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VOL. I,~NO. 20.
SAVANNAH, GEORGIA. MONDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 13, 1865.
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7iO\ DAY MORNING, NOV. 13th.
READING matteb on eveey page.
THE STATE CONVENTION
The Debate on Repudiation in
Progress.
points of Order.
SKIRMISHING BfiFtRE THE GREAT
BATTLE.
Ke[i(idiation to Form No Part
of the Constitution.
SPEECHES OF DELEGATES.
Kl’Pl DIATION CARRIED OUT AT
LAST.
A Well Contested Division.
1 Ti:n:<;nAM from the president
OF THE UNITED STATES.
A MEMORIAL TO THE PRESIDENT FOR
RECONSTRUCTION.
Gallant Mill between two Distin
guished members of the Georgia
Convention.
Joshua Hill attacks the Confederacy and
tenders a hoite secrete to Mr. Cannon,
wlm replies vigorously with a
home thrust, putting his as
sailant hors du combat.
JI DGE .iE.VKINS THROWS UP TOE-SPONGE
XOTHER
Ac.,
MILL EXPECTED
MORROW.
&c., Arc.
TO-
i Special Correspondence of the Samir*
nali National Republican.
Milledokvillb, Nor. G.
Tin 1 CoDrent'on met this morning at the usual
■l tour, half part 9. The proceedings haring been
I opened with prayer, the Secretary proceeded with
B. the tinal reading of the Constitution, which ec-
■1 cupiecl a corsiderable time. Great interest was
Si- uiamfes'ed in the proceedings lor this day, as it
S was genera ly known that the great debate on
D; the subject of repudiation of the wardebt was the
■ I special ord r. During the whole of yesterday the
k question of repudiation was discussed in alt its
R tonne aDd blanches by groups of persons sitting
0 round tires in the hotels and lodgiDg-bouses, and
B bus morning when tbg reading of the Gonstitq-
• ::on was baiug proceeded with, a strange bpz* or
I it. ^commenced, and sounded in the halt so
I. soa ihat the voice of the Secretary could hardly
I « heard. This formed a strange contrast to tbe
H; i’enously silent manner in which such business
■i'esgot through, but on raising one’s eyes the
IPhenomena was at once explained—ladies were
I " the gallery. The President did not attempt to
1 t»i>" lor order, regarding it as utterly hopeless,
if ttobably somewhat like the gentleman who
I :oald never be brought to believe that women
E Ie 'it to Heaven, because a certain great writer
H oid there was silence in it lor fire minutes
E Alien the Secretary had got through with read-
B “S the Constitution.
I Mr. .Itmkics moved its adoption.
I Mr. , oahua Hill—Before the motion is put I
■ 1 to etate on tbe part of myself and others on
■ this floor, that they may desire to add a separate
H ttiicle 10 the Constitution. I wish it understood
■ Wore I adept the proposition for ths adoption of
| Constitution, that we are not precluded from
ifcirg other articles to it.
-ir. ending—v y motion is for the final adop-
' a °t the Constitution. As I understood the
r eceedings on the subject tbe Cousfitutioo is not
■*“ t0 amendment unless by a general consent
a-tt ti ouse - - l has been gone through para-
, .pa by paragraph, and these paragraphs bare
can"., 1’ted, and now on its final reading, it
'ention aulen<,et * un ' e3 ’ by consent of the Con-
cani r '. Uiil ,—' 10 1 understand, therefore, that we
■notmake any addition to the Constitution?
„ Jenkins—If tile gentleman has any addi.
j “ rtlcl ° that he wishes to propose, I don’t
I ict-k at il m,y be aote<1 upon. On final read-
g. however, these paragraphs which bare been
I s -5 over are unsusceptible of amendment exoept
I liinf C i eral C0Dsent ‘h* house. If the proposi-
IJ” *, I have made to the Convention be
I jy"'™’ anii ‘hat the vote of tbe Abuse be in the
r mative, it will then be no larger open to emenu-
•Mr,
I to T
Hill—J would ask the Gentleman, therefore,
cannot,-uniess by unanimous consent of tbe house, to pass this ordinance, is because we have re
make the ordinance which I offs red part of the ceived an intimation from a h gh quarter that
Constitution, which all the mombers of tbe Legis. ; this measure will be indispensably necessary for
la'Ure and all the pubiio functionaries will be the great purpose for which this Convention is
sworn to as well as any other part oT'the Consti-' called together. For what purpose was this
tu ion If it is the wish of the house that! Convention called ? I need not Answer the
waaartf tr* in •sets *»—. -w. —’*»»'• ■*—-
lt , i ‘ 1<traw his motion in order that, a separate
HI .in maj 1)0 °fftred on which we may aot; then
B 11 V t° te for his motion afterwards. ,
B a* /' I will enquire of the gentleman if
™ ,. *“ to be offered ?
\| r “ lll ~There is an article ready,
^•Jenkin^-Thi ‘ ^
time.
Out Creeps the Mouse, ^
of this ”** *? °^“ r nm f 0z TUnstinq
enquire
! , a , n ar ’> ol e to be offered ?
Hiil There is an article
| joi'u. D ^‘ Di —Then I hope it wiU> handed in,
I time. ‘ US get ‘krough with this subjeet some*
orsi* Thismntin
Hm . 8nc * which I laid on -
has refsrence to the
.spec in7:vl“‘ su V" a °“ »• table last week re-
“°» he!on 3u’ t> . In ‘ hat ordinance whleh
Lion that 1 - th *» express pro-
r j h to dat .Zd beforo p<mren-
N to* < '
a Uing 0 -^ OD «*Mth «d
r.^ktnsyb,^
obviate ary difficulty of that sort, I would prefer
that the Constitution as read, will, fur tbe presen',
not be finally "adopted. My view of this thing,
is, ihat the ordinance should staud on the same
foo ing as all the other parts of ths Constitution.
