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I ■' 1-IRBK !* I'BH ANWIII, IN ADVANCB, itVSROOttAM AT T1IHJKND Of TUN VC All. & ...wrlsd«" wil11,3 ruunivod for l»n (ban » jrenr, nor R 1 ’ |,r ,|i»contitiii«<l netU all arrearages are paid. will m.l )|» ■*•!>« lo »nv iMranii out of tl,n Slats, T.I »»!»«« H l»" 0,1 " ,on ’>*• I"' 1 " in *'**•'»• Of onliatkoiorjr , **’ov C ntlHSK'l8^T'3 urn In'ortoH at 75 cnnla per nt)iiarn * I aril Insertion, ami 50 itt-nt* |>or squaro for cnclt «* rn-aftor. A ennaro in ih« Journal in n npaon of ion iiMcrn” » - roul'iiuinz hii it <lm<«,one iiumirmi wordn I jinen in • S | |,. H „f |, \ ,\ l>H, l»v Ailiniiiiaintturn, Kxocuium, , nM r « quirril |»y Inw, to l»o hold on tlio fuel ^(Jnnrii • , n f»n«h, liotwfon tho lionrn of ton in tlio foro- hr.- in llt« afiomqoh, nt llie ('oiirt-lioiino, in llir H9on ,- jj j| l(! In ltd In nimntod. [NntifM of thono onion j (l n public. giut i to SIXTY MAYS prttviouH to th* ‘l*. If Ni'niiinK^ m'i-*t l»o nt n pnhlin auction,on the firm **•'?* ,| imintlt, hntwoon tlio iinniil hours of nnlo, nt tho h|| v * union in tho countv ivliora tho Idiom tontumcn- P*’' r|, °4-1.1 niiiiintrntion or O'.nrdinnnhip.innv hnvo boon err.nt- If t ti^SlXI'Y IMY.« Miitioo tho roof, in one of the kf^jnnotion ol thin Stntt». nnd nt tho dour of tho Court* Xre -'loser., lo be hold, tioup* • t |„. ml,« ol Poraonnl Pfopcrtv, in .FtHITY ' mfinrc&L VOL. XXXVI- AIILLEDGEVILLE, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1S45. NO 22- ,0 tS ! ".L..r..rthon-iloof rnrsonni rroporty, ni'im hn given in . K«HITY dn\ n iirefiotm lothnduv nfnnlo. 1**2 ',ho |) >Ltnis ninl Creditor* olnn llstnto in list lie «&KOBTy-. V |s..e to sell l-'«». «2 N , , '?f!,'rlr n vMo .ell N! nilTlt 'l ,,s rllS ' lu ' rur<, lu,v <ml V .. 1»V the Court. ^ivriTtnNnf 'r letters of Adminisi will ho mndo to the Court ofOrdinn* must ho published for FOUIl before us, a proper plait? That is the question. That parly will, which ! nui m that Mtalo has nl ways been in favor of annexation as soon ua it cnnlil bu honorably, pouccubly, properly ami practicably done but no sooner. Anil it is true, llml ilia party with which my col league act* during tlio lute canvass, went lor ‘im mediate annexation' as ho slu'.cd—some ol tlicin upon one plan, and some upon number, and same upon no plan in particular, except lo j(ni tho territo ry in uny way possible, nnd then to “lottery it off” nmuugsl the people. And calculations, 1 believe, were made in some purls, allowing bow many acres and wish to be understood. [ want lo see no Gre cian arts practised upon the South, or upon this country; nnd 1 want lo see no huge ‘wooden horse’ brought within the walls of this Confederacy, un der the feigned nuspicosof any false divinity. And now 1 must ask to ho indulged in saying something upon tlio otiicinl correspondence connec. ted with this subject, wliicli though it does not rc- lalo directly lo tlio merits of the question, yet nev. erllteless iscliisuly connected therewith 1 Against tlmt correspondence, its spirit, its principles nnd doctrines, I protest. It hits placed tlio annexation f Texas upon tho grounds of its being necessary to .nil Nl’.llltOEiA, ma.t bo pal.li.Itctl lor y order absolute slmllti,. nnule — . T,ox. i-r .1 be ptibliehed I- ., loss—lor (li.oiistion from iulmhii.trillion, monthly six 0 ,r ,fji.oii.slnn fmm niisr(liaii«hi|i,,/sr/ydrt|i«. mm 'nsitre of .Mortienro must bo piilili.heil Jar tin: b„. f..r llie Inr.iu'.isare ul Morljpnrn ii.usi ,,%'iy for r-’f -u..«r/i* —f.Jr <s"IJ' 1 ’.'Jr.‘ —for compelling titlcn from Kx trrUorn, when* « Bond has boon given hv the fablioaiione will nlniivs b< i ... trial reqitlninents. uiilos. oil • ,H i,u«ine.« oflhle kind emitimios ■ .i lw Office nfilie (iF.OItUIA. TTA.Nl'I'.'l IIVMIIU months. od according to these, ?efaTrtdairemeats, uiilos. ailierw i.e ordered. 1 —e.i.:. Uaiwi iwtiitiiinnj to receive prompt ntten- JOUKNAI.. iMn.enlie'. Tnaleflsr to lll«|lltlllialie . . c , ,i, u . r iiiiiun of a third iinr.oa, oml iVnok die letter i br K-lf."KntdntUP.M.a SPEKCII OI’ MR. St'EPIIEIVS, OP GEORGIA The joint resolution for the annexation of Texas be. ing under consideration in the. Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. lloDSK OF RliPBESF.XTATIVFS, J.ll). 25, 1S45. Mr. Stbi'iieps said— Mit. CtiAittMAN It is more from a sense of duty to myself, thut iny position ut.d views may he correctly undet.liiod in tlio vote I may give on the reveinl proposition* now upon tlio table, as they may he severally presented wit uti the hour of tak ing the vote arrives, than from any expectation of savin" any tiling interesting lo tlio lic.use, thut I now venture to invite tile attention of mem bers to what I am ub.ml to oiler for their consider ation. The subject belore us is of no ordinary im. parlance. Its magnitude seems lo he duly lell by everyone. And seldom, perhaps, if ever lias it been surpassed in interest by tiny that Imvo ever been discussed within these walls, h is u intiller of great concern,.os well lo lire people of Texas ns to tiie people oi lire IIcited States. Both countries, therefore,are anxiously watching its progress; fur ii involves to some extent, the harmony, well being.and destinies of both. 1 have considered it a grave and momoulous question, from tiie time oi its first ttgita tion. And the same views must have struck not only ‘lie politician and statesman, hot lho most careless observer of public nffnirs and passing c- veals. It is also a question which lo me loses none of its interest us its decision approaches. Its vast ness nnd magnitude, like great objects in na ture, swell out nnd enlarge as we c nnc neater lo it. Tiie mountain in tiie disluticu, clothed in its 'azure hue,’looks ull smooth ami even; but experience &s well as poetry tellsus.it is tho distance thut gives “enchantment lo the view.” Surveyed at its base, in tlte gloomy shade oi its august Iruwn, it no longer presents tile delusive prospect oi nit eusy and enticing ascent. Tlte abrupt front and nigged surface too plainly show tiie dangers and dillicul* ties that beset and environ its lew and narrow pass- each voter would get in this vvnv ; nil these ‘‘hum- lo strengthen the institution of slavery in the Stutes; hug.” had their day nnd champions, and perhaps and for this object, and with this view, this Govern- nnsvvered their purpose. Hut amongst till tiie meal is called upon lo act and legislate in the case, schemes advocated there, it was generally very My objection is, that the General Government i curefully omitted to say much in defence of that, has no power to legislate for any such purpose. If treaty* Nor do 1 believe that tlte people of Gcor* I understand the nature of this Government, and gia of eilhor purty, desirous as I know them in the Lite ground alvvuys heretofore occupied by tlte niuiu, of hotli purlies, lo ho for annexation upon South upon this subject, it is, thut slavcty is necu- ‘ proper terms, would ho willing losce it accomplish, liurly a domes'ic institution. It is a inattei that I ed according to the provisions of that measuro. I concerns tho Shun s in which it exists, soverelly . The same I will venture to ttihrm of tlio people separately and exclusively, and with which this Go - 1 of tiio Smill generally,of all parties. vernmeiit has no right to interfere or to legislate, Sir, tho distinguished gentleman from South Car- further than to secure tlio enforcement of right I oliini, (Mr. Holmes) die oilier day said, vv hut I con. under existing guaranties of the Constitution, and i sider. in filed, as declaring that tlio Suuthcrn man no suppress insubordinations and insurrections,it | who would vote for tlio terms of tlmt treaty vvus oi- they arise. Beyond this, there is no power in llo | titer ‘‘u fool or a knave.” General Government to act upon the subject. wi'K (Mr. Holmes rose und said, that vv lint he had a view either to strengthen or weaken tiie institt. slated was, that nnv Southern man who would con- lion. For. if the power to do one he conceded, sont to divide the Texan territory between the Itovv can that to do tho oilier he denied? 1 donut slaveholding and iion.slnveholding interests would profess to belong to tlmt school of politi ho either “a fool or a knave,” mid such was still cinns who claim ono construction of tlio Constitu his opinion.) lion one day, when it favors my interests, nnd c.p Mr. Stephens continued. Exnclly so, sir; and pose the same, or a similar one, the next day, when so I understood him. And itovv did that treaty, or it happens to he ugainst me. Truth is fixed,influx itovv does tiie plan now upon your table, dispose ot ible, immutable, und eternal, unbending to time,, nnd adjust those interests ? Where is the guuran* circumstances, nr.d interests ; und so should he tlte ly it contains lor tiie security of any portion, much roles nnd principles by which tho Consiitution is less one.half of tlio country or territory for tiie construed and interpreted. And what Ims been slaveholding interests ? Upon this subject, which the position of the South for years upon this sub- thut gentleman thinks so vitul and important, that ject ? Wlint Ims been tlio course of Iter members treaty nnd the plan now before us ere us silent as upon this floor, in relation to tlio reception of abo- tlie grave! And would tlio Southern man who I lition petitions 7 Has it not been, tiiat slavery is a should vote to have tiie country equally divided ho- question upon which Cungress cannot act, except tween llieslaveholding and non sluveholding inter- in tin; cases 1 Imvo staled—whore it is expressly e.sis he any more ”u fool or a knuvo” limn tlio man provided by tiie OonslHilion iliiit Congress bus no who would vote for tiie acquisition of that exten- jurisdiction, if you please, ovor tho subject and that sive territory, larger titan several of tiie largest therefore it is improper und useless, if not uncon States of this Union together, or the Kingdom of stitutionul, lo receive petitions asking vvlmt Con France, as some gentlemen have said, bordering up. gress cannot cnustitu'ionally grant ? This lias on throe of the slavo Stales oflhe Union, without any been the ground assumed by tlio South, nnd upon settlement of tlmt question, or adjustment of these which these petitions Imvo been rejected fur years interests? Leaving it fora future House ol Repre- in this llousa, until the rule was rescinded at tlio seulnliviis, where tlio majoiity it is known will he I beginning of litis session. And however much decidedly opposed to the sluveholding interests, to gentlemen from ditlereul parts oi tiie Union have make the division ? 1 should not cull any man who d,fluted in opinion upon the extent of the ahstr may or might so voto eititer “a knave or a foul.” right ol petition, and tlio propriety and expediency of I use no such language towards any member on receiving all kinds of petitions, whether for constitu- this floor. 1 supposo every one will vole accord- tonal objects or not,yet 1 believe they have always ing to tiie dictates of his judgement, and what lie been neat ly all agreed in this, that Congress Ims no conceives to Lie for the best interests of tlio coon her whole debt, let llioumount he as large us it muy7 /Vnd sro gentlemen prepared thus to incur an un known liability ? [Here Mr. C. J. Ingersoll, chairman of tiie Com inittcc! mi Foreign Relations, interrupted In explain und stated tlmt tiie ministers of Tcxus hud estima ted tlio debt at between seven and oiglit millions; but tiie comrnitieo hnd put tlio utnounl ut ten mill ions, so ns to cover every tiling.] Mr. Stephens continued. Yes, air, I know all tlint; hot will the honorable ch.irmnn of tlio Com mittee on Foreign Adairs undertake to say lo the House tlmt ten millions will cover Hie present debt of Texas 7 [Mr. Ingersoll. replied tlmt lie made tile state ment on tiie authority of tlio Texan ministers.] Mr. Stephens proceeded. Yus, sir; hut up to what time did tlint estimate refer ? As far hack as 1 b41 ; throe—four years ago. It may Imvo been going on and increasing ever since. I want to know what it is at this time, if 1 Imvo been correctly informed, tiie authorities of Texas Imvo not even kept un account of their debt since 1841, and do not themselves know iiu extent. If they did. why did not their