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In I iko man nBte'&vi ororwualo iho day of .air, Wor^^VniSlo'. aadCroditonof an Eatatoiniiatb.pobllabod •^2il5«™"“ *•" h * ‘JKii^Ionthb '" ,ry ma.l li.pilhll.hW for fOlIK MONTHS. hiX^Tj u*oa I* a*ll wfconolts, m««1 bo published furJOIIH ddd0»ff.l!f!.a. ordor .b-Hol* .hall bo made Ihorooa by tlir *•*• -.for ItMtort of Adntlnlalrallon, mu*l bo publlabad Iklljly C, ”r^.oi-'i""f r '"a* J "' l " |, l r *t"’“' woalhly nr taoalko—Ibr dla- ™ h,t a* .T b iw5^M7ii/i*Mr *«,tlf>f eitatdiahiof loal pnpera. /or l*« A" *f*f* of tkrti ■Llinr tilloa from Kaoontora or Ailinlnillralora, .ufcas. f wu fc? Iho doooaaod, l*« /oil •par# of thru yeWe- will at way* bo ooollmiod accoi diiif lo lhp«r, the leyiil -^iptfloo**' M |,„.|,a ordorrd. I;.fihl»klndconlliiuo«loroi:olroproniplaltonlloiialllie •* ..ffaKOKHU JOURNAL k^uroTANCHS IIV MAIL —“A poalioaiter may onclo.o lnriao.v jjUITTL ,|, u , k „r of a iiowoliupor.lopay tbo .iilm rlplioiiofa . mifronk Iho lollor. Ifwrlllonbyhlmaolf.’— -I iioooa, POLITICAL. = s==== r t , 1 OM TUB SOUTHERN RECORDER.] m*liwJWE BETWEEN TWO DEMOCRATS. A mJ A A°-Uou-I morning. Mr S..I uni tiuppy in i viiii. 1 liuvu junt lieurd ilmt you linii joined ™”wiii|.ri. wliic!) 1 did nol believe, and snid I would .« aii/lit. I have nl. vided with the democrats, but shall not do it aik vou on sigtil. y' s.—Y ia have beard the truth WOJN pis Mr. Perhaps you have been misled by mime ofihcis Whig demagogues, and it will aliord me are to disabuse your mind. P Mr S.—l will heDr y° u with pleasure, though l think I know what l am about, There is something “ L among our old friends, but what it is. I can- IteMClIv loll! all id not going on right, that you Tv well believe. When they tell me anything, I am in doubt how much lo believe, because they have so often deceived me that I cannot tell who lo '"ri’iev told me in 184V. that the Whigs had op- lUMJed us with high taxes in the Slute, unnecessari lv and promised to re ievo us ; we sent them to the Legislature in 1841. and they did nothing . they begged us to try them once more, and then they w Ju!d reiHi.il the high taxes. I tried them again, ,nd instead of repealing them, they iocieased them om fourth. They promised us in 1841, to borrow money mid lend it to us lo pay our debts ; we gave them the power, and they did not even talk about it,Her they got to Millcdgeville. They told us ,he whips had imposed a high tariff upon the goods had to huy, and that it wns unnecesary and op pressive, mill if we would elect them, they would repeal it. We took them at their word, and elect ed them to Congress ; we got there the largest niaj.iriiv I he pnriy ever had—68 voles ! I hey ,,.mined a bill reducing the whig lariffon iron ten. tkvintht of on- mill par pound, ihey increa-ed ihe duty on cuurs- flannel* 9 per cent., made the du y on coarse wool five tunes greater than the wliigs had it, taxed our wool hats higher, made the duty on cotton bagging highor, made cotton free uf all duly, so that the cotton of the whole world might come here, mid overstock our mar- (cel, and aink the price of it; and after all re jected the bill and left the whig tariff where it tould nut let us Mr. A.— Woil. I confess I never understood it before, and that I like the proposition bettur that 1 thought l did. Mr. 8.—I have not troubled my mind much a bout this rnatlor, because I am not now culled upon io net. It requires a majority of two.thirds of both Houses of Congress, lo puss resolutions recom mending to the States the ninondnient, nod then if the Legislatures of three-fourths uf the States a. gree In it, the amendment is adopted. If I was op. posed to the modification of the veto power, I should still vote for the Whig President nud Congress, men ; for they can only tocuniuieiid to us lo consid or of it. ami ilieu when wo coine to vote for mem. hers of the Legislature, 1 would vote according to my view* nnd wishes. During Gen. Wusliing. toil’s cundidncy, iho Wliigs vo ed lor him and Ins party, notwithstanding they desired n particular alteration in the Constitution, nnd uftcr it wus re- commended to them, they (the Whigs) rejected ii. After llie recommendation is made, is time enough fur me to consider the question, whether 1 am for it or against 1 Mr. A.—1 am sorry to see you so well pleased with die Wliigs—do you not know dial their opini ons nn the Tariff are shocking 1 Mr. S.—Do you not upprove them/ They go lor a tariff tliut will raise no more money than is necessary fur an economical support of the Govern ment—and with the duties so arranged, as will nf. ford incidental protection to our own industry. In arranging die duties, they say, put iho highest du. lies on those nrdclos which come in competition with liku ones produced by us, and the lowest duties on such articles as we cannot raise—by this means, the competition at home will reduce the price, and throw the duties on the labor uf the foreigner; and tliis is called incidental protection. It is the plan recommended by Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and Jackson, und I intend to support no other. The Democrats proposu the reverse of this ; put, they say, the highest duties on the articles we can. uot raise—this will niuke our people pay the du. ties. The English lux our produce very high now, and I go for taxing their produce higli too. Eng land produced the revolution by liigli tuxes. Gen. Washington know how to whip her in war, and to manage her in peace ; and just according lo jjte plan lie laid down, 1 am going to follow, and no oth er. Mr. A.