citizens of the United States. In 1825 and 1827, there were but few inhabitants of Texas, consisting of some colonists, planted there under the authority of Mexico. At neilhor of the three periods above mentioned had any State or section, in this Union manifested any opposition to Texas composing a purl of it. It has been said that Mr. Admits’ ad ministration offered to negotiate with Mexico for Texas, notwithstanding Ihe existence of a war be tween Spain nnd Mexico, and (hat it could not therefore have believed that the acquisition of Tex as, at that time, would have involved tho United Stales iu war with Spain. Hero it is argued that the ratihcalian of tho lulo treaty could not huve comptouiitlcd our peace Mr. Adams thought it desirable to obtain Texas. Two foreign powers claimed it. Mexico was iu possession, and Spniti was doing nothing to assert and enforce her claim. Her representative had even gone so far as to stipulate in a convention, to acknowledge the Independence of Mexico, although that convention was not ratified by Spain. Mr. Adams had u right to authorize the negolin tion of a treaty fur the acquisition of Tuxas with both or cither of the powers claiming it. It was natural that he should begin with that power which had the possession of Texas. Spain had interpos ed no obstacle. She mado no declaration tliut she would regard the acquisition of Texas as an act of wur. In point ol fact, no overture was formally made lo Mexico to purchaso Texas, no negotiation was opened, no treaty wna concluded. If a negotiation hud commenced, ur if a treaty Imd been signed, and Spain had protested, the prudent nnd cautious policy which characterized Mr. Ad ams’administration,would undoubtedly huve prutnp ted him lo quiet Spain, and accommodate the inut ter, previous to the annexation uf Texas to the Uni ted Slates, and without plunging them in war with Spain. How totally different are all the circum stances under which, with Mr. Adams’ authority, 1 authorized the overture to Mexico, from those which ultended the recent treaty of Mr. Tyler ! So far from Mexico being silent, she repeatedly and solemnly declared that she would consider annex alion ns war with her. Texas was no longer at uninhabited country. It had been wrested from tile dominion of Mexico by citizens, many of whom want armed from the United Stales. The war be- and Johnson M. Jackson :1 Mr. Clay and the Cilley Duel.—The atroci ous and oft-repeated yet still reiterated slander up on Mr. Clay,in regard to the Cilley Duel, is thus emphatically and forever disposed of (in the minds of all honorable men) by a letter from Mr. Cluy himself to Dr. Goble of Newark, published in the Tariff Advocate of yesterday. Will those presses which have defamed Mr. Clay in this matter have the honesty to publish this denial ?—N. Y. Tribune. Ashland, loth August, le-t*. My Dear Sir-. I received your friendly letter, with the enclosed slip, cut from a newspaper, and I appreciate, and am thankful for the motives which prompted you to address me. 1 wish you would obtain and peruse the correspondence which pass ed between Messrs. Wise, Graves, and me, respect ing the lamentable affair between Messrs. Graves and Cilley, published about three weeks ago. I have not a copy of it; but you can obtain it in New York. It establishes 1st. That the draft which I sug gested of the challenge was made expressly with the view of leading to an adjustment of the dispute amicably, and not, as alleged in the slip you for warded, to close the door. 2d. That I never believed that the controversy would occasion a hostile meeting, hut continually thought that it ought to be, and would bo amicably settled. 3d. That I was ignorant that the parties were lo meet in combat, and at what hour they were to meet. And 4th. That when I accidentally heard that they had gone out to fight, although I did not know the hour, nor the place, I advised the police to be called out, and they were called out; hut they miss ed the parties in consequence of their taking an un expected route. I was not upon the ground, and had nothing what ever to do with the conduct of the combat. My agency, as far as l had any in the whole transac tion, was directed to the object of an amicable set tlement of the difficulty. I am respectfully, your friend and ob’l servant, H. CLAY. Dr. J: G. Goble. Tho bill was then passed, Mr. Hubbard asking for the yeas and nays, by the following vole I Yeas—Messrs. Allen, Benton, Buchanan, Clay of Ala. Clay, of Ky., Clayton, Davis, Fulton, Grun dy, Hubbard, Lumpkin, Lyon, McKean, Merrick, Moulton, Niles, Norvell, Prentice, Roane, Robins, Robinson, Ruggles, Smith of Conn., Smith of la. Strange, Swift, Tipton, Trotter, Walker, Wall,, Whito, Williams, Wright, Young—31. Nay—Mr. Sevier—1. Mr. Clay’s Privatb Character.—We do not believe it all necessary, before an intelligent com munity, to enter into a defence of Mr. Clay against the malignant attacks of his envious opponents.