ministers tell what it was in ceil; they should ho guarded, watched, and defended with prudence, wisdom, firmness, and patriotism; and i( error ever should he committed in regard lo these, it seems to ho tiie safer course to let tlio er ror lie in a leaning lo tlio side of honor and good faith. Hut, apart from litis, it was a gruvo qoes. lion, how Inr it was discreet and proper for this country to involve herself in a war, even ii, in the eyes ol nil tlte world, ii should linve been viewed right and justifiable, when not in defence of her own citizens, War at till times is u great evil; it is the ultima ratio regain—tlio last resort of nations for tlte redress nl' grievances, when argument and rea son have lailed; and white it should never he shun* ned or avoided when tlio case mises, it should novel becourted in anticipation. Ail these views wore pre sented by tiie circomstunces when litis agitation commenced; hut since then we have seen that Mex ico has failed lo act in accordance with her prnclu. umlion; she ims fulled to renew tiie war. Her Con gress, it is reported, lias fuiled and refused lo vote •he necessary supplies—justifying lliu inference tlmt site lias abandoned tlio intention of making uny further attempt to re establish her power and on. thority in Texas, and leaving tiie present Govern. i terriUrf, itWtn», bM itCmtU; l 9 • species of Cowfcdmcy | deafer. joint government of Um CooMpration 1844 ? Either because they did not know, or lie- j monl in the possession of the undisputed sovereignty cause tlio umuunt was loo frightful lo dis-! of that mu,.try, and fully nuilmriaod to ho ir.,,.,.,1 close. Many men of fortune owed hut little in | ns other independent and sovereign Powers. Nuy, 1841, who have long sinco been bankrupt. And | more : we see Mexico herself now convulsed with people in debt are generally in tlte habit of eslima• . internal revolutions; intestine war now rages thro. ting their liabilities far short of their real amount. . ughoul her limils ; and she seems no longer able to It is sufficient fur me tlmt wo have no authentic in- maintain her own institutions. Tlio Government formation upon tiie extent of tlmt debt nt this time ; und tlio absence of information is orninus of itself. 1 linve heard it estimated by some nt twenty mill- ions, others forty, and some as high ns sixty. For my part, l should about ns soon attempt to count tiie stars in tlio heaven-, or estimate tiie '•number inexistence there so late as last year has recently been overthrown. Divided and torn to pieces by feuds and factions, site appears lo day much less stable if not less copnbic of maintnioining tier independence, than Texas. Anarchy reigns throughout lier bordersand it would bu difficult to of tku dead,” us to come to any accurate und satis- . »ny if she bus any Government at tiiis time either factory opinion upon the real amount of tiiat debt, , de facto or de jure. or tiie extent of the liubilily which tiiis Government j Her claims, therefore, I am not disposed any lonj would incur by a reckless assumption of it, wholly J gor to regard. She is clearly hors dc combat, so in tlio dark, and without information. This leap 1 Inr as this question is concerned ; for if Mexico Ims am not prepared lo make. , abandoned the war, or forfeited Iter right by uiirca- For these reasons, I cannot vote for tlio propo. i suitable delay, or bus proved unuble to carry it on, sitiun of tlte Committee on Foreign Adairs ; and us . 1 exas lias certainly established lier independence, my tinio is passing so rapidly tliut I shall not he a- and is entitled to ho considered and ncied towards bio to notice the various oilier plans, tiie one. oiler. , as oilier independent nations. And if this he so, of ed by llie gentleman from Illinois, (Mr. Douglas.) . course our so considering und treating lier cannot and the one by tlte gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. | interfere ut all with llie obligations of our treaty of Weller.) and the one by the gentleman from Ken- j boundary and amity with Mexico. The only in. lucky, (Mr. Tibatts.) nnd tlio ono bv tlio gentleman , qniry, therefore, upon tlio foregoing aspect of the irons Alabama, (Mr. Bolsor,) and the one by the j question is, whether Texas is now entitled to ho gentleman from New York, (Mr. Robinson.) and i considered ono of tlte independent nations of the various others—sixteen in all, I believe—i will i earth? and for niy own part, 1 soe no reason why she briefly say, tlmt eacli nnd uvery ono ol them is lia- 1 should not he. As lor England or France, or oilier countries, and their feelings and wishes, 1 have or tiie other of the objections 1 have righlur power to interfere with the institutions of the try. This is tiie rule I claim for myself, nnd I am Stales. This, sir, is our safeguard, and in it is disposed to concede it to others. But tilts 1 will not | our only security ; it is tlio outpost and hiilwurk of hesitate lo say : tlmt no Southern man could pur- our defence. Yield this, and you yield everything. ted, or other considerations growing out of tlio sub. jecisto which I Imvo alluded. I cannot, tlierolore, notice tliem s ugly and seperateiy. All of them lull within tiie scope of my objec tions ; nnd i pass on to wlmt I proposed to do in tiie second place; which was, to slate wlint kind of a proposition flu annexation i would support, and up on wlmt terms and principles 1 would consent to a union of Texas with this country. Those, sir. ure nothing to say. They linve nothing more to do with the question than any other common inter- meddlers in communities Imvo to do with their neighbors negotiations. It is no business of theirs. They have no right to say any tiling; nnd if thpy do, they thereby become national intermeddlers, and should bo treated accordingly. But there is another class of objections, com prising those tlmt grow out of the nature of our o imbodied and set forth in tiie plan submitted iiy tiie j own government; they are of a domestic ciiurac- sue, in my opinion, a more unwise course than to Grant the power lo net or move open the subject, ^ gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr. Milton