—But huw can you stand the Whigs? they Bay high dunes makes low prices, and accord- iug to that rule, the more toll a miller takes, the more meal will the furiuer get! Mr. S.—I have never heard any Whig say so— that is, what you say they say ; but the Wliigs say l e money lo make roads, while we have to make them ourselves—and they have given tnein lumJ. to raise schools, and we have lo bo taxed to edutty'e educate our poor. I do uot mean to he cheated any longer, and 1 Intend lo go for those who will give us our shurn of the lands, and against those who will not. They cry tariff", and increase of tar iff, while thoy have nmde us puy the tariff, and yet luken away our lands and money, and given it util, ers. Tlie Turiffis not too high when they want to give tliuse largo amounts of land und money to the new 8lnles. noil there is no tuking from the treasu ry, and having to supply it with increased luxes, then ; hut as soon as we wunl our share, then the tariff will gut to high ! No, sir, I intend to be cheat ed nn lunger. Mr A.—You are right, I do despise such hypo crisy ; but suppose we get llio money, will it be applied to tbo education of the poor? What we got before wns not disposed of in that way. Mr. S.—No ; and ii wo Intd got ten limes us much it ivouid have been the same. The Demo- orals had the power when it was received, and pas. sed u low applying it to the pity tin nl of the public debt, but Gov. McDonald applied it to tbo railroad. Oue-tliird of the surplus revenue was set apart for tlie education of the poor, and the Democrats spent principal and interest both. I should nol be will, ing to trust them with any tiling. And now, my friend, i should like to know some of your principles. Are you ill favor of the Sub- Treasury ? Mr. A.—No, sir. and never will be. I look up on that attempt to return to n specie currency us ruinous to our prosperity, nnd destructive of tha equality of rights among our citizens. It gives the richull the power, and strips the poor of their rights. On the currency question I agree wiili the wliigs. 1 believe a bank to be the best means of collecting, sale-keeping and disbursing iho public revenue, ft was started by Washington and Madison ; it was supported by both parties in Genrgiu. It never injured any body yet ; it makes money more plen ty—keeps prices more uniform—prevents a scar city of money—and upon tile whole, 1 can see no objection to it , und 1 confess that my party are in consistent in lheir opposition to it, fur while they condemn it, they do all in their power to become Directors and Cashiers in the State or local Banks. Now, if the banks were so very wrong, I think they ought to keep clear of them altogether. But 1 wish lo know what you think of Texas ? Mr. S.—I will lake Texas when I can get it with- out involving the country in wur, without violating our truuty stipulations, und without endangering our Union. Tile treaty which Mr. Tyler proposed wus unconstitutional. I tun opposed to assuming that uny duty will produce competition, and tliut the debts ol Texas. Let her pay her own dents. tress; but doubts arising us to tlie legulity of tin- lection, n new one was held wiili the same result Hid ho wns again clinsun speaker. In 1817 lie wua again elected to Congress, noil chosen speaker. In 1818, lie made a great speech in Congress in favor ol the independence uf the South American Slutcs, which was reu at the head of their urmies. In 1910, ho wus elected to Congress and again chosen speaker. In 1820, having determined to retire from con gress on account of his private affairs, lie resigned llie speakership. lo 1821. lie sealed the Missouri question, thus acquiring tli« title of tlie “Great Pueificulor,” nnd retired from Congress. In 1823, lie was again elected lo Congress, and was again for the sixth time chosen speuker. In 1825, lie was appointed secreiarv of State by Mr. Ada ms ; and. it is said, negotiated more treu. lies than ali their predecessors together. In 1820, returns lo Kentucky, und retires to pri vate life. In 1831, he was again eloctod to tlie Senate of the United Stales. In 1933, he introduced the compromise bill, and thus savod llio country from civil war. In 1835, lie made the French report, and saved the country from a war with France. In 1842, lie resigned Ilia seal in the Senate und retired lo Ashland, He was in the service of his country for ubout 35yeurs—supported with distinguished ability llie administrations ol Jefferson, Madison and Monroe —enjoyed iho highest confidence of them all, (be ing offered by Monroe a scat in the cabinet, and a le blanche of the foreign missions)—wus the at friend and patron of ull the great interests llie country, agriculture, commerce and manufac- lures, and is so completely identified with them all, hut his history is emphatically the history of Ins country. [from THE SOUTHERN MISCELLANY.] Mr. Editor—1 seldom ever take up the Georgia Constitutionalist,” Unless it is lo see what false hoods the editors or lheir correspondents have to etuil against Mr. Clay, or llio Whig parly. Tliut >aper lias lost ils character for iruili, nud is nmv jiii a vehicle of slander and fulsehouii upon the Wliigs and lheir glorious leuder, Henry Cluj'. A cent number represents him as having two sets uf opinions on tlie Tariff, one for the North und an ther for the South. Here it is . For the South. From his letter lu Mr. Meriwether in October, 1843—"I should have preferred that the Cornpro. mise Act, in all its parts, could have been adhered Mr. A.