-— He belongs to the Nation, hns been fora third of a century intimately connected with public affairs, nnd his acts and his influence are stamped on every page of the history of the country for that period, tie is known at home, and throughout the civilized world, as a high-minded, intelligent Statesman, open-hearted, candid, Trunk, generous almost to a fault. It supposos the people of the United States, who of all others should be well read in his history, public and private, it supposes this people ignorant of what every school boy should know—to enter into a defence of him, against the stream of vilu. peration poured upon him by Jacobins and Dema. gogues. So we think—but others among us think these attacks should be met and put down. At the solicitation “ of many conscientious, up right iren," who had been deceived as to Mr. Clay’s moral cimracter, the Secretary of the Newark, N. J. Clay Club, addressed a note to Rev. Dr. Bsscom, President of the Transylvania University, well known here, asking him to state whether Mr. Clay was e sabbath-breaker, gambler. &c. The follow, ing is Mr. Bascom’s reply:—Index. TRANSYLV\NIA UNIVERSITY, Lexington, Ky., July 24th, 1844. My Dear Sir:—In reply to your letter of the 9lh inst., I owe it lo truth, virtue, and tho claims of society, without any reference lollie political strifes of the day, to say, 1 have been in intimate and con fidential intercourse with the Hon. Henry Clay. both in public and private life, for more than twen. ty years, and know the charges enumerated in your letter, against the private character of Mr. Clay, to be utterly and basely false. Mr. Clay, as is known to the whole nution, offers no claim to Christian piety, in the parlance of our churches, but in view ol the ordinary accredited principles of good moral character, no charge can be brought against him, without violating the obligations of truth and sound justice. To each interrogative charge, therefore, contained in your letter, and reaching me in the shape uf a question, I return for answer, that I re gard one and all of them, as shamefully unjust, be cause not true, in whole or in part. Very respectfully, yourob’t. serv’t. H. B. BASCOM. Dr. J. G. Goble. » , -- ■ -, J---.. - --w Young mse, wlo adroirs mo veesnl* , toe, Integrity, courage, dtvwiM, n4 . ness—Who hate Alsebood, eoMltag tot Democrat*, who, ahkxtgh ibajr my bo opposed to some of Ms mesusufes, rospoct him for hMUIsnts, for his unbending patriotism, «ttd Me aoew*rvleg Truth and Hoaor j—Whi| bine and with one uniti lice—. •3 pa Alt, ALL, will COOS- pnrpoeo, vindicate Ms Mr. Clay’s Opinion of Dueling. In April, 1833, a bill to prevent dueling was un der consideration before the Senate. Upon that occasion, Mr. Clay addressed the Senate. We unnex his remarks, and the vote which followed. They speak for themselves - We commend the remarks to the careful perusal of the reader. Do they not fairly state the evil and the remedy! So thought all the Sonators hut one : “Mr. Clay rose and said, that he had taken no pnrt thus far in the debate—not that he had felt no interest in tho question, hut that lie thought it bet ter to postpone his remarks until the hill came from tho committee. No man, said Mr. Clay, could more heartily wish for that state of public opinion and society which would prevent the practice de signed lo be prevented by the bill before the Sen ate. No man, continued Mr. C. can he happier than I shnli ho, if this practice could be forever suppressed, eradicated and discountenanced. ■- Mr. Cluy said lie thought the great object of the hill before the Senate should be to direct itself to the purification and correction of public opinion. It wus public opinion which constrained a man in a certain section of the Union from resorting to this mode of resenting insults and inju-ies; audit was ulsu the same public opinion which in another sec tion of country exacted from individuals a resort to this practice in order to settle their disputes, iu this latter section of the country, the only alterna tive offered a man who had been injured or insulted was whether lie would live in ignominy and dis grace or expose himself to the loss of a life in a personal encounter, hnd under this alternative there were but too few that felt able to refuse that exposure ot human life. When public opinion should be rectified in this particular, then we might expect to sea this practice, averse to religion and abhorrent lo humanity, wholly eradicated. In the mean time, it was the duty of the Sonate to do what it could lo bring about that result. Mr. Clay, with a view to this end, said he should moat cheerfully MR. CLAY’S STANDINU AT HOME: The Lincoln Telegraph publishes the following extracts from a letter recently written by the Rev. Dr. Nash, a dislingusislietl divine in the Episcopal Church, who lias resided for ten years near Mr. Clay, and who fully