If it stand not upon that footing, it will not hire
that dignity nmi foroe which it otherwise would
have. Unless the gentleman is willing to with
draw bis amendment, I wfll now propose to offer
this as part of the Constitution.
Mr. Cannon—said'the motion ho was ab ut to
move would be fiom no captions spirit, but sim
ply in order to endeavor to preserve harmony
in ibe Convention. As soon as tbe motion fo^ the
adoption of the Constitution was concluded, the
ordinance of the gentlemen from Muscogee woeli
then be in order. He (Mr. Cannon) would now
call for thoprovi. us question.
Mr. Chappell. I hope the motion will not
prevail.
A division was then called for, and the mo
tion of Mr. Jenkins for the adoption of the
constitution prevailed.
Mr. Chappell then introduced his ordinance
of repudiation, which has already been pub
lished. Several amendments and substitutes
were then offered, and were the cause of much
confusion, and a quantity of uninteresting de
bate on points of order. It was, however, final
ly decided that the moiioa of Mr. Chappell to
make his ordinance part of the constitution,
was in order. He said it should be made part
of the soostifution, and gave as his reasons that
every governor and every judge shonld know
and feel that when he entered upon the duties
of his office, the oath that he would take to
support the constitution would also bind him
to sustain the ordinance of repudiation as part
and parcel |of that constitution. He' did not
want to leave any chance open for a quibble or
a cavil, and at any fnture time it sfiontd be
made an obligation upon the consciences of
those of every department of tbe government
of Georgia to support that ordinance; and the
very fact, of the st enuous, persevering and in
defatigable efforts that wwre made to exclude
the requirement of an oath for that ordinancs
made it quite plain that if that provision were
left out, the time was not far distant when the
members of the Legislature might be told and
even persuaded that th' ir oaths did not require
them to observe that ordinance.
Mr. Mathews did not think it was essential
that the ordinance should pass. The gentle
man from Muscogee grounded his argument
that nnle-s itis ordinance were incorporated
into tbe constitution it would not bind the con
sciences of the Legislature aml'the Judicia
ry. He (Mr. Mathews,) contended that an
ordinance coming from the convention was as
strong and ns binding as though it had been
ingralted into the constitution. But if they
should submit to ir, if Georgians shonld de
clare they would repudiate tbe debt for the pay
ment of which he, (Mr. Maihews,) maintained
they were bound to by every solemn obligation
of honor and duty, let it be passed, let it go
into tlte archives of the State, let it remain
there forever and let future generations hunt
for it, but let it not be put into the constitution.
At least they should not have that humilia ion
before their eyes. He could not find it in his
heart that day to complain with any bitter feel
ings of such of his colleagues as woukl pass it,
if they did so believing it was necessary to the
return to the union, and to the re-esiablish-
montjof the peace and prospeiity of their unhapy
country: but still lie considered that the legis
lature of Georgia ought to be trusted i. ith the
question.
After a few remarks from Mr. Chappell, the
Convention adjourned to half pest three this
aternoen.
nothing if we shall adopt bat ordinance and not hi * ow " mind J 1 was cal . led f ° r the 8ole P ur -
make it port of the Constitution, and iu order to ! P° se of doin 8 whatever might be necessary to
— ■ - — - — — — •">- secure the re-admisston of Georgia into the
Union. We have already done one of the
great works which was prescribed as a condi
tion precedent to that re-admis<ion. And I
suppose, judging fioni tho manifestations of
opinion, that the probable majority of this body
think it is also necessary to do another great
act. Will we do it in a sufficient manner ?
That is the question, if we intend to incorporate
this provision in the ordinance so that it will
be part of the Constitution of t he State. That is
a very grave question. Home gentlomen answer
that the incorporation of this ordinance into tbe
Coosti'ution will be of no importance towards our
readtnissioD to tho lloion, and others will
ans*ef*that they think it will be of consequence.
There is a view of this matter which it seems to
me ought to control the vote: of members,no mat
ter what they may think, and if they even sup-
p se it may bo doubtful that this thing is neces
sary. To say the least of it, if any man believes
that it is necessary that we should pass this ordi
nance annulling the war debt, he mast at least
admit that a doubt cxisis us to whether it is ne
cessary to make that ordinance part of the Con«
stitution. Why do we propose to pass any ordi
nance on the subject? It is to coocilia’e the
Congress|of tbe United States,and not tho President
of tbe United States. The Congress of the United
S ates is the tribunal beforo which we must bring
this matter—before which Georgia must appear
for>e-admission. Don’t we know that a very large
m ijority of that, body are adverse to our re-ad
mission to the Union on this question. One
hundred and two is the precise majority which
they have. Don’t wo know that that large
majority in the House of Representatives will
seize on every pretext to njeot us, and thereby
sustain themselves and their party. I think
there can be no doubt upon that question. And
suppose it is a mere mattor of donbt whether they
will receive us on passing this ordinance without
this provision—or as passing th 13 ordinance with
it, will you hazard so momentous a matter to tbe
people of Georgia as their re-admission into the
Union on a doubt of that kind, for the sake of
rejecting from the ordinance the provision I
stated? It is a principle in human affairs that
when a great evil is impending, and has even a
small chance of overwhelming ns, we are bound to
take every preoau ion and every possiblo security
to guard against it. So wi h this matter ; if the
chances were but one to fi:ty that we shonld be
rejected on that ground, and that we should
be admitted into the Union only by
incorporating this mat er into the ordinanoe, we
ought to incorporate it, for what harm does it do
to incorporate it even if it be not necessary ? It
may bo used as a pretext for our rejection.