Brown.) j ter, and concern ourselves. I hese are of a con- vote for any measure upon this subject without a I yield the jurisdiction, call upon Congress to legts- I und as tlmt plan has been printed und laid before i sltlutioiml origin, and deserve mature deliberation. So, sir, with this subject, as wc appproach near er to it, its surface is far from appearing even and smooth. Already we see its projecting rocks—the higli impending cliffs—tiie deep ravines—the (right, fui chasms—and sometimes, l must confess, 1 fan cy 1 hour the portentous rumbling of its slumbering volcanic fires—May God giant tlmt my apprehen sions may prove lo he founded only in alarm, or that their destructive energies may never be fully awakened und actively aroused. Before attempting, however, to encounter its dif ficulties or to surmount its heights, 1 will premise by slating, tlmt, upon the abstract question oi the annexation of Texas, or tlio union of tlio Govern ment of tlmt country with this, upon just and pro per principles, 1 urn favorably inclined, and have I been from the beginning. But I am far from say ing tliiu 1 am in favor of uny kind ot a union, or thut I am prepared to vole, as some gentlemen have suid for themselves, for either or any of the plans fur annexation which have been referred to this committee. With me, much depends upon tiie form, tlio nuture and the terms of the proposition ; for while 1 might yield a willing and cordial support lo one, I should not hesitato lo give a similar oppo sition to another. I am fur from declaring mysell for Texas any how and in any way. Tiie benefits lo be derived from all human institutions, and the practical usefuloess ol ull measures, even the wisest, depend eminently on ddail—and upon my opinion of the propriety of the details of the sever, at plans now before tho committee will depend my vote when the question comes to ho taken upo litem, respectively. As much as I desire this addi tion to our Republic upon what I conceive to be correct and proper principles, yet upon others, and upon some of thoso now before us, l should not hes. itute to reject it, as ono of tho greatest possible evils with which we could bu cursed. In what I have to say, therefore, for greater per spicuity, and for the purpose of being belter under stood in relation to tlio various plans, 1 will, if tlio committee will beur with me proceed tostute— In the first plac, wlmt kind of a proposition I will not support; secondly, what kind of a one I will support; thirdly, notice some of the objections 1 have. Itchrd in opposition; and, lastly, if my time permits, offer some of the reusons which infiu. ence me in supporting such a measuro as I shall state. In the first place, then, I wisli it distinctly under stood, tiiat 1 am opposed to the plua reported by tlio chairman (Mr. C. J. Ingersoll) of llie Committee on Foreign Afluirs. That is the plan which is now immediately before us. It is an exact copy of tiie treaty rejected by the Senate last spring, and which 1 Imvo never failed, upon nil proper occasions, to , condemn|ever since its provisions were made known. My objections to it arc two-fold. It leaves tlte sin very question, upon which so much bus been said in this ddhate, unsettled ; and it also provides for tho assumption by this Government of tho dohts of I Texas. My friend and collengue (Mr. Huralson) yestor- day,and another friend und colleague (Mr. Cobh) | whom I now tee in his seat, the duy before, stated | that in Georgia men of all parties woro in favor of | annexation; hut neither of thoso gon'.lemen, I pre- jsumo, would venture to assert that any party in that I8iate are favorable lo unnexution upon tlio terms jof that treaty. t [Mr; Haralson interrupted, and was understood jto say that wlial he had stated, and now repented, jwns,that tiie people of Georgia were in favor of limmediate annexation, and he was prepared to enr- |ry out their wishes in any way tho object could he accomplished.] Mr. Stephens. Then I suppose the gentleman is prepared to vole for tho torms of that treaty 7 Mr. Haralson again replied by saying, ns he i understood, that he did not intend io be driven by a quibble of that sort; bo was ready to vote rany proper plan.) Mi. Stephens continued. No quibble, Mr. Chair, »n. I# ton, am prepared to vote for any proper plan settlement und establishment of tiie line dividing late with llie view presented in that correspondence j members, nnd gentlemen cun read its terms at their those interests. If slavery is to exist in any purl and instead of strengthening, they might deem it j leisure, if they are not already familiar with them, of tlio territory, let it iiu so stated. Let it be ‘‘no. proper to weaken those institutions ; and where, j I will not iluiain tlte committee by a recapitulation, minuted in tlio bond.” Let it ho inserted ia llie then, is your remedy ? I nsk Southern gentlemen, | It proposes to admit Texas ns a S'.nto ut once, and compact of union, of whatever character it may be, where, then, is their remedy? We were remind- ' 1 1 1 11 1 1 — - whether in the form of a treaty or a hill or joint ed the other duy by a gentleman from South Cnro- resolulion for Iter admission as u State, or in any lina, (Mr. Holmes.) that wo werein a minority on oilier way. Nor can I say upon this point, with this floor. Ii is true, wo are in n minority; and ts tlio honorable chairman of tiie Committee of For- it w ise in a minority to yield their strong position, eign Affairs, (Mr. C. J. Ingersoll,) who reported I their sure and sulo fortress, to the majority, for litis plan, which is so mum upon litis most important them to seize and occupy to their destruction ? No, mutter connected with it, that it is unnecessary to s.r, never. Upon tins subject, I lell gentlemen adjust that question now ; tiiat “sufficient unto the from the South, and the people of llie South, to day is tiie evil thereof.” The authority of Scrip- stand upon tiie Constitution as it is, and that cou ture, I admit, is good, when properly used; hut, strucliun w liich has been uniformly given to it up. unfortunately, it is not always so applied. And on