corroborates Dr. Bascom’s slatesments in reference to Mi. Clay’s character. Tlie paragraphs quoted show conclusively how tile great Statesman is regarded by the moral and re ligious men of his own neighborhood and State, who know him best. Christian voters, read and ponder ! The letter is dated, St. Albans, 24th Aug.,1844. ‘‘As a criterion of the estimation in which he is held at home, it will not he out of place to state here—which I do unhesitatingly, having had atn. pie opportunities for ascertaining the truth—that Mr. Clay has the confidence and political support of a very large proportion of the moral worth, and I may add, of a very large majority of the members of the different religious denominations in Kentuc ky. There are twelve or fifteen clergymen of the different denominations residing in Lexington. All of these, I behove, with one exception, are the friendsof Mr. Clay, and most of them are frequent visitors at his house. There are about twenty Episcopal clergymen residing in Kentucky. Ail of these are friends of Mr. Clay. Of the one hun. dred and five or ten clergymen—1 do not recollect the exact number—composing the last conference of the Methodist church in Kentucky, all but three, as I was informed by a member of the conference, are tho political friends of Mr. Clay. 1 am not so accurately informed respecing the political opin ions of the ministers of other denominations, as I am respecting tho opinions of the ministers of the Episcopal Church, and of the Methodist Church. I am confident, however, that there is nearly, if not quite as large, a majority of these friendly to the election of Mr. Cluy as those last mentioned. Out of the four or five hundred clergymen of different denominations in Kentucky there are not,I am ai most certain, fifty political opposers of Mr. Clay.” “The opinion of a great majority of tho religious people—ministers and others—living in the neigh, borltood of, and intimately acquainted with, Mr. Clay, I am confident is, that if he is elected to the Presidency, there will be while lie continues Pres- sident, a far healthier moral influence around the Presidential chair that there has been since the close of J. Q. Adams’ administration.” vote for the bill, under the hope that if it could not tween"Mexico and Texas had not been terminated I entirely abolish the practice, it would at leastdi- by any treaty of Peace. Mr. Tyler not only did 1 sniliish it,and aid ultimately in producing such a Another Falsehood Nailed.—The Loco Foco papors in Kentucky have been unusually busy of lute in circulating a story that Mr. Clay played cards on the Sabbath, during a recent visit to the Blue Lick Springs. The statement was original, ly made by the notorious Gen. McCalla, and lias been widely repented on his authority, both at the West and in the pnpers of this vicinity. It is ef fectually branded as a wilful nnd most shameless falsehood, by the following card from tho Lex ington Observor and Reporter.—N. Y. Cour. and Enq. A Card.—The subscribers, proprietors of tho Blue Lick Springs, huve learned with surprise that John M. McCalla, of Lexington, is busily en gaged in propagating that Mr. Clay, during Isis late visit to this place, wasengaged in gambling, and that lie and some other gentlemen had won several hundred dollars. A few weeks ego Mr. Clay passed several days at this place, during which it rained every day. Ho passed his mornings in reading and writing, with which he appeared to be much occupied, and in receiving company ; and the evenings generally with the ladies, retiring lo bed invariably before 10 o'clock. It is impossi ble that any person’s conduct could have been more gentlemanly, dignified, or correct. Mr. McCalla was not here, nnd we do not know from whai spy or infamous informer he derives his information, but be lie who he may, it is u gross slander. T.&.L. P. HOLLADAY. Blue Lick Springs, August, 1844. The subscribers, citizens* of Loxington, accom panied the Hon. Henry Clay* to the Blue Licks, on Thursday, the 23d of July, 1844, and returned with him the Monday following, having travelled togother in the same carriage hired for the occa sion. They have seen with inexpressible surprise, a statement in a Cincinnati paper, that Mr. Clay was engaged in gambling on the Sabbath, and whilst so occupied a clegvmnn was introduced to him. We think it due to truth to declare that the statement is an atrocioua and unfounded calumny, in all its particulars. Having gone to that water- iitg-place as friends end neighbora of Mr. Clay, we were every day, nay evory hour, except when in bed, together; and if a fact, go inconsistent with the sacredness of the Sabbath had occured, ae that alleged, it could not have eccnped our knowledge. We scarcely need add that Mr. Clay’s conduct throughout the period of our sojourn al the Springs, was marked by his usual gentlemanly, correct, and dignified department. DANIEL NERTNER. JOHN BRAND. Lexington, August, 1844. MR. CLAY AND HIS REVILER8. In nothing does a political party more strongly evince its weakness and want of principle, than in its abandonment of the legitimate issues, and in lieu of their discussion, resorting to personal nbuse, slander and calumny. Such a course is positive proof of the untenableness of their position, of tne i in possibility of maintaining themselves by fair argument, and an acknowledgment that as they have determined to resort to foul.