H iving presented this view—having called the
attention of ths Convention to the foot that this
ordinance will be considered as a nullity at Wash
ington ; that is to say, that it is an ordinance
which the members of the Govetcmont will not
be required to observe. They will say you have
passed an ordinance which the Legislature may
obs rvo or disregard at their pleasure. It is but
natural that such an ohj.ction should bo taken to
it by our enemies. It is so ceVtain they are on
the watch f.-r every exception by which they caa
cure our rejection. It seems to me that tl e in-
ser ion of this provision can do no possible berm,
and it may prevent an immer se evil from over
taking the people of Georgia in this matter.
Mr, Hammond, after a few introductory re
marks, said; I think there are various reasons
why this amendment should not be adopted.
I have been trying earnestly to accommodate
this matter without debate. I was satisfied
that if discussed it would do no good, lint was
calculated to do a great deal of harm. In com
ing h re this morning I had hoped it would be
settled without debate, and wished to perform
a duty to the State and to my God, and that I
shall do without regard to the opinions of any
man on earth except so far as they influence
my mind by logic. The gentleman from Mus
cogee says, that his object is to make every offi
cial who shall hereaf er hold a commission in
Georgia, take an oath thatthe debt contracted by
reason of the war is nuil and void, and he says
the reason of that is because he was afraid that
unless meu are made to swear it awuy they
might at some future time acknowledge it.
Tlte gentleman's fears are groundless. One j a
people have repnditted a deb-you need not
make them swear th y will ntv^r pay it; com
mon tense teaches you they never will, There
is no occasion for swearing men hereafter that
we will never p <y this debt. 1 object to it
for another reason; it places this Con cation in
tfie position of a set of meu who are not true
to the Administrat on and to tnejeonstitution of
the State; as a set of men not true to the con
stitution we have ourselves adopted. I say
Georgia is true to the Administration, and the
administration has more to fear from those
gentlemen who, from honest putposes and zeal,
are trying to place it in a faLe light, than from
those who are willing to yield on matters of.
law. What more do you want than the reso
lution of the gentleman from Thomas. Why,
it is the very despatch of Mr. Seward himself.
But I shall throw no straw in the way of
your path. High as is the appeal to the
vanity uf a/sung man to speak on .tu'ihaenbjset.
I shall sit still, unlest I am called upo 1 to
vote, and when I am, I will pronounce the vote
that I think I am bound to in conscience and in
honor, without endeavoring to iofiaeoee that ot
anybody else. The gentlemm says that if this is
not put mas apart of tbe Constitution, that future
Legislatures in iy pay this debt. I state that they
caaaot do .any such thing under the law. If that
ordinance is not made part of the Consti ution,
it is ef equal d goi'y aa it goes on the sovereignty
of the people, and therefore tbe Legislature will
be as much b mud by it as if it were in tho Con
stitution. We have a Constitution adopted hero
which say;; “The Legislature may appropriate
money and levy taxes.” For what ? To pay the
public ilobt. I« cannot make donations and .if wo
d olare this as ao part-ot the public debt, that is
declaring (he Legislature never can pay it. It is
enough if the L sgislature have to swear to sup
port tbe Constitntien of Georgia. Agaio, I ob
it because the gentleman’s proposition
rants to this: “I more to amend the oath of
office prescribed by the Constitution of the State
of Geqrgia.” We bare passed that Constitution.
The oath of office is laid down as required by tbe
Constitution of the Unitod acutes. W uy vri.I there
be a test oath added to these things? We have
had enough of ta*t oaths in this country. Gontlv
men intna .te in their zeal about this matter, that
the people of Georgia are dishonest. They seem
The
three.
Afternoon Session.
Convention re-assembltd at half past
Milledorvillb, Nov. 7. 18G5.
The Convention met this morning at half-past
9o’c!ock. t” ■
Air. Chappell moved to reconsider the motion
made on yesterday to incorpora e tbe ordinance
ot repudiation into the Constitution. - He said—I
stated on yesterday that tbe ordinance would be
a nullity if adopted without this provision in it,
and l may certainly now sav it is a futility, There
are soqte views which I (Jifl not present yester
day and which I shall now present, in orfl-r to
show that the ordinance should be part of the
Constitution of tbe State. Wae there ever any
Constitution or provision passed in any State of
the Union, or having regard to the Constitution
ot the United States, which did not contain with 1
in itself somewhat that made it part of tbe Con
stitution of tbe State or of the United Stated ?
Certainly not. Every amendment of the Cofiati
tution of the United States which has been adopt
ed from ibe beginning ot tbe Government up to
this day, was adoi ptpd expressly'iff form and bv
name as au amendment to the Constitution ot the
United Statffs. Every atnendmeoUfif the Consti
tution ot Georgia, which has ever been adopted
at any time has been adopted by name, and the
very words used as an amendment to theConsti-
tntion of the United ftates. Under the old Con
stitution of 1797, under which we lived tor sixty
years, it was alterable by two-thirds of both
branches of two successive legislatures. Every
amendment necessarily contained within itself a
declaration 1 bat-it was part and parcel of the Con
stitution of the State. Now, what hate we done
on this question V We, a Constitution-making
body.-bave adopted an orriin trtcehhitring upon a
most important subject, or rather it was proposed
to adopt it bearing upon a most impoitant sub
ject, without declaring that ordinance to be part
of our Constitution. We have gone further; we
proposed to adopt it, which is tantamount to a
declaration that it is not part of tbe Canatitation.