—But the Whigs ^*Mr. S.—What did you care for the Whigs? you had a majority ot 68 members, and could have passed it if you wanted to do so. But 1 am glad you did nut puss it. for it is a much worse tariff than that of 1842. But you told us Ihe Wliigs spent too much money at Congress, and that you would spend less. You have done worse than llie wliigs. I see the democrats hsve spent a million and a half of dollars more than Ihe wings. You told me the whigs were abolitionists, and yet I find that they, when in power, refused lo receive abolition petitions, and at the last Congress the democrats with u large majority refused, upon the direct vote, lo adopt the whig rule rejecting them. You told me that ihe Wliigs were the internal improvement par ty in Congress; und that they wanted a high tariff to raise money thus to spend ; and I find tbai the democrats appropriated more money last Con gress. three to one, for one year, than llio Wliigs appropriated for two years and u hail. Youtoid me that ihe whigs wished to lake llie land fund from the Treasury and divide it among all the 8lates, nnd l find that the democrats want to take it away likewise, and divide it among only the Hew State.8. Mr. A.—Let me slop you there ; you du not un. demand our principles. Mr. S.—1 liuve been lo democratic meetings, lud never could hear uny, only that they were op posed to the Whigs—in a free discussion they have heea called upon for lheir principles, und 1 have M*er heard the first one answer to tho cull yet.— All this satisfies me, that there must be something wrong somewbere. The Whigs tell lheir princi ple), and why cannot our folks do so loo? The truth is, our people are going against every thing that Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Jackson tverwent for,and I shall not go with them. They •re for experiments, upon experiment and I am •gainst them. I want to follow after these old put riots, and I intend to lullow no party that does nol Mr. A.—I am glad to hoar you say so ; the wliigs *ith to modify the veto power in that gloriousCon- ■titution which Washington gave us. Now I think that we ought to keep it just us tlie framers who m *de it, guvo it to us. Mr. S.-I want to keep it too, us it was given lo **•; and one of its features is tliut when we have tried itand find that it will not work well, it must be •lie red. Mr. A.—Ob no, never, Washington said lot it ••main us it was made. Mr. 8.—No sir; Washington snid no such thing He was President eight yenrs, and during his ad ministration it was altered in eleven particulars, •■■d he proposed one other amendment which wus rejected, Mr. Jefferson proposed on© nrnend- °^ 111 which wus adopted, and uiiulher was reject- Ml A.—Bui are you not afraid, that if tlie veto P ,lw «r is taken awuy, the mniorily will oppress the mmoriiy ? 11 Mr. 8—X., sir; does nol a majority of tho peo- P' 8 elect a majority in Congress, and dues not the •‘me majority elect the President; and will thoy ***> * majority to oppress llio minority, nnd then , * 01 the same time a President lo protect them ? «r. A—I admit your view is correct. Mr, 8.—| hold ti m t n majority of llio people • 8 gbt to govern according to thu forms of the Con- •htuiion, that their voice ought to bo heard and res- preted—Old Virginia does uot ullow her Governor “ veto what u isujnriiv of the representatives the people decree shall he done. Nor does •jlier South nt North Carolina—nor Ohio—nor eaiiessee, and nineteen Stales out of the twenty 01,01 show it. The plan proposed by the W big ® the peop| 0 („ consider of. is this : il a bill should “"** Homos of Congress, and the President Approve, it, he vetoes it, and returns it to Coo s”*' Ihe bill lies over until the next session of *"d If then o inajuriliy of each House vote hi |( again, it become* A lew. will reduce prices ; and yuur illustration of the mil ler is not correct. Bultotnkethe Whig argument ; they say tlral if u mill can grind 200 bushels uf corn a day. and can gel that amount lo grind, it cun afford to do il cheaper than if it only got 20 bushels to grind. Tiial is their argument in favor of tlie home markets, and 1 should be glad to hear you answer that. Mr. A.—I confess I cannot answer thnl argu ment—but how can you act with a party that John Q. Adams supports ? Have you not seen Gov. Troup’s letter, in which he denounces tho Wliigs, aud where he says thul they only want a chance to re pass tlie Alien and Sedition laws. Mr. S.—I do not know that either of ns ought to say any tiling nboul John Q. Adams. We sup. ported him ill 1825. when he opposed Gov. Troup, and we did so honestly—and Gov. Troup knows that he has now joined the very pany which opposed him then, und ho said in 1840, that we had been stealing the public money all our lives—und if h<> is willing to associate with such men—and if he suid what he believed was not true, we ought lint to believe him us to wliul he says about the Whig<— moreover, John Q. Adam* voted with your party against the Whig Tariff of 1842. Mr. A.