—This has been the course of the Locofoco party leaders in the present canvass. Driven from their positions be. fore the people on the Bank, Tariff, Public Lands and Texas questions, by the irresistible force of Whig argument, they have i.o foothold left to them but in slander, mendacity and calumny. Personal abuse of Mr. Clay is their last remaining resource —their only hope for the achievement of success. And they have set about this with a unity, reckless ness and boldness that eclipse all former examples. There is scarcely a crime in the whole catalogue of offnnees to the laws of man and of God, of which he has not been accused, either by the Locofoco Blump speakers, or their newspaper organs. He is denounced by them as a PROFANE SWEAR. ER, a GAMBLER, a SABBATH-BREAKER, a COMMON DRUNKARD. UUILTY OF PER. JURY.n ROBBER, an ADULTERER! and a MURDERER! These charges against his pri vale and moral character, besides innumerable o- thers aguinsl Ins public and official character, have been made and repeated over and over again by iieurly every Locofoco stump orator and newspa- per throughout the Union ; nnd it is by thus hold ing up Mr. Clay ns a monster of wickedness nnd moral depravity; that they expect to turn Ihe hearts of the people ngaiest him and effect his defeat.— That every charge they have made, and which are above recited, is totally untrue nnd without founds, 'ion, nnd thnt those persons who have made them Allow them to be false, wo need not say. No man in his senses can for a moment believe, that a man guilty of the crimes of which mendacious Loco foco leaders have charged Mr. Clay, could hold up his head in any civilized and christianized com munity on eurtii* If they were true in one- twenlicth of their particulars and enormity, the penitentiary or the gallows would long since have claimed him ; and now living, he would be a con victed felon or an outlaw ! But so far from this being the case, there has been no office or honor, no moral and political distinction of any kind what-' soever, to which Mr. Clay has aspired, that his own Slute, his own country, his own town have not triumphantly supported him for, during the last thirty years. Never since he entered public life has he been in a minority, in his own Blute, coun ty and town;—nnd duringall this period, undeniably, his supporters have been the staid, moral nnd re ligious portion of the community. Wo mean no re- flection upon our political opponents when we say, that four fifths of tho church members, of all de- nominations, in Lexington, Fayette county, and throughout the entire Stuto of Kentucky, have been during his entire public life, and are still, the ardent supporters of Mr. Clay. Ho hns been their favorite, and ho and they have been repeatedly de nounced as blue nosed Presbyterians, Methodislical Maw-worms, sanctimonious Pharisees, t)-c., <j-c,, in nearly every political contest in which they have been engaged, in order to array uguinsl him and them, a less religious circumspect class of the com munity. These facts are testimonials which can not be mistnkon—from which there is no appeal except to the Bur of Heaven for a morul character, nnd which any man living, at the closo of a long life, may regard with a just pride and satisfaction. Knowing and feeling tho facts to be as we have stated them, and that, unless, tho bond which hns united the moral und religious community to Mr. Clav could bo broken, no impression could be mado upon him in the present polical contest, the leaders (we do not include the party us a inass) of tho Locofocos—men who sustain the atheistical doctrines of Fanny Wright, Robert Dale Owen the blasphemous Pilcher, und every other Christian upoBtate, here set themselves to work to demolish lus private and moral character, and to sever tho union which hns so long, so uniformly and happily existed, Mr. Clay is now in the sun-set ofhis days. His life in its morning brilliancy, in its meridian glory, and its more tempered and declining radiancy has been spent in the service of his country—in nil honest, upright endeavor to promote her honor, her glory and hor prosperity. If ever country had a faithful son, a luithful servant, that country is ours —that son and servant is HENRY CLAY. On him—on his noble nnd self-sacrificing patriotism —his great heart, we have relied in every crisis and peril, and our confidence has never been tnis placed —we have never been deceived, or found him unequal to tlie occassion.