We rifasod it in the first instance by a vote ot
the body to incorporate that ordinance in the
body ot tbe instrument adopted yesterday. Then
when the ordinance came up for separata' action,
it was also refused to make it part ot the Consti r ’
we Shull ad^pt it. aba’i not part of tbe Consti-
tution of the State Well, what follows ? Every
consequence follows, wbioh I undertook to point
out yesterday. It tqliows that it is without
tion, without any security whatever
vance by those, and those alone wbot _
in'ended to' bind, control and restrain. It loilows
eminent be taken against that ordinance as com
pared with the instrument called the Cofil'itution
of the State, adopted yesterday. AH members of
the Legislature, for all future times, in swoar-
ing to support the Constitution of tbe State on
entering upon the duties of their office, -will
swear to support that instrument exclusive of
this ordinance. It will be almost as plainly
implied that they shall not swear to support
this ordinance. So it will be with Governors,
■o with the Judiciary. All these matters, howl
ever, I have pointed out yesterday, and I will
not further allude to them. But I come now
to the real case, to the moving and controlling
consideration that presses on so many members'
of this Convention to believe that -this ordi
nance shonld be passed. Whether it will pass
or not is more than I can foresee. Bet, so far as'
we are »We to dacover, wbat actuates themiods
of the member* of AS bod; is their disposition
that in all future times a broad distinction will,on
every occasion,and in every department oftbegov- to me as thewgb they gloried in tbe force that
arnmont Ka : 1 a: I - ... .. -■ » » _ .« „r .
compels men tn violate t ieir convictions of right
and wrsng. Will smy gentleman undertake to
«f that Andrew Johnson' ab dished slavery ?
tie did no soch thing. The war abolished it and
all be required was that ws c.mld not keep up the
war by continuing slavery; sod as to this do t, in
mr opinion hj is not attempted by force, to. com
pel anybody. Bn*, gentlemen, there is no donbt
ibat the report from toe gentleman from Thomas
or the motion from the gentleman from Muscogee
will pass, and I therelosnask j on-when you make
» £
ter, I a*k« thead remarks for the purposed stop
ping soy angry debate; for it we ware disposed to
pitch into each other; it .wo were disposed to hold
op thin, or thatkentleman aa a dishonest man,
wa might convince tfie wor d taat we were all
dishonest, ;but certainty we would do no
.good Lhope there will be no . imputation upon
may man’s character, but that we eh all debate thin
question iu • meaner becoming gentlemen,
j Mr. Joshns Hilt spoke in favor of having
, the ordinance as part and parcel of the Consti
tution. In the course-of his remarks he said :
It will not do for gentlemen to separate here
and go home to their constituency with embit
tered feelings towards each other. I should
like that we should all return to our peopi
whatever may be onr various views, without
any feelings of anger. For my own part, 7
shall discard any such feelings, and not per
mit them to make any lodgment in my heart.
I have listened to my friend from Muscogee,
and to his reasons why he wished to incorpo
rate his ordinance into the resolution, and
thpugbt it was of public importance that it
should be placed there; and gentlemen wiU
pardon me for saying that while I never pre
tend to he delighted at the state of things that
prevail in our State of Georgia, yet my action
on this subject must not be considered as be
ing controlled or directed exclusively by the
wishes of the President of the United States.
I have dared to differ with that distinguished
functionary in some matters to defend my own
opinion, and I may do so again. I think he is
a safe adviser, but I am not willing to put into
the Constitution of Georgia that an act is done
there because he requires it to be done. In re
ferring directly to repudiation and to the ne
cessity of having the ordinance as part of the
Constitution, he said : ‘T say for myself that
when the act is done my cheek will never
blush with shame that I assisted iu doing it. I
wouldiet it stand for the present generation,
as the great land-mark that should warn them
in all future times against the repetition of
what was done in Georgia. I think it was
done unwisely, and I may be excused by its
most ardent friends for saying that moch.”
Vr. Matthews—I have no inteution to occupy
the time of the Convention. I regret now ex
ceeding y that I (eel it my duty to speak. I trust
I will aolsn in a spirit of kindness as well aa of
candor. When I see in this hall men greatly
distinguished for their ability and services to the
State aud aountry—when I see before me men,
venerable from age, experience and wisdom, I
candidly admit it ta not without d tfidence that I
rise to address this Convention upon any ques
tion. But when I reflect that tha wtseat men are
fallible, that the best men ate imperfect, that the
bravest men are sometimes ungen-rous, that it is
human to err, I feel that 1 may here in th>s
Convention give my humble opinion on the ques
tion affecting tne interests aud welfare ot my
State and country. If my experience bas taught
meanytbing.it there is impressed on my soul
one truth deeper than another, it is that saying
that “tbe tear of God ia tbe beginning ot wisdom,
bnt -be tear ot man is the consummation of all
folly.”
I have seen great men dream and talk those
dreams as though they were wisdom. In a word,
I have seen the beauty of boasted wisdom, but
ihe vanity aud helpiessne-sof man’s presumption.