—I cunless I do nol like such denuncia tions, and it makes my blood hot, when I recollect how lie and Culliuun talked about us and then join ed us. I know very well how it is : when these men can’t get offices in lheir old party, then they join us, But wiiut do you think of the di vision of llie proceeds of the public lands umotig the Stules? Mr. S—I think it is right ; I supported it when Gen. Jackson recommended it to Congress, aud I still think it is right. When Georgia sold Alubuniu and Mississippi to llie General Government, she ugreed that some $7,000,- 000 of claims should be paid out of tho sales of the land, nnd then the balance should be a fund for the use of all the Stales, herself included, and that il should bo applied to no other use whatever. The Government has paid that money and received some $24 000,000 be. sides, und there are now ubout 30.000,000 a. cres of land nol sold ; this money and land be longs lo the States, nnd it ought to be applied according to tlie terms of the sale. And the land sold by the oilier Stales, after paying the debt of our revolution, wus to go tlie same way; and jif all llio lands were now sold, Georgia would get about $40,000,000; which would re lieve us from taxes, and educate tho poor of our Slate- Mr. A.—But suppose you take this fund from the Treasury, won’t you have to raise llio Tariff to make up the deficiency ? Mr. S.—No; the land fund is never counted, nor looked to in fixing the tariff, because it is too uncertain in amount to muko calculations upon. I judge ol the future by the past. We have receiv ed some years as much ns $25,000,000 from the sules of the lands ; and yet the tariff never wns re duced on uccuunt of it ouo single cent. It is a sur plus which is squandered in extravagant works of itilornul improvement, and we at the South get no benefit from it. Gen. Jackson snid so in 1830 in bis message ; and if we don’t divide it this way. we ahuil gel nn benefit from il nl all. Mr. Calhoun offered a bill in the Sonato. giving the lands to the Slates in which they lie; aud Mr. Benton propos ed to give thern.to tho settlors, nnd Gen. Jackson at one time proposed the same thing. Mr. Ritch ie, the editor of the Richmond Enquirer, also wus in'favor of distribution. Now 1 do tint think tliut he Geu. Jackson, Mr. Calhoun und Mr. Benton, would be in favor of a measure which would in crease llio tariff upon us, Mr, But would it nol ho hotter to let thorn slay in tho Trasury, and nol divide nor code them to any of the States ? M r- s. Til* new States suv so ; but while they have been crying out for this, they liuve ull the while been feathering their own nests. Now we have ulwnys thought tliut these new Stales were gutting nothing, when in truth they were getting every thing. Alabama now receives every year a large amount Irani the sales of the public lunds, and she speak, of building u railroad with her share. Just look at wlial they have already receiv ed : There is no reason in assuming her debts, und not those of the States. The tux lo pay them would be four dollurs upon every voter, and ull her lands have been taken up, and none uru left to pay them with. Mr. A.—But something is said about England’s imerfei ing with shivery , I confess I do not believe u word of it—for she cunnot get Texas without her slaves, und she will never take her with them. Gov. Troup says that every sword ought to jump from its scalibourd against England. Now I have uot got so much fight in me, for if fighting comes, I know who will have to do it; and none of those who talk so much about it, will ever do any of it. We wool-hat boys wili have it lo do. So I think that we might ns well leuve the land speculators and bond holders to do their own fighting, and we stand i ut of the way. Tlie best way to work it, will be to let them go nnd help Texas, and when tlie war is over, then talk ubout annexation. Mr. S.—You are right—but how do you intend lo vote ? Mr. A.—You linvo removed all my doubts; I shall say nothing about it, but we will be together nl the polls—so farewell until then.—But one word more. Did Webster say that he was opposed lo the annexation of Texas because it might be the means of extending slavery? And does any Democrat hold such language ? Mr. S.—I have not seen Mr. Webster’s speech, but l have just seen Silas Wright’s speech ut Lake Skeneatelns in New York, where he says, that he opposed the treaty "becutise it was designed to ex tend and perpetuate shivery.” Mr. A—Can this be possible? Did not tbo Georgia Democrats ut Baltimore vote for bis nom ination for Vice President? Mr. S.—Yes : but wlial do they care lor that ? The party in New York have determined lo elect no man to Congress who is in favor of tlie annex ation of Texas, and at the north they are all oppos ed to it, because it will extend slavery; and Mr. Wilkins, Mr. Ingersoll, and Mr. Walker, all lead, ers, support it, as the means of extinguishing slave ry. And do you not know, while the Democrats in Georgia are making so much fuss ubout the Tariff, that thoy support Dallas who is opposed lu the com premise uct and voted against it, while the Whi{ candidates for President and Vice President are both pledged to carry it out ? Mr. A. 1 am more than rejo-ced that I have seen you. 1 go openly for Cluy ; lie is honest, and I know where lo fiuil him. SKETCH UF .lilt. CL.AV’8 LIFE. His history is the history of Ilia country. Oil the 12th April, 1777, he wus born in Hanover coun tv, Virginia, of parents in tiie most indigent eir. cumstances. in 1752, bis futhor being dead, und his mother having married again, and