this point, from the beginning of the Govern- wltoever has read tho history of tlio temptation in ment. This is our shield, wrought in the furnace the wilderness, will doubtless ngree with me that of the Revolution. It is broad, ample, firm, and this is not tlio first instance of its misapplication, strong ; und wo want no further protection or so. i should rather say, let us not put off tiie evil hour ourity than it provides. But this is not all. '1 hat —let the members from different parts of tlio coun- correspondence not only makes slavery a national try understand themselves upon this question at the question, and calls upon Congress to trout it as threshold. Distinct understandings often avoid un. such, and legislate in reference lo it ns such, but it pleasant differences and difficulties, as well lie- bus even thrust the whole subject into our foreign tween States as individuals, if Texas is to he diplomacy ; and those Sluta institutions which brought into tlio Union, upon what terms is it to ho heretofore were never held to he proper topics for dono ! Is it lo be a free or a sluvo Territory, or discussion and ngiiation, even upon this floor, is it lo he subject to tiie operation of the Missouri compromise witliyi similar limits? The honorable chairman to whom 1 have just alluded, in u pape now deemed proper subjects of legitimate corres pondence between this Government, ia national character, and tiie most influential and powerful put forth Iiy him last summer, said in his classic Courts of Europe. Where it will end, I know liioguago, that annexation would he tiie euthanasia not. But tiie whole proceedings I consider as un- of slavery, the easy death of that institution ! timely, uncalled for, und exceedingly improper; Is that the object, then, of those who advocate a " d u « uinsl as Southern man, a Georgian, and his plan ? Do they intend, after carrying the mea. as ,7‘ A,n 1 ullca ": 1 P roloti i* , . , . sure for annexation, without any thing being said 7“ n ,l,e '"stunnon of slavery, s.r, do not ... upon Slavery, to oppose the admission of any slave | i®‘‘ d t °„!. |,aU ; k „ 1 ‘ e . rU ' 1 0Uha 7 o . f ,ts orl 8', n !. lusto ; ?_ P re .1 Slate into tlte Union, formed out of that territory? sent condition and necessity, or of its evils nnd Is this the object and design ? It so, why not avow I ‘."T 03 ' ll !» no r t 1 " ,e P ro P ei ' ,P lace ‘ J l,a '[ 0 beu, ‘ it ? And, if not, whv not sav at once what part led 0 sn >’ whal 1 , hav0 ‘ " , 1 8ta, ‘ ,1 g '"f firat objeot.on shall be admitted as Slates with slavery, if the ico- t0 , l, ““ P ro P nsBl ' P lan fur uonexauon of 1 exas ; pie so choose t Why leave it an open question ? wl ." clu3 ’ ,hal 11 , luavua ,lm an °P an f° r My reason for wishing it settled in the beginning, I , “ evoua nnd dnr, « erous d “ CU88,on llcreaf,er .‘ and for opposing any and all measures and plans I . other objection to tlmt plan is, that provides which leave it unsettled, I do not hesitate lo make for lle a8,um P‘ ,on u( ,ho dtbl 1 l ua8 '- known. 1 fear the excitement growing out of Hie 1 10 ll ' e . ex,0nl uf lon mdd °," 8 °(, doll , ars ,', Nor do 1 .l« I consider tins mailer ol debt ‘‘all smoke, ns another agitation of the question hereafter may endanger ■ . 4 . the harmony and even existence of our present if ,lla '” aa < ro "> Sou ‘• Lurolma LMr. Rhett) saui Union. Snnnnsn tl.is n,o„«n„-„ llle ollll!l ' dn . v - ol '> " l loas '. where there is so much Union. Supposo this measure should pass—I mean the plan proposed by tho Committee on Foreign affairs—and Texas shortly hereafter should apply for admission as a Sluto into tiie Union, and the re strictious proposed for Missouri should he imposed upon her—can any one be so blind as not to know what would bo tiie result, or so infatuated as not to regard tlte consequences? If so, I confess it is nut tlte case witlt myself. I have an ardent altucii smoke, 1 fear there is “some fire”—quite enough ‘blister our fingers.” if wo handle it much. There are other obligations, at any rate, which 1 think wc would he doing much better lo be looking alter first. Wo ought to be just heforo wo under, tako to ho generous. Georgia lias not yet been reimbursed for expenditures made in behalf of tlio common defence during tiie late Indian difficulties ; leaves her debts and her lauds for her own manage ment. just as Georgia nnd ot her States, with he r debts and rioli domain, came into tlio Union nt til© formation of' tlio Government- Nut only this, it settles tlm slavery question. It leaves no door open for future mischief, discord, and strife, from that quarter. It leaves no prospect for another Missouri agitation, which mien canto well neigh destroying the Government; hut it quiets and puts lo rest forever nil disturbance on that question, and tliut, loo, upon tlte terms of llie compromise agreed upon on tiie admission of Missouri- Witit that the country is familiar, and tlte people in all parts seem to lie satisfied. And, witlt this exposition, I shall say nothing further upon that point, but will proceed to notice some of tin: ribj-r.uons urged against tlte proposed action, which apply to this plan as weii as others. These objections are of two classes : first, those which look to tlte foreign, und, secondly, those which relate to liio domestic aspect of tlte question. 