In times of war when file itself is at stake; when
the accumulation of wealth are passing away,
and when all that we hold dear, seems
to be passing out of our grasp, is it not natu
ral that strong passions should be animated;
we hare seen in times past countryman array
ed against countrymon, friend against friend,
and we have often heard of brothers meeting
and embracing in the arms of death. My
countrymen, these times have passed by and I
pray to God they may never again return; may
onr eyes never again behold such scenes, and
may the past, y ith all its passions and animosi
ties, vanish for ever. Ism unknown and with
out influence—a young man just starting into
life, in the legal profession. 1 gave my humble
sympathies against wbat 1 considered ihe en
terprising folly of statesmen, and the vanity of
men called great. When Georgia was sece
ding I was opposed to that measure; you dif
fered with me, but when she went I went with
her. I hare sacrificed the blood of ray man
hood in defcuce of iter honor, and before Goi
I will die before I will dishonor the State in
whose defence I shed my blo-al.* The inten
tion of these remarks is to show that there re
mains nothing in me of the bitterness of feel
ing engendered by the late war. It is gone.
The p 1st is forever gone, and with it let all
feelings of tanimosity go. The errors of the
past will revive no more. The gre it Ameri
can Republic is re-established—tbe flag of the
United States again sweeps in mighty gran
deur from the Atlantic to the Pacific—there is
no power in this broad land that can say they
will not now bow to it. Tne people of Georgia
bow to it; and hero let me reply to the remark
that has been thrown out by a gentleman from
whose lips I was sorry to hear such a senti
ment. (3 Hintrytnen, I respected you in times
past, I respect you yet; there is a noble feel
ing of manhood in you though you hare erred
sometimes, and indeed I was truly sorry to
hear such a sentiment from that gentleman’s
lips. “Ah,” said he, “I see a spirit of discon
tent,” and I think he added “of rebellion.”
Mr. Joshua Hill. Not those words.
Mr. Mathews: Well, that was the idea.
Georgians, there is no spirit of rebellion in
your heart. We have submitted to our destiny
and to tlte will of God. We saw the magna
nimity of those with whom we struggled in for
mer years in that great and noble conflict to
establish the independence of tbe South. Don’t
produce tbe impression on the minds of the
Northern people, on the mind of tbe President,
on those who have control and management
over us now, that we are rebellions and refrac
tory. We have done like men ; we hare acted
like men ; and 1 hope we tvili aet so again.
The gentleman evidently referred in his speech
to the remarks I made this morning. I repeat
ft now, that I oppose that ordinance going
into the Constitution- I do oppose its going
there before the eyes of every man who reads
the Con titution. I do consider it the evidence
of our utter helplessness as a people, but I did
not say let-it remain as the evidence of wbat
was done by a tyrant. The abolition ot slave
ry the Uuited States bad a right to demand,
andBhe may demend this, and on that condi
tion I would vote for it, bnt on no other, be
cause 1 regard it as a debt of honor, as a sol
emn pledge which Georgia made to tlte people
of her State; and if there is no honor in this
transaction, there is no honor under Heaven. It
cannot he repudiated without thqviola ion of tbe
most sacied pledges of Georgia. 1 do not wish
to be represented here as obarging the President
of the United States with being a tyraat. I think
I have sail enough to show my fetaiugs towards
him. He is diapjaying a magnanimous spirit io
his polioy of reeonstrnoiion. f mty differ with
him in sotnn matters, aud I hold there is-no evi
dence of rebellion in differing with the President
of (he United States, but I never will croueh te
the footstool of authority ; that it not in keeping
with the spirit which God has given me as a
Southron. That is not the Soirit which actuated
ns before the rebellion was raised—which said:
-•Dome, let us stand by it”, and We did stand by
it throughout tbs entire ot this glorious war—tor
it was a glorious war. One other reflection and
I am done I o;;ncur ia that feeling watch seems
des.-endiog on tbe minds of this Convention, that
the question of repudiation has become a well
settled qusetlon. It seems to be one of the da
erase of destiny. All the appeals to honor seam
to have given way, and the conviotion ia that it
is the condition preoedant to -cur return to tbs
Union. If yon act conscientiously on that ids*
that it4* required of yon by those In authority, I
will never entertain feelings -* Fit-—1 ■ against
you. Bnt I do ytgXbitkT' We hart that evidence
which makes if ' ii4m%lt*b %Btv in order to
return to the Union. We shonld nqt in
this ordinance into tbe State Uonrtitetii
another reason. The rnsjoiity of gen
jfctm I her* converted on tho m»v
this question on the ground that ic is demanded
ot ns by tbe Government of tbe United States.—
If so, y-.-n should be sati-fied with complying with
that c ommand. Tbe demand is that you shall re
pudiate it. Be satisfied with that and don't go
beyond it. The President nf the United States
has not said, “incorpirata it with you' Constitu
tion.” When you have complied with the de
mand* of Government you should bo satisfied —
That is my other reas >n for opposing this ordi
nance. I don’t waut it in the Constitution; I do
want it in the archives of the State. We shall
take it as among the destinies of war, and the
people will submit to at without every officer being
obliged to take an oath that be will be an
honest man. Let it pass in that way,
and, as has been already remarked, don’t seek
to make this unpleasant doty which we have
to perform still more unpleasant. If you will
do it, if yon feel it your duty to do it, let it bo
as little obnoxious to those who differ from
you as possible. Don’t pnt it into the Consti
tution. In this spirit let ns transact the busi
ness before us, and let us return to our homes.
I am not one of those who say that all is lost,
all is ruined. There is yet hope for onr brave
people; manly faith and courage actuate them.