—Ills name and his fame are interwoven with the history of our country for nearly a half of a century ; they are tlie bright- marks upon its pages, nnd will forever, not only il- lust rale them, but ornament the history of man, and sparkle in every region where mind, moral light and political libetty ure known and appreciated.— In the course of nature his long stirring and event, ful life must soon come to a close ! This is tho lust time in all human probability, yes, the last, that lie can ever appear beforo his countrymon as a candidate for their suffrages—tho last oppor tunity they can ever have of rewarding nn old, and faithful public servant, for his long devotion lo them and their interests. His career is now to close ! We ask the people of Kentucky—the people of the United Slates—if they are willing that he—he who has stood firmly by them in their most trying perils, sliould quit the stage of public life, and de scend with his grev hairs to the grave, dishonored by false charges of GAMBLING. DRUNKEN- NESS, SABBATH BREAKING, PROFAN. ITY, PERJURY, ADULTERY and MURDER? Will they do this and thus sncrifice the reputation of the most illustrious man living, and imprint an everlasting blot upon ’.heir own history,or will they with a just appreciation of their duty to him and to themselv-s, rouse with indignant might, crush with the arm uf justice his vile and maglignant shin- derers, and crown the closo ofhis life and carreer by a halo of their approbation—by an act of solemn sanction that shall forever silence cavillers and calumniators ? They will—we know that they will. The hearts of the people, whatever may be their parly politics, are armed with Justice —they will with one accord, confront malice, pros trate calumny and vindicate the truth : for “Truth is omnipotent, and public justice certian.” Old men, whose head* have grown gray with hi*—who fought with him in the republican ranks from the timo of Madison down to the present- through the war, through Ihe Missouri question, though the Nullification crisis—who then stood name and his fame from the foul slander* attend and propagated againat Mm, and crown Mm with a garland that shall flourish ImperLbaMe, whan Ms honored ashes are mingled with the dust, Lexington Observer. Ma. Clay's opinion uf Fouieneia—We in vite particular attention to the following attract of a speech delivered by Mr. Cloy in the Sanato of the United Slates in 1832. It proclaims in a man ner not to be misunderstood the highly favorable light in which he views and ever has viewed natur alized foreigners, who having expiated themselves from their native homes, have come to the “land of the free and home of the brave,” cast their lot among us in order that they might enjoy that free dom which was denied them in the land of their birth. The genuine impulses of Mr. Clay’s warav generous heart induces him to open wide his arm nnd embrace them as brothers. The naturalized foreigner cannot fail to be warmed towards the el oquent and patriotic statesman while reading can did and unbiassed outpourings of that breast whoso pulsations have ever beaten warmly for the op. pressed of foreign lands. And yet with that wrecklessness which sets truth at utter defiance and revels in defamation, Mr. Clay hat been pro nounced an enemy to the foreigner, who haa (ought shelter among us after having fled from the tyran ny of his nutive home ! Palsied be the hand which could write, and blistered the tongue which could pronounen such a base calumny. Well has it been remnrked by a contemporary, that no living states man of this or any other land had done so much for the cause of freedom in other lands. His ef forts in favor of the Grecian, struggling with the despotic Turk, animated him with unwonted fire, and nerved his arms with new life—while hia speeches in favor of the patriots of South America were read at the head of the armies of Bolivar; and infused every patriot soldier with new feelings of liberty and freedom, and rendered deadly his hostility lo old Spain. His voice at all times, whe ther for freedom at home or abroad, has been as terrific to tyranny as the rour of the cannon and as potential as an army with a hundred thousand swords and bayonets. But enough for the present. Hear how Mr. Clay rebukes hia libellers. In the speech alluded to lie said— Tlie honest, patient and industrious German readily unites with our people, establishes himself on some of our fat lands, fills a capacious barn, and enjoys in tranquility the abundant fruits, which his diligence gatiiers around him, always ready to fly to the standard of his adopted country, or of its laws, when called by the duties of patriotism. The gay, the versatile, the philosophic French, man, accommodating himself cheerfully to all the vicissitudes of life, incorporates himself without difficulty in onr society. But of all Foreigners, none amalgamate