1 shall speak of each in tlieir order. First, of tho foreign. And upon this view I wish to lie understood ns paying no regard to tlte various treaties which gentlemen Imve said so much uhnut. I have nothing to say of tlio treaty of 1803, with France, by which Louisiana was acquired, or wheth er we did, by tlmt treaty, actually got a good title to any portion oflhe country west of tho .Sabine or not. Nor shall I say any tiring of tiie treaty of 1810 with Spain, by which we got llie Floridas, nod ttgreed upon tlte Sabine as llie boundary he. tween us and lira neighboring Spanish provinces in tlmt quarter ; or tlio treaty (of 1832) of amity with Mexico, alter tlte establishment of her indepen dence. All those, 1 consider,have very little to do with the real merits of tlte question. If we did get ~ J' i . , , 1 p i less in contempt lor its most sacred provisions, a good title to Texas by tlio treuly ol 1803, "•» I 1 1 It is said that tiie proceedings now before us nr unauthorized by tlio fundumentul law of the Union, and that we Imvo no power lo act upon the subject us proposed. Tlte gentleman from Now York (Mr. Barnard) directed his wlioio speech veslerday to this point, und presented an urgument which was highly complimented by the gentleman from Mas. sachusetls for its force und ability. That gentle, man (Mr. B.) said tlmt tlte House was proceeding ••in contempt of tlte Constitution,” and tiiat tlio pro. posed object was a “fraud” upon llie Constitution. These strong expressions were repeated, and fell with emphasis from tiie gentleman; and 1 listened attentively to his argument, to hoar what reasons lie would offer lo sustain his assertion ; for I held myself open to conviction. And if 1 could see tiiat tlio course 1 intend to tako was in contempt of tlte Constitution, or that 1 was about to commit a fraud —a “gross fraud” were his words—upon its pro visions, I should most certainly abandon (lie project. When 1 oust my eyes, Mr. Chairman, ovor tlte surface of tiie world,and survey the notions oflhe earth, and see that tiie people of tlte United Suites alone, of all tlio millions of tlio liumnn family who live upon tiie habitable globe, are really freo, and fully enjoy tlte natural l ights of mun; tlmt all oilier parts nro dreary wild and waste ; and tiiat this is tlio only green spot, tlio only oasis in tlio universal desert—and then consider tlmt all litis difference is owing lo our Constitution; that all our rights ui.d privileges, und interests are dorived from and secured by it, I am disposed to regard it will) no trifling feelings of unconcern and indifference. It is indeed, llie richest inheritance en r bequeathed by patriot sires (o ungrateful sons. 1 confess, I view it with reverence ; and, if idolatry could ever lie excused, it seems to me it would be io allowing an American citizen n holy devotion to tho Constitu. tion of his country. Such are nt) feelings; and far b" it from me to entertain soiiliments in uny way kin lied to a disregard for its principles, mttcli ment for this Union. Upon its existence and con- ,u,d . ll,e faill,ful s ( old ! er ‘ in !" an ? •'.eluncea. has not tinuancc, our prosperity, happiness, and safety, dc pend. And patriotism—truo patriotism which, as 1 understand tliulterin, mentis Invo of. ,, , , one’s own country ..hove all othors-compels 7 ler ll !7’ we huva . oll,<ir , debt8 ’ 8 i! 1 macl '.T r ,° r to declare that, ns much as 1 fool for llo ''; u ’ ,f wc afe d "*P™ ed be liberal with llie yet been successful in getting his liouesl dues for services und loss of property io those campaigns. Wu ought certainly In pay our own debts first; and tho interests and welfare of the people of Texas, l ,ublic "“"“T- So 1 veral 1 lbe Slates of the Union libel much more for the interests and wc |. unlorlunaloly, are largely in debt. Andl have not been a little surprised nl tlte course of certain gen tlemen upon this question, who were not long sinco faro of llie people of this country ; nnd as much as [ admire tiie lustre of llie “lone star,” its some gen llemcn huve been pleased lo designate our neighbor exceedingly clamorous against tlte monstrous and ing Republic, I feel much greater admiration for “"constitutional assumption of tho debts of the tlte bright galaxy of tlte twonty.six brilliant stars &lale8 ‘ ' vl “ c ", •»•»'vtihom foundation, anti altogeti). of our own glorious constellation ; and rather than or , IF'ilu.tojsly, charged upon their opponents, out soe her shouting irregularly from her place, pro- wbo seu "o objection at ull. no constitutional during disorder and confusion in our well-balanced ""1‘Cdiment, to the assumption of the debts of a to. system, I should greatly prefer to let her ‘beam on’ country. 1. is destruction to the Constitution with increasing splendor, as a fixed star in the |)0 . according to their logic, to pay the debts of tho litical firmament. Though she might never reaclt s,la ' e l a 5 bul ,lie '° l , 3 »» obstacle, nothing more for. thefirstmugnilt.de, yet her position w. old over ,,Mdab ‘“ tha.famnko’ whtch soon disappear, and tender her conspicuous amongst the nations of the *«"‘she8, to d >c way of paying tlte debt of Texas. 1 tiers is one part of scripture l would commend Bnl if gentlemen from the North are sincere in 10 <•»«•><'••" of »»ch gentlemen, and it is that their professions—if they consider the annexation wblc 1 de8C , r , , bc« U«e inconsistency of a class of of Texas a great national question—if our own l’“»P leo old, who “strained at gnats, and swallow- greatness and glory are toho increased thereby, ed camels. und our own union and harmony are not lo be dis- Bul who knows the amount of our liability to be turbed—if they are disposed to abide by the com-1 incurred by tiie assumption of that debt? It is promise established at tho admission of Missouri, true the committee only proposes to pay ten rnill- by which alone that harmony can be preserved, let ion* ; but who does not know, that if we take Tex- them say so now, and leave no door opun for future j as, with Iter sovereignty, lands, and all her proper- is that treaty, the proposition in substance no* disputation, dissension, and strifo. I speak plainly, j ty* ns that plan proposes, we will become liable for certainly parted witlt it by solemn engagement, h) llie treaty of 1819. Nor nin I dispose" to find fault with llteireuty of 1819. By it we got, in consid. oration of fivu millions ofdultars,nnd tlio relinquish- mem of a disputed claim for all west of tiie Subiuc, a settlement for nil cast, and tlte Floridas besides ; which was a great acquisition at tliut day. it was so considered by Mr. Monroe, Mr. Culhnun, Mr. Wirt, nnd our own distinguished und highly gifted Crawford—ull Southern men, statesmen, and pat riots. These all gave it their approval und sane, lion at tho lime, and I lake it for granted tiiat the treaty, under llie circumstances, wns not only u good one, hut highly advantageous lo llie country. It wus ull