There is yet hope in the future ; all is not lost.
We have the elements of a great nation left.
We hare the same soil, the same expansive ter
ritory, the same mountains and hills, the same
majestic rivers, cascades and waterfalls. The
same glorious sun shines to-day as it did before
the war. All the elements of greatness are at
our command. Let us hope and do our dnty,
and we shall yet be able to leave our posterity
an inheritance of which they may not be
ashamed.
Mr. Joshua Hill made a few further obser
vations, in the coarse of which he said, in re
ference to tho remarks of the previous speaker,
that that gentleman was correct in saying the
same sun still remained, which was almost tbe
only thing now remaining to the people of the
South.
Allow roe to interrupt you,
have still brave meu—bone
Mr. Mathews ;
my friend. We
and muscle.
Mr. Joshna Hill then brought his remarks
to a close.
Mr. Suralt, of Thomas—I believe this debt is
neither legal, moral nor constitutional, and 1 will
undertake to establish that proposition, and to
show that tbis Convention bave endorsed it them
selves, and that it is on record, ri r, this war was
foagt't. on a great pnucipl-; it settled two distinct
For repudiation
Against it ;
133
- 117
princ pies whtcb have been maintained by op
posing political part.es since the lonndattou of the r rhere w however, other -ubjects in that adl
tuaintatu ag the doctrine - . .
Majority : : : i 16
There was some applanso in the gallery when
the Chairman announced that the ordinance was
carried.
Telegram from the President of the United
States.
The following telegram was received from ths
President of tbe United States, and transmitted
to the Convention :
Tha Secretary read it as follows :
“The organization of a Polios foroe in tbe
several counties for the pa-pose of arresting
marauders suppressing crime and enforcing civil
authority is indicated in your preamble end re-
sointiohs, moots with approbation. It is hoped
that your (eople will, as soon as praoticable,
take upon themselves the re-ponribility of en
forcing and sustaining all laws, State and Nation
al, in conformity with the Constitution of the
United States.”
(Signed.) Akdrbw Jobxsox,
President of the United States.
A petition to be forwarded to the President
praytDg for restoration, the people Of Georgia
having complied with all the requirements tut
{tosed, was then read as a report from the Com.
inittee of Sixteen.
Mr. Joshua Hill suggested that in giving in
formation to the President it should be expressly
stated that the State refused to pay the war debt.
There Was.no special allusion to that important
matter,sand he (Mr. Hill) considered that therei
should be. '
Mr Cannon opposed the amendment, as be
considered there should not be any special allu
sion to that ordinance when the general terms of
the address were sufficient to convey wbat bod
already been done. Why designate that particu
lar ordinance more than any other that the Con
vention had passed ? Why humiliate the body by
stating that they passed an ordinance to -repo’*
diate tbe public debt of Georgia; that was already
known through the press to the public and he
would oppose that in the address to the Presi
dent, they should be called upon to humiliate
themselves by crouching for favors ot Washing
ton, and saying “Your Excellency we have pass
ed this ordinance of repudiation.” That was re
pugnant to every feeling of his nature. It looked
like courting another teleg’am from Washington.
They had already enough of ih,m. The ordinance
nas now passed, and he hoped that its history
would stand before the country. He trusted the
gentleman would withdraw his amendment. He
(Mr. CaDsou) did not wish to express his feelings
to any s ror.ger terms
Mr. llili said that if the matter were iu his
hands be did not know that he would hare
presented an address to ..the President at all,
Government; one party w
that tue Constitution ot the Uuited States was a
social compact among the people, and that all
questions of difference should be settled bv tbe
Supreme Court. The opposing principle of the
South maintained that whenever any State be
lieved that there bad been an infraction of tbe
Constitution of tbe United States, that then each
State was the sole judge of t he mode and measure
of redress. Tnis principle was embodied in tha
Virginia and Kentucky resolutions ot 1793. These
opposing princ.pies existed up to 1832-3, they
culmiuated to South Carolina tu tbe ordinance of
dress which (he gentleman had furgotton were
embodied, for instance the abolition of slavery.
Mr. Cannon—That was required.
Mr. Hill—Are you sceptical Plough as to be
lieve that the repudiation of tbe war debt was
not required ?
Mr. Can’jon—I am not sceptical, but I be
lieve the President never intended that it should
be repudiated.
Mr. Hill—Wltile you hare adverted to one
most important subject,; yon propose to re-
SOUTHERN
COTTON
WAREHOUSE;
Comer Lincoln and Bay Streets,
SAVANNAH,GA.
O'FALLOiU CQ„
FACTO as,
FORWARDING,I
AND
Commission Merchants,
Respectfully invite
the
attention to four facilities for
Nullification against the authority of tbe United \ frain from touching the other, and give for a
States. Presideut Jackson asserted that he had
a right to exercise the wbo.e powers of the Ua’ted
Status to bring her back, and on tue tssuea of that
day, the South maintained that policy, and South
Carolina bad to vield to that decision The issue
was maintained and Kept np till ’til, when tbe
Southern Sm'es seceded, aud ,t then became a
reason that there is something degrading in it.
The President never would bare sent a telegram
if lw looked upon it iu that light. Mr. Hill
then spoke against the Confederacy.