moved to Kentucky, lie wus left a friendless orphan boy in the office of P. Tinsley. Esq., Clerk of the high court of Chancery of Virginia. In 1797, having previously studied law, ho re moved to Kentucky, and opened uu attorney’s of. fice in Lexington—without patrons, without influ. euliul friends, and without the means of paying bis weekly board, and immediately rushed into a lucre live practice. In 1798, lie opposed the nlien and sedition laws of John Adums, and about this time ucquired the ti tie of the “great commoner.” lu 1803, he was elected to the lower house of the Kentucky legislature Irom Fayette county, with out his knowledge nr uny solicitation oil his purl while absent at tho Olympian springs. In 1806, lie wus elected lu the Senate of the Uni ted Slates lo supply a vauuncy occasioned by llie re sigiiutiun of the lion. John Adair. °Iu 1808, he wus uguin elected lo the Kentucky legislature, and was chosen speuker. In 1809. he was aguin elected lo the Senate of ihe United States to supply the vacancy occasioned hy the resignation of the Hoii. Buckner Thurs t (> "* In 1811. having a choice of a seat in tiie Senute or House of Representatives of the United Sluies, lie wus elected lo tlie latter, and was on the first hallol elected speuker ; an honor never before or since conferred on any new member. In 1812, liesuppuried the war wall all his pow. Olilor*«W*a ID mowr Indkaua “ .. IlltitoU ** M MluU'ippl l.uul'lan* MirifTn Arkansas TI •8I6.A0A f7G9,0'M> • SI3.000 r 199.000 >51,000 lift, ono 4.18,000 land 1,843,000 acre*. • 1,074,000 •* • 1,537.000 M 3. Ii cun nol but cause any candid Locnfuco to phuse in wonder when he reflects upon the ludi crous fact that James K. Polk, who has for years been fishing for the reputation m being considered n Free Trade man, and who last year, denounced the present Tar iff from one end of the State of Ten nessee to the oilier, and wrote out and published those denunciations, now being unexpectedly iiom. touted fur the Presidency, and wishing to gel the voles ol as many friends of the Tariff at the North as possible, writes a soft, smooth, demagogical let ter to u Tariff mini in Pennsylvania, for publication in which lie professes lo bo in favor of a •* Judici ous 1 nriff," that will raise revenue enough to cur ry on the Government,economically administered, and at the same time afford incidental protection to our home industry ! 4. No candid Locofoco can refrain from surmis ing tliut something must be wrung wiih his candi date fur the Presidency, when lie ponders upon llie tell tale fact thut that candidate is eagerly striv. ing to borrow and appropriate ns bis own, two ol the cardinal principles supported by Mr. Clay and the Whig party, to wit—“One Term," and “Friend ship <or the Tariff ?” From his speech nt Columbus, in April, 1844 — In my subsequent iilo 1 have adhered to provisions (speaking of the Compromise) and shall do so in future." From his speech in Charleston in April—“Ho ullenged tho most diligent to show tliut lie had ever countenanced its viululiou in the slightest pur. ticu lur.” From his letter to Bronson—“Carry out, then, lie spirit uf the Compromise, look to revenue ulune or support of Government. Do not raise llie question ol Protection, which l hoped had been pul ut rest. There is no necessity (or protec tion.” For Lowell and Pittsburg. I have every where maintained, tliut in adjust u Tariff for revenue, discrimination ought to lie made for protection ; thul the Turiff of 1842 Ims ■perilled most beneficially, and I um utterly oppi sod toils repeal.” l'liu burden of tlie charge consists in the purl us stated tliut Mr. Clay wus against the Tarifi’of 1842. when talking to llie South, and for il when tulking io the North. This is u Imse and unmitigated slun- r, and lo make il out, they iiave resorted to the vilest garbling und misrepresentation. To prove this, 1 ask you to reud the ubovo extract from his letter to Mr. Meriwether, und then lo compare it wit Ii the true extract from tliut letter. And here il is—luken from the ‘'Georgia Journ al,” where the letter was first published : I should luive preferred thul ihe Compromise in all ie> parts (includTng tho home valuation) could liuvo been adhered to. But you will know from bat quurlertlie opposition came to the home vul. uutiou, without the incorporation of which in the Compromise act, tliut um never could have passed. I think the present Tariff, ill the main, is right, und working much good. There may be excesses or defects in it, of which I have not hero the means io judge ; and if there be. they ought to bo correc ted uy supplemental legislation.” J ust look at this huso falsehood which I Iiave ex. posed. 1 have not Mr. Cluy’s speuclics ut Colum bus und Charleston before me, and cannot, there- speak us to thorn ; but as to llio letter to Dr. Bronson, there is nn such statement in it as that published, und ho never wrote lo Bronson, nor io any one else, nor did lie ever mulce a speech at any time, containiiiing such sentiments. Tiie whole is a base forgery ! Here is wliat lie suid to Bron. son : After my return lo Congress in 1831, my efforts were directed to the modification and reduction of the rules of duly contained ill the act of 1828.