important for us to have Florida ; and 1 do not see how we could well do without it. But oven if that trenty were not a good one, we could not in good faith, ut litis time, go beyond it. Wo would he estopped by our own deed and compact. Tlmt, therefore, I think is out of tlte question. Nor do I conceive that tiie treaty of 1832, between this country und Mexico, has much more to do witlt the case, [las Texas acquired Iter independence and is site entitled to ho considered as one of the nations „f tlte earth? This is the only point, upon this view of tlm subject entitled tu consideration. And I confess this aspect of tiie case, in my opinion, has materially changed sinco this qiiesliun wus first started. Tlton it is true, after protracted and in. effectual elf iris on the part of Mexico to re-ostuh- fish her authority, there was no actunl war going on in Texas; no fagrans helium taging at the lime. But the armistice which had for some time been a- greed upon, und by which hostilities had been sus pended, had just terminated, and a proclamation had been made by Mexico fora renewal of hostilities. There was every reason to expect that another ef fort would he made; and how far, under suclt cir cumstances, it was just and proper for this country to niuko herself a parly lo such war, as she would imve done by taking Texas lo herself and how far our national honor and national good laith might have been involved in such course, was u grave and important question,land well deserving the calm and serious considerbtinn of our Government. A nation’s honor and gJLd faith are .of great value— 1 above all price—and fcauld mi»-bb rashly sacrifi But how is it? Let us examine tlte matter.— The gentleman objects to tlio acquisition of territo ry, ns lie calls it, by joint action of Congress in its Legislative capacity. His arguments rested upon the assumption, that Congress, in its Legislative character, could not exercise any power which was not expressly gran ted, or suclt as might ho necessary lo carry out those which were expressly grunted ; and tlint there wus no original substantive power granted in the Constitution for the acquisition of territory.— This was not one of tlte original designs in tiie formation of tho Government, and wus not ono of the objects to he attained, ns specified in tiie Con stitution. lie admitted that territory might ho nc quired, if it became a necessary incident to tlte proper exercise of other powers, such as tiie treaty. making power, &c., but denied tliut tlte present proceedings proposed lo exercise it in tlint way, and therefore was unconstitutional. Now, suppose I grant his position and his prcmi- ses entirely, does his conclusion, in reference to the proposition I advocate, necessurily follow ? Do tho resolutions uf tits gentleman from Tennessee (Mr, Brown) propose lo acquire territory 1 Wo ure of ten misled hv the use of words. Words, some wri ter has said, are tilings ; and much misapprehen sion, 1 think, has been produced by the terms used in this debule. We have had “annexation” und --re.annexation,” and “acquisition of territory until there is a confusion of ideas between the <>b. ject desired and tho manner of obtaining it. To acquire, conveys the iden of property, possession, und tiie right of disposition. And to acquire tern• lory, conveys the idea of getting tiie rightful pos session of vacant and unoccupied lands. If this ho the sense in whirl- the gentloman uses it, I ask, does the plan of the gentleman from Tennessee propose to do any such thing ? It is true, it propo ses to enlarge and extend the limits and boundaries of our republic. But how ? By permitting anolh. or State to come into the Uuion, with all her lands and territory belonging to herself. Titie Govern- ment will acquire nothing thereby, except llie ad vantages to be derived from the Union. And if I understand llie original substantial design nf the Constitution, tbo main object of its creation, it was not to swqmr* t nion of Stales, I ring upon thejoint goverbiMntofll . or Union, the exercise of sock sovereign power* a* were necessary for all foreign national purpose* and retaining all others in the States, nr the people, of the States, respectively. This was the design, this was the object of tbo Constitution Itself, which is but tho enumeration of tho term* upon which the people ol the several Slates agreed lo join In the Union, for the purposes therein specified; and in this way all the nates came into it,Georgin amongst tiie rest, with tier rich western domain extending to the Mississippi, out of which two States have since grown up, and have been likewise admitted. When tlte Government wae formed, North Car olina and Rhode Island refused to come in for some time. It was not until after it wae organized, and commenced operations by eleven of the States, tiiat these two consented to become members of the Uuion. Could the U. States, those eleven which first storied this Getierul Government, be laid lo Imve acquired territory when North Carolina was admitted ? or tiie twelve, which composed the U. nitod States, when Rhode Island came in ? There was in cucli of those cases an addition of e .Stole, and enlargement of the confederated Republic, just us lliorc will be if Texus be admitted, as proposed Iiy the gentleman from Tennesseo, but no acquisi tion of territory, in the common acceptation of the term. How, far, and in how many ways, this Govern- ornment can constitutionally acquire territory va lidly. us I Ituve explained, Mr. Chairman, I do not think a pertinent inquiry at this time ; but I have no hesitation in saying, tiiat I think it can be done in various ways, and without resorting to the exer cise of incidental powers. And upon this point the nt of tbo gentleman from New York wa* ly inconsistent with itself; for he admitted tlmt tve could conetiiut.'onally ao^ui.. ...a t.wij ter ritory by tlio right of discovery, and yet where docs lie find this power amongst those specified and ex pressly granted in tlio Constitution? I might ask. as did tlio gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. tVintlirop,) ii it was one of the original