them, selves so quickly with our people as Ihe natives of the EMERALD ISLE. In some of the vi sions which have passed through my imagination, 1 have supposed that Ireland was originally part and parcel of this Continent, and that by some extraordinary convulsion of nature, it was torn fiom America, and, drifting across the Ocean, it was placed in the unfortunate vicinity of Great Britain. The same open-heartedness, the same generous hospitality, the same careless and uncal- diluting tndiflerence about human life, character- ■ ises the inhabitants of both countries,- Kentucky hns been sometimes called Ihe Ireland of Atnerica. I have no doubt, that, if tlie current of emigration were reversed, and set from America upon the shores of Europe, every American emigrant to Ire - Innd would there find, as every frisli emigrant hero finds, a hearty welcome and a happy home.” EXTRACT From Mr. Clay's speech in Congress, March, 1824, • • Our agricultural is our greatest interest. It ought ever to be predominant. All others should bend to it. And, in considering what is for its advantage, we should contemplate it in all its varieties, of plant ing, farming, and grazing. Can we do nothing to invigorate it; nothing to correct the errors of the past, and to brighten the still more unpromising prospects which lie Lefore us 7 We have seen, l’ think, the causes of the distresses of tho country. Wo have seen that an exclusive dependence upon the foreign market must lead to still severerer dis- tress, to impoverishment, to ruin. Wo must then change somewhat our course. We must give a new direction to some portion of our industry. We must speedily adopt a genuine American poli cy. Still cherishing the foreign market, let us create also a home Market, to give further scope to the consumption oflheproduce of American indus try. Let us counteract the policy of foreigners, nnd withdraw the support which we now give to their industry, and stimulate that of our own coun try.” “The creation of a home market is not only ne. eessary lo procure for our agriculture a just reward of tts labors, but it is indispensable to obtain a sup ply of our necessary wunts.” “Let us suppose that half a million of persons are now employed abroad in fabricating for our con sumption those articles of which, by the operation of this bill, a supply is intended lo be provided with in ourselves. That half a million of persona are, in effect, subsisted by us ; but their actual mcanB of subsistence are drawn from foreign agriculture. If we could transport them to this country, and incorporate litem to the mass of our own population, there would instantly arise a demand for an amount of provisions equal to that which would be requisite for their subsistence through! the whole year.— That demand, in the article of flour alone, would not bo less than the quantity of about 900,000 bar rels, besides a proportionate quantity of beef and pork, and other articles of subsistence. But nine hundred thousand barrels of flour exceed* the en- tire qunntity exported last year, by nearly one hundred and fifty thousand barrels. What activi ty would not this give ! What cheerfulness would it not communicate to our now dispirited farming- interest! But if, instead cf these five hundred thousand artisans emigrating from abroad, we give, by this bill employment to an equal number ot our own citizens now engaged in unprofitable agricul ture, or idle from the want of business, the beneji. cial effect upon the productions of our farming la bor would be nearly doubled. The quantity would be diminished by a subtraction of the produce from the labor of all those who should be diverted from its pursuits to manufactering industry, and the value of the residue would be enhanced, both by that di minution and the creation of the home market to 'lie extent supposed. And the honorable gentle man from Virginia may repress any apprehension* which he entertains, that the plough will be aban doned and our fiold3 remain unsown. For, under ull the modification! of social industry, if you will secure to it a just reward, the greater attraction* of agriculture will give to it that proud superiority which it has always maintained.’ “And what is this tariff? It seems to have been regarded as a sort of monster, huge and deformed —a wild beast, endowed with tremendous powers of destruction, about to be let loose among our people—if not to devour them, at leMl to consume their substance. But let u* calm our passions, and deliberately survey this alarming, this terrific being. The sole object of the tariff is <o tan the produce of foreign industry, with the view of promot ing American industry. The tax is exclusively levelled at foreign industry. That is the avowed and the direct purpoae of the tariff. If it subject* any part of American industry to burdens, that is an effect not intended, but is altogether incidental and perfectly voluntary.”