Mr. Cannon—I hold in my hand a pardon
which 1 received from the President, and I
great practical quest,on. Wbether the Norm made j have b en pardotud without any command re-
war 01 us or we 00 them, is a question 1 don't speeding repudiation. I have as high a re
mean to discuss i h s whole question was spect for the President as the gentlemen who
submitted to the swo d. The South was r —
cooqu red aad hal to yield her principle s
If, therefore, the principle as sett'ed by tbe reso
lution .requTod a majo ity of the people of
the Uni ed States to alter tie Constitution,
how cun it be maintained tlmt one
side, and a minority can change ihe;
Constitution rig itfuiiy. The principle lies
settled by the sword from which there is
are inv >king his name. The gentleman made
an allusion to tbe Confederacy, and stated that
he did not think there was any gentlemen who
would regret the overthrow of the Confederacy.
Mr. Htf—Yon raw w y I said so. It was
lik e putting a question. 1 did so interrogative
ly. ' ’ >
I " Mr. Cannon—Well, I will answer the inter-
no appeal; wc lost everything but the judgment Tt> %*'.\ oam !, s * y w " t !3 ve titroughthis
pronounced ug.risst i.s. After tho result of r.bolhon, whret, proved a rebellion and not a
e war how did Georgia s and! Was her po- revelation. I was a Union man hve years
Uiicil constitu ion legal or constitutional? ago bnt when Georgia sectded I gave to her
r —1 —- -si an( j. to help
true and loyal,
have taken. Yet
1 I say before God and all honorable men, that
if I had it otherwise, the Southein States
liticil constitu ion legal or constitutional ? ago, bat "'hen Georgia sec ided
Was her constitution which sue adopted and by m 7 my alleg.ance,
which she became an associate of the Confed- j me God, for that period i was tr
erale Siates legal and consti u ionai? It she to-d^y ,r o e te> >hc oa l > I bav<
erate Smtes legal
had no right to establish a constitution hostile
to the government of the United Sta'es, she
had no right to assemble her legislature under
that consttiu ion, u r establish judiciary tri
bunals. Therefore your constitution beiag
violate!; your Lsgi-lature standing out in
hostility to' the Government of the United
would b : separate and independ-nt. (Cheers.)
I told the President the same thing in my pe
tition for pardon. I told him wt en Georgia
seceded X gave to her my fortunes and my alle
giance. When ray State speeded I did not fal-
the ground of
States, had no right to impose on the people I I «£»>* *** .
of this State a public deb’, of any sort. When ■ * Uni m man. I admitted I had been for
the armies of the United States descended on I f‘> ur or five^eara a rebel
the soil of Georgia, they dissolved the Leg
islature: they made judges leave the leuch,
and you had no civil authority. That was
and when the 1 evo
lution eaded I submitted to its results. 1 had
no appeal ta make oh the ground -of being a
Union man, and that calls to my mind
carrying the judgment of the war into effect; ! <1»3 fact of gentlemen having asked for pardon
- J on ;h 11 ground. CTey applied lor special par
don on the ground th it (hey had r ot fought in the
STS
_ eaten with
plMhd
vour civil government was set at liaugntby
the Federal Army. Now then what have we
done during ibis Convention. When it was
decided 1 hat Governor Bro >vn should continue in
office,lh”y ignored himand ignored the Legisla
ture. Was not the t a concession that tbe poiitali
Constitution of Georgia was absolutely a nul
lity. If you have decided in this Convention
that you had no Governor to approve your
laws," and no Legislature that had a rigut to
make them, I want to know how then this
public debt c in be set up as a legal condition ?
You have declared li re that uvery law subver
sive to, or antagonistic to, tho Constitution of
the United States, was repealed and set aside.
You had no legal or political, organization ia
Georgia for four years, and, therefore, during
that period, there was nothing binding upon
the people of this country. I do not think
that there sau be any questiou on this matter.
No gentleman has been bold enough on tbis
floor to assert that this was a legal.debt— that
it was a constitutional debt. I maintain, there
fore, that there is no public debt, because all
public debts must spring from legal engage
ments, (M from tha expresdou of some legis
lative bodv that has the power to create that
debt. Your Constitution declares that taxa
tion shall ext-nd over the people of tha whole
State, and that no tax shall bo imposed exr
cept to pay a public debt, or to provide for the
government of the State. That is the legal
view of it. But where is the legal, the consti
tutional view of it? Where is the honor, if
the majority of the people of the State, under
excitement, assume the reins of government and
are overthrown, and the revolution goes down ?