— Tho uct of 1832 groutly 'reduced nnd modified them ; and tlie act ot 1833, commonly called the Compromise Act, still farther reduced und modified them. The uct which passed ut tlie extra session of 1841, which I supported, wus confined to the free urlicies. I had resigned my soat in the Senate when the act of 1842 passed. Generally, tlie du ties which it imposes are lower limn those in Ihe act of 1832. Aud without intending to express my opinion upon every item of this last Turiff, I would say that I think the provisions, in Iho main, are wise and proper. If there be any excesses or de. fectsin it, uf which 1 have not tho mentis iiere ol judging) ihey ought tu he corrected.” Now. 1 would ask every honest Democrat, how lie enn support u party which thus wilfully aud wickedly misrepresents and deceives its friends 1 Tim whole article is a base ultumpl to deceive the public to gut their voles, and ufler "hey get them, iheu they will deceive the people to keep them.— Ail honest party will never du this—but tlie Dem ocracy knowing themselves to be wrong, aud lo be seeking to do wrong io ihe country, employ false hoods as lheir weapons, und will practice fraud when they gel tlie powor. Let the honest fanners uf the country renounce such a puny. They uro not fit lo be trustud. They are at lheir old tricks again. UNION. What wns thought of James K. Polk, before tho nomriituUoii, by his own Party S I iie Statesman, a few days since, pronounced a little paragraph we copied from un exchange pap«r, purporting to he “the Globe’s opinion of Mr. Polk,” a base forgery." in replication we gave a brief extract Irom tiie Globe of u few montha hack, not very flattering to Mr. Polk, on which we supposed, the paragraph copied into the Journal, might have been based. We have since glanced nt the col- umny of tho Globe, aud are thus enabled to furnish a few more paragraphs, to which wo invite special attention. We leuve the Statesman to furnish the commentary. Honest men of the party will bo able to form a proper estimate of the candidate who lias been forced on thern after reading these ex- 'ts. If it would no*, be asking too much we should like to imve the erudite genius of tho States man su v whether these are forgeries or not ? The following paragraphs are from tho Globe, of January 19, 1844. and were ascribed to auilmr .ship of Mr. Payne, u member of Congress from Alabama, on tlie floor of Congress “ VV liar are tho facts in regard ta flov. Polk ? He lias been twice repudiated in his own State by large majorities—defeated by an inexperienced politician; and it it* not pretended that his name would add one panicle of strength to the ticket in any State of this Union Whv, then talk of his selection as the candi date of tho party V* '* Again, we are told. * If on the contrary, you do not run Gov. Po k, you may lose Tennessee. He has been run twice for Governor of that {State lately, and has been defeated both times most signally. This would seem t<» be conclusive that Tennessee cannot be carried t>y the Democracy if Governor Polk is upon the ticket. If this be a legitimate conclusion, it is due to the principles we profess, not to jeopard their success hy tain attempts to force upon the people af Tennessee a man whom they have twice refused to honor, notwith standing the supposed ‘deep, bold, and lasting impress left by Governor Polk on our public affairs.’ ” In the Globe, of May 17, 1844, we find tlie follow, ing, prominent in its editorial columns, from the pen of its New York Correspondent, without a word of dissent from the Editor : “ .\ir. P..«k is equally decided on the subject of Texas and :li«■ answer ol Gun. Cass is sa d to be satisfactory- All tins is nol the least surprising; and I have no doubt tln*rc are thousands ol other great men, as well as little men. m the United {States, who would be for taking immediate possession of the moon and seven phnels, puo VIDEO IT AFFORDED A Ol IMPSB OF TAKING ULTIMATE 8K8MON OF THE WII IT It HoUSE AT THE ttA.tlb The Campaign of 1844 opeoodfioriou.ly for tho Whigs, and has so continued |o the lest contest in Vermont. The first battle »ss fought in uiiunt in February, end the Whlge made ■ clear awsep of the 8late, electing 6 Whigs to Congress, Ihe en tire delegation, (there had been two Locos before) and carrying a large majority of the Legislature.— Next came good old CONNECTICUT. She up-et the Loco Foco Governor and legislature uud pul Whig, iu thuir places by a plurality vote of more than 1209! In 1843, Ihe Lucos had 129 iiiemlior. of liiu legislature, the Whigs but 80— but last spring thu Wliigs had 118 and the Locos bui 87—showing an unprecedented Whig gain of 86 Representatives in one year. Next in the fight was old VIRGINIA. and hero was a complete revolution. The Legis lature aloud before the election Whigs 59. Loco* 73, hut ufier the election it stood Whigs 76, Locos 57, bring a net gain of 32, end u majority of 18 on joint ballot, which secures them a U. 8. Senator for 6 yeura ! They also guined one member of Congress. Next in the light wus RHODE ISLAND, nnd Locofocoism and Dorrisin were completely used up. Fenner hud more votes for Governor than Gen. Harrison had for President! The legislature slunds 67 Wliigs lo 26 Locos. LOUISIANA. In this State the locos had all the members of Congress, and the Whigs had but a majority of 3 on joint ballot in the Legislature. Now, the Whigs have a majority of 7 nn joint ballot and gained one member of Congress!