designs and objects in forming our Government “to go in quest of foreign lands ?” There is no such object slated nnd no suclt power expressly given. And in the ense tlte gentleman admitted, it strikes me that it would he hard to point out the one to whiclt it is e\en incident. But, sir, l do not grnnt the position assumed by the gentleman from Now York, Mr. Barnard. I Imvo only been showing that if I were lo grant it, it would not affect my case. And I now state, that I ht'licve nothing is clearer than that this Govern, ment cun in various ways acquire territory, and tlmt this call he effected if desired by Congress in its legislative capacity,and under one of the express provisions of the Constitution. This I do not nd. duco in support of the proceedings 1 advocate, or to show tlmt they are constitutional, but barely to ex. pose the fallacy of tlio argument of the gentleman from New York. i read in tiie second clause, latter part, of the first article of the Constitution, the following words; “ No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay uny duty on tonnage, keep troops or ship of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another Slate, or with a foreign pow er," &c. Now, suppose Congress should, in its legislative capacity, lor it could do so in no other way, grant its consent tu Louisiana or Arkansas to enter into un “agreement or compact” with Texas, or Mexi co, if you please, for the cession of certain territory bordering upon those States, upon the conditions tliut one half of tlio unoccupied lands so ceded should belong to the State making the negotiation, and tlte other half to bo ceded to tiie United Stntes und tu ho held subject to the laws regulating her oth er public domuin, with the furthor condition, that, so soon as tiie territoryso ceded should become suffi ciently populated, it should be admitted as ono of the States into this Union: can any gentleman say tliut Cungress lias not got the power to give such consent ? And, if such consent should he given, und such agreement and compact be entered into, tliut Congress would not Imve, in tiiat wny, most clearly, acquired territory in its legislative capaci ty, and tlmt under an express provision of the Constitution ? But, as I said, I do no rely upon that view ; I do not and urn not advocating tliut mode of proceed ing. I was only tracing the argument of the gen. tinman from New York, who broadly denied any such power to Congress- 1 do not propose, it will be recollected, to acquire territory, as I understand it, at all, hut simply to admit a new State into (lie present union of States. And the authority upon which I rely is no forced construction, but tho plain simple hingunge of tiie Constitution, which declares, in llie first clause, 3d sectio , 4th article, that— “New Slates may he admitted by Congress into “tins Union ; hut no new State shall be formed or “erected within the jurisdiction of any other State, “nor any Slate be formed by the junction of two or “more States or parts uf States, without the consent •oflhe Legislatures of the States concerned, as "well us of Congress." Tlte torms here used are broad, unqualified, and unrestricted, “New Slates may be admitted by Congress into this Union.” But it is said that it was only meant by these words to give tiie power to admit States formed out of the territory of (lie United States, and within their jurisdiction, and not to include a foreign State. To this I might reply, that it is the pclitioprincipii—a begging of llie question. Whether that was the meaning and intention is the main inquiry ; and from the words used, no such inference can bo drawn. But the gentleman from New York says he believes tiiat was tho meaning and intention ; and, further, that he nelieves that, if any other opinion had been en. tertuined the Constitution would never have been ratified. Well, sir, his belief is not argument. I suppose tlint every true Mahometan verily believe* that Christ was un impostor. And I will do the gentleman from New York the justice to admit that his fuitlt is quite ns strong ; hut we are taught that we should not only believe, but be able to give a enson for the (tiilli that is in us,” And here, 'uin, I listened for the reasons of the gentleman’s faith, but heard nothing better than a repetition of his belief. Let us, then, examine the matter. If there is uny difficulty, we must look to the words, theob. jects, and contemporaneous history. As to the words, they are quite unambiguous. The term State” is a technical word, well understood ut tiiat time. It means a body politic—a community clothed with all the powers and attributes of gov. eminent. And any State, even one ofthose grow ing up in the bosom of our own territory, upon ad mission, may be considered to some extent foreign. For if it be a State, it muit have a separate Govern, ment ; it must be a politicol community of itself; it must huve aGovernment separate from, and to some extent independent of, the Union. For if it be in the Union then it could not be admitted ; that can not he admitted in which already in. And if it is a Slate, and out of the Union, seeking admis sion, it must be considered quoad hoc to be foreign. Now, as to contemporaneous and subsequent histo- . - - ^ o -- - “this Constitution between the Stales so ratifying.' Tni u«»v uqin iU(W|u w ii r n»U| vwu- i tbs not foreign wbanever the Gov. into oporetion without hot ratifies. What relation did North Carolina hold to the Union when it was firat formed ? She refused to ratify the Constitution, and waa moil clearly out of it. Tlte last article of the Constitution declared— “The ratification of the conventions of nine “States shall be sufficient for the establishment of But inure than nine ratified; eleven did; leaving North Carolina and Rhode Inland out, as before stated. The Union waa formed, and the Constitu. lion established, for those that bad ratified, and the Government proceeded to organisation. North Carolina was then certainly out of tho Union. Sho had the right and power lo remain out. If she had, would she not have boon foreign to it t And, eon- seqwtntlyi wait* ' ‘ ~ eminent went