Whether it is a debt ol honor is not a question
for Convention to se tie. There are other
debts'hat stand higher than this. Tbe State ot
Georgia owed me prutectiou fdr my life.uiy liberty
and property; she inaugurated a revolnt on by
which my property became endangered and by
which I lost it. I have had to eccept ths calami
ty that befel my countrymen all over tbe State,
yet you don’t hear any talking about honor to pay
me, or auy body else. AFbo are to pay the widow*
and orphans ot the Stale? Are not ibeir clajins-
as high as those of the gentlemen * bo hold
bond's. 1 was willing at first to soate in« anoi
down so as to cover tbe civil iUt.b*** »re» since
enquired into the matter, and I !* „ , .„
paid off in some way or other; “
favor of wiping out the war deb* m teto unless
it can be shown th** tiiere are portions of U not
contracted for th»t porpoto*
The motion was then put and lost after a divi
sion. - - - -
There was no farther argument of the ques
tion und at the afternoon session the preriitas
question was caUed, and the drdinaoce of repadi-f
ation, as a separata ordinance aad no pert of tk*
ohatitoilon, was passed without, debate and’aftne
dir trios The numbers were
rebellion. Ah! said the Prasident, yon did not
fight against tbs Coion. .No, Did yon* da any
thing in defenoa of the Union? No. Then yon left
the U-ion to take ears of itself. Then turning
ten.boy tmtii eighteen year* old: Well »h*t
ana I de fur yon ? -1 ended for pardon, whet did
yon do? I a re ret and f foaeht, I ran
sway from my father ar tbe egs of sixteen and I
have been in tbe war for ye* s How many bat
ties have yon beo - engaswd ia ? I was all thrtugh
tbe revo'atioa. Never wounded ? Y”*, I received
six or seven wmnifs." Then'balling to his Secre
tary be ordered him to irake out a sret-ial par Ion
forthebra e *nd gallant yonng follow who ac
knowledged he bad been a rebel and a fighting
robe’, wbi e Returned a cold ►bon der etbe 'Ur-
inn men.” After slew farther observations from
Mr. Cannon, , . ,
Mr Hiil roseand spoke in strangterms against
the Confederacy. He never had any influence
w th the Confederate Government, end when hie
sane went to ibe war be tad them they shonld
go II privates, as be had no influence to get them
oomtni'Sion#.. . .. . '
Mr. C annon then ss ; d that io attacking 'the
Confederacy, Mr. till! should not forget that there
was a time when he was a candidate for the office
of Governor of Georgia. .
Judge Jenkins u>en culled the gentlemen <0
order. lie icgrpUed exccedingly any each dis
c-junto 3 had occurred.'
The question was then pnt »nd the amendment
lost by an almost ubun-niuns vote. It was then
decided that the address to the President _shon.d
be forwarded by mail, after which the Conven
tion adjourned.
Milledguvillb, Nov. 8.
The Convention metth.s morning at helf past
ni R*«>’otioiKtof thanks were offered to the Gov-
„™v,rhis courtesy to the Convention, and ti-
. resolution to ibe l’reifdeot for the shle msn-
wbteh be had acted as presiding officer. ■
A petition to tho Preoident for pardon of re-
maroing prisoners of tho Slate wafe also unani-
A few ol tbe remaining ordiasnees on the table
having boon disposed of.
. The Secretary inn on need that the business was
«U finished, in hoar’s reees- was then granted for
the parpoeeof giving the President sna Secre
tary an opportunity of signing tho ordinance*.
A resolution was adopted, leaving it Hi the-pow-
or-of tbe Prssidoot to renoil the Convention St
any feinre period of neeesiMy.
I most olose this despatch now.
Han obeli V, Johnson is delivering his final sd-
of adjournment
FUSSHAS-- OR MOVEMENT
OP
SOUTHERNPRODUCTS
and will give prompt attentiob to all bn*incs* entrus
ted to onr care. Intending to fistabll h permanently a
bouse in -uivannah. expect, by -Strict Business
Principles, to merit and receive abortion of the
Trade.
II living a commodious . -
IiSfiilflUS’! FOR corn
are prepared to »■ uy or Receive on consignment to
our friends in Ne tv York or Europe, and will
m.-tke advance? on same—picking rebaiing or mending
ali Cotton before shipping, thereby saving the enor
moms expense incurred in Northern cities by this pro
cess. We solicit a portion of the business of the Poo—
pic of (icocgia and adjoining L-tates.
OFFICE, STODDARD’S RANGE.
Cor. Bay and Lincoln Streets.
Poet Ofilce address. Lock Box 25.
oct7 tf
fill Immense
STOCK!
JacobLanpdorf&Co
ITaVq jiist received per, steamer Ariadne from thel r
old and well-known House in Pb!l idefpWa, as well a*
from >ew*¥ork and Baltimore Establishments, an im-
^ mu nee addition to their usual
Large 'StocK.
We have now on hand the largest assortment of
Goods in the -South, consisting in part of.
El €3 A R S y fboth Forelgni* Domestic. J
TOBACCO,
8MUFT,
PIPES,
of every style and finish, making our new stock cae
of the largest In the- '
UNITED STATES
Wc propose to offer these Fresh Importations to
Dealers at prices which will
BEFT COJtPETITIOS
with any market in file South. Merchants dcsMous cf
purchasing Goods iu oar line, wi 1 find it. to their ad*
vanti<m to c til and examine before pcrchasing else
where! Our Catalogue embraces—
One Million Assorted Brands of Segan,
25 boxes Navy Tobacco,
25 boxes Light Twist Tobacco,
25 boxes Black Twisi do,
20 boxes felack Sweet do. _ ‘
20 boxes Fine Virginia do. ’
500 lbs. Maccaboy Snuff, in Jars,
Scotch Snnff, in Bladders and Packs.
' A comp’ete assortment of-fine and comnKmJdmok
lag Tobacco, also a few dozen packages genuine
Turkish Smsking Tobacco. With,endless
variety of genuine MenckauinPlpes, fiegar
Tribeu and Bowls.
We have a huge assortment of Tobacco Pouches and
Briar, KosetVoea Powhatan and Clay Pipes.
Solititing a continuance of the patronage which has
been so illwraiiy bestowed uponns heretofore, we hope
to be asleno offer soch ’supertfir inducements aa
wm ‘“TVB* ar£AN«s
171 Buy ftreet, between
,oct2&—Ini
W’rd,
Savannah.
Mitchell & Allen,
IMPORTERS OF
WINES, BRANDIES, 6IN§, &l\,
AND DEALERS IN
OLD lOIOXeAHELA A BOIBBO.V Wfllttlft
No. 314 South Front street,
P 13,11*4. 0 E Li P IJ k
000