—and rode down the Texas hobby in its own pasture. NORTH CAROLINA. Next cume the gallant Old Nurlh Slate, sweep ing awuy u Loco Foco majority of 30 in the Legis. luturr, and putting in a Whig majority of 26 making Whig gain ol 56. Tho Whigs have also the Gov ernor by nearly 4000 majority. KENTUCKY. This glorious Stale bus recently heid her election uml lias shown herself .again invincible, notwith standing llie boasts uf the Locos before tlie trial that there wus a prospect of its becoming revolution, izeil ! Tiie majority in ilic legislature is said to be larger than it ever was before, not excepting the year 1830. INDIANA. bus been thoroughly revolutionized, and a U. S. Senator has been unexpectedly gained. This State is as sul'u for Clay as Connecticut. MISSOURI. The Whig gains in this State have been unex pectedly large, aud this hitherto strong hold of Lo- cofucoism will nevor recover from the Whig blows lhut have just fallen upon it. Alibanm, Illinois and New Hampshire, are con fessedly loco foco States. We have expected nothing from them, and huve not been disappoin ted. Wo have given lo Maryland the credit of open ing tlie cuinpuign, but il really belongs as much to Tennessee, for site, ir. the Fall, when all was dark ness and giouin, came out of her contest glorious- ly victorious. The fruits of her triumph were two United Slutcs Scnatois ! Had she faltered, we should have lust our Tariff, und perhaps our Presi dential candidate. But from Tennessee the ball of victory lolled on through the Slates named, and the Wliigs every where rallied lo their duty. The last notes of victory come echoing from the green hills and vullies of VERMONT, wlicru our success is cumplule, and our gains im mense. Did ever a pnriy stand belter than the Whig party uf thu United Slates stand for lheir fi. mil struggle in Nuvember ? Never—ue*er ! would that the tune were hero that tiie lying und slander ing and vuiu buustlug of our opponents might be ended at unco, by the great lest which is lo prostrate them fur ut least a quarter of a century, if not for ever.—New Haven Palladium. Sp Globe king of Cass, Tyler, Stewart, and Poilt, the if the same date, same article suvs : “ But admitting I am mistaken in my estimate of the weight ot tiicse SPECTRALcaudidut.es in the Demo cratic Convention ; and admitting that either one of them is selected—is there even a REMOTE probabili ty that he can or wifi unite the support of the Democra cy id the United Slates, without which no candidate can be elected? ****** I therefore speak from a decided internal conviction, that the selection of either of these candidates hy iho Democratic Convention, would insure the defeat of the party, and the ELECTION OF MR. CLAY. Tho great Democratic party would throw down its arms aud disband. It would have nn flag to ratty antler, no Pit IN ■ LiiLcs to suj’cort, and NO LEADER IN WHOM IT COULD REPOSE CONFIDENCE. It <s ,usc. less to mince matters. There IS hut one hope fur llio parly, and that is the cordial nomination of Mr. Van Burott, m accordance with tho wishes and instructions nl a vast majority of the Democracy of the United States w hich wants no quo ail hoc available, w ho is neither fish, flash nor fowl.” — Ohio Journal. Mr. Clay on Slavery iu the District of Columbia. Sonin of llie locofoco fault-finders have assorted that Mr. Clay advocated Ihu power nf Congress to abolish slavery in 'lit Disiricl of Columbia. As some person may ho influenced by this unfounded statement, we make the following extinct from his speech in llie Senate, in February. 1836. against abolition petitions’ Will these gentlemen retract the churge or keep silent ? ‘‘From the nature of the provision in tlie Constitution, nod the avowed object of the acquisition nf the territory, two du ties arise on tho part of Congress. Ttie first is to render tlie District available, comfortable and con- VHiiienl as n seal of government of llie whole Un ion ; the other is to govern the people within the District so as to best promote their happiness and prosperity Is it necessary, in order lo render this a comfortable seat of tiie General Government, lo abolish slavery within its limits? No one can. or wifi udvauce such u proposition.” After duiiouuc rttg tho abolition of slavery in the District ns ti “vi olation of implied faith,” ne continues : "Tho grant in the case we are considering, of the territory of Columbia, was for a seat of government. Whatev er power is necessary lo accomplish that object is carried along by the grant, but tho abolition nf slavery is nol necessary to the enjoyment of this site ns a sent of the General Government. Tlie grunt in ihe Constitution, of exclusive power uf legislation ever Iho District, was irmtlo to ensure the exercise of nil exclusive authority of the Gen eral Government to render ibis place a sufe nod sc. cure seat uf government, und to promote the well, being of the inhabitants. The power granted ought to be interpreted and exercised solely lo the end for which it was granted." In 1813, ho was again elected to Congress, and again chosen speuker. In 1814, he resigned his seat in Congress, hav- ing been appointed ono of the commissioners lo proceed to Europe to negotiate a treaty of peace in f-onoros. I with Groat Britain, which wus effected, ihis is D* don P -i jfvide the B pub In 1815, lie returned to llio United Stales,hav- | , |c V |»nd°s”monB d «^l the ! They have given i ing been previously unanimously elected to Con. Facts for candid Locos. 1. Every candid Locofoco should bo startled at the undisputed fuct, that the moment one of the loaders »f his purty is placed un the bench of the United Stales Supreme Court—where ho is above und beyond the indue lice of par y—lie becomes a Whig in principle and gives Whig decisions ! 2. Il should siriKo every candid Locofoco with amazement to reflect upon the well known fuct thul for the very first honorable, high minded, open, heurledacl performed by Martin Vun Buren. when a contest was going on in which hi* prospects were at (take—his late Texas letter—he was. by the demagogue leaders of bis party unceremoniously thrown over board ! Too honest, for once to an swer their purpose I Tub Whig System,— Homo labor, work at home —buy nt home—spend al home—employ our own countrymen in prcferenci—help Americans firs'— prolecl American labor—ussist American indu.tiy let llie South feed llie the North, and the Nonh supp y the Souih—what we don’t want wo will ship uwnv—whol wo can’t muko or produce we will buy from foreigners. This is llie whig system— this is Henry Cluy’s policy. We love our dear country, and our own countrymen, before uny foi eigo nation—aud mean first to lake carc| >l Amer icon men uud American boys, anti nnd American women and American girls. Wo are not uu id people—we must uud we will live by our labor.- [t feeds us aud it clothe* us, and we meun to [uke cam of tliut labor in preference lo any veto, or uny'power, foreign or domestic. Hence we want a domestic and protective Tariff—Annapolis He publican. [FROM TIIF. NEW-VORK SUN'.] A scene from the Post. Among llio ciiiiseiiH „l VV ...hi,igloo and it. vicin ity, there is none more respected lor his kind and hospitable qmlitcs, than George Washington P. Gistis. Esq., who at present enjoys a large und vol uble estate left him by his distinguished connexion, la I Washington. Our readers uru of course ; thul Washington married a beautiful and ac complished widow, who had two children by her rtner husband, a boy und u girl, the latter eatly ied, hut the other was curefully educated by tlie General. In course of time lie married, and Mr. Custis, of Arlington House, on the Potomac, op posite Washington, i* his son. As Gen. Wash ington hud no children, it was natural tliut lie should ko a particular futicy to young Guslis, und on all suitublc occasions lie was accompanied hy him— his carriage, nt his reviews, in camp t.nd ut ll.o side of home, hi* youthful namesake wns often i attendant. Mr. Custis, now arrived nt a green old age, bus ever gratefully retained the t o- itiemherance of thu Inver uf his beloved ancestor, and iiis mind is stored with interesting rcmincs- -■euccs of the pust, particularly as relating to the Great General. In a recent visit to Ihe Metropolis spent an hour with Mr. Custis, aud heard from him a most graphic und eloquent description of the final departure of Washington from New York: uud although wo tear the success uf the attempt', we shall endeavor lo repeat Ins words. The scene has often boon narrated, but we Dover before heard i from thu lips of an eye witnpss- Tho account which Mr. Custis gives of the ap pearance aud extent uf Now York ut the time, is ighiv curious uml interesting; and ns he lias not been in our city since the memorable day,6] yeurs o, we may imagine ihu effect its present appeur- uuco would produce. Wo then siruI nt McCmnb’s House, near the Battery,” suid Mr. Custis, “ which is now called Bunker’s, and that was pretty near the extent of thu compact port of the city. St. Paul’s Church as quite out of town, and 1 used to play on a fine renn common where tlie Park Theatre now stands. Iiistuud of paved streets iu that vicinity, there were fenced fields, iu which I could sport u* freely as if io my own estate. I could now point to the spot where Washington embarked ana bnde his final adieu lo his army and ihe citizens of Ntfw York, ullhougli 1 am sure it must be entirely changed in appearance during llie time which has since then lapsed. It wus u point ut While Hall, just off the Battery, nnd instead of the solid wharf now bound »ith stately slops, the shore was then native as the aves which murmured on its banks. I remember llie morning us if yesterday, it wus a day in Decem. h-r, elenr, cool nnd hracing, and as tho General laft tlie House, he look my hand uud 1 thought I never saw him look so sad. We arrived al the appointed place of departure—I see the spot plain* ly before me—the crowd wus immense, the army being drawn up in lines which fnced the General as lie pussetl them ; the eyes of the multitude were steadily hunt upon him, but nut a whisper among thu whole wus audible. When Washington ar rived at the spot, lie paused, and fora moment sur veyed the scene. I «nw bis heart was too full for utterance uud bis eyes seemed bursting with feel, ing, still he culmly looked on all around ; but it could out be thus lung—Nature was at length su. preme—the General hastily approached one of his ofiicers who was .lauding with several of the stall' neui him, nod fulling on hi* neck gave way to feel ing in a flood ol tear*. He then embraced each of hi* officers separately with an almost convulsive grasp, uud as lie liras silently bade his long-loved and oviug companions adieu, the tear* seemed each moment io sturl afresh—uot a word was spoken, tho sigh or sob alone broke the silence of the sol. erne scene. At length, when the last officer had been embraced, ihe Geuerul seemed lor a moment to regain hi* telf-poMcesioni and with a firm atep