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$21 gfJatojyael' Id tie effected by the States; interest infinitely raoro tUcred, tlie unhallowed
iu tfce appropriation ul'iis lauds, is tho increase j touch .of which wo tpuuld l)d bound in honor
of its population, and the excitement of its | to roiist, and witli a vengeance never tobo ap'
people to industry and iha-uceumiilationufj poased. But pardon so much oil these dis-
<ni> \ The( «ticry system which lias been tresauig topics, and accept the tender of my
luilnuto ndupiuJ; 1* behoved to havo’brtcn her- regard and est«onii , '^^^G^1. TROUP.
ter calculated matl.iiit llieso ends, than tliu dis-
posiiion by public fall'. In ail' unimproved
'•uiuliry where, capital is scarce, interest high,
tfnri every trade and employment demand la
in) r nud wealth, lira surplus muney.in' tliftjws-
■atessiou of the |Nsiplu‘can tio~expended mine
■ u>i$iliy by tlteiti in improving (lie Imitls, and
otherwise adding to tliu riches oft ho iountry,
Uian if drawn It inn thorn'to tie placed in the
•pithlic Treasury. It has always been found
iiioio ddficult to restrain improper, stipendi-
tUTes-iiiisitig from o fall Treasury, limit to ob
tain' through the powers a liicii belong tu the
tl.ivi-rnmnnr, the means which may bo really
fdippfed for public purposes. It is reported
th.iJ there are valnnhle gold mines in tliu lauds
to bo dispose^ of. The (itiblic interest re-
q-iir«R that the lots oftand which contain' gold
should ho exempted from distribution by Lot-
fifty. The spirit of speculation which the
disposition of the lands by lottery is rnlcnlatcd
to excite, hits always been tho greatest objec
tion to that system. The knowledge that the
brads contained valunbto mines of gold, would
itteteate that spirit to the most injurious ex
tent. Tho community would bccumo highly
excited by the hope of acquiring great wualth
without labor. Tho morals of tho country
Would ho iu danger of corruption ft om the
temptation which would beheld out by la tv
to.the commission'of innumerable frauds.—
Jleguhir industry nnd' economy would, fur tr
time be stlspoudcd by'restless idlnintss and.itn-
•aginary ns well as real nljji- unnecessary ex
penditures. In mosttlistniiccs, oven the spe-
ceafui owners of tlib rich prizes would not be
really benefited;—Prodigality is the' usual re
sult uf riches suddenly and easily obtained.
Mines'are like the iiccmimlniion of the people’s
xnohf>y in the public treasury; tho Oovcrn-
Jn:m should manage them fur general and not
individual advaitlage.”
To Messrs. John Taylor, Wade Hampton,
Jr. John G. Ilrowa, Pitne M. Haller, |
ami Ititlinm Harper.
r fjiositinn of opinion, which I Itavo neither to-
ic-t tsMiur inclination foconcoal.
“Grateful for tbeltindnessyou have person
ally expressed, I renew ray exptessions of ro-,
grot that it is not in my power to accept your
kind invitation; and have the honor lobe, with
J3ov. Troup's Ltttef to the Nullifiers of
South Carolina.
Lachess C.ocSTYi Gr.o. )
September 21tf, 1830. J
CenTcj emen—Accept my thunks for your
polite invitation ton Public Meeting and Din
ner at Columbia, directed to Milledgeville: it
did not reach mo until hist mail. Whether
wtffi you on (hut interesting occasion or not,
you hatu my best wished for tho results of the
vwisn council! and patriotic efforts which you
cafinot fail to carry to tho discussion of the to
pics of the day—they are of fust iniporlaoce
lo the whole union,
Whatever tho people of South Carolina in
Convention shall resolve for their safety, in-
f (trust and happiness, will he right, and uunc
will have tho right to question .it.—Yog can
•change your qwn government ut pleasure, and
therefore you can throw off tho government of
tho union, whenever the same safety, interest
end happiness tequiro it. If nmbition and av
arice shall triaku of tho fudcral government a.
curse, and the states are to be held te it a-
gaiost their will, our condition diffets in no-
t (ring from that of the Provinces of Turkey or
Vjsnia. _ The ttiany-licaded Tyrant, in tho ha
bitual violation ol the constitution, vaunts his
love of union’, as if ready to make a burnt offer
ing of lit* loom.* and spindles upon the altar of
that anion—yet not one jot of concession is
made to the prayers and entreaties which,
if offered to the Throne of Grqcc, would be
received graciously, ami answered favorably.
The Cormorant who fattens and fastens on our
substance, may not roloat'o bis hold, as long as
wo aro the willing subject of bis remorseless
passion. B»t I do not utterly despair—.-the
American people will see that tho Constitution
«nd Unton can only bo preserved by n return
G> honesty and justice. It is impossible we
Can be wrong-—ours is lira cafiso of Liberty—of
■ F r codom—of Tndustiy—of tho uso of tho fa-
cultiHofmiiid ,md body for ail purposes, mere
ly iuaocent, without govermontul inteference:
opposed to restraints and prohibitions and mo
nopolies in every form. If contrary to expec
tation, tho existing systom shall become the
fixed and settled policy of tbo country, the
Southern States must withdraw from tho con
federacy cost what it muy. ]No ovil is more to
1m dreaded than a power in the general gov
ernment, to regulate all industry—a power
which cannot with safety be confided to any
<overnmoot,'but with tho most guardod limita
tions. Direct taxes for the encouragement of'
manufactures would not have been paid for A
jtinglo year. ' The 5 cents a yard on our
Cotton. Bagging, levied for tbo professed pur-
•puCo ofenublmg tha Western States to supply
‘the article oh their own terms, when the pro
ceeds were to pake roads trad .canals for tho
same States, would have bccu opposed with a
spirit not easily alloyed. They have been
borne only because being indirect, they aro
unseen,and because a portion of (lie. ovil may
tie avoided by . the aoii-eousumption of those
article* which are not of(irsl necessity. Thera
cannot be a greater fallacy, then thst the union
is to be preserved by a power iu the .general
government tg. rjnrcA.tlra. States. The exis
tence of SurtWtftily'pfacludes tho iJea of
ihreo. Our* is .a.government of opinion, of
consent,' of-voluntary' association— -ibe only
guaranty for union. is justice. Justice secures
good feeling, fidelity, affection, and nothing
hut justice Can secure them. . Of,what value is
that union which is. formed of unwilling aud
reluctant iMCUt&i, who lint fortho sword sus
pended over their Heads, would fly off from the
common -centre,'••• from a fierce afut consu
ming tire, which buros.only to doitroyl The
constitution administered according to its let
ter enfl spirit, can dispense-nothing but justice;
aud the character of the American people is the
sufficient warranty, that no state would separate
from the Union without justifiable cause. Re
garding the union as a family compact, tho
members of which can only bo kept together
by the practice pf strict and impartial justico,
it is better that the non-contents and tnalticon-
tents should "be suffered tp depart in peace by
oonjnwn consent, than by common concert, to
vos%ia ^ reluctant obedience, which if yielded
today, may;he forcibly withdrawn tomorrow,
■jjl I* the skidding of blood which' deters us
Worn constitutional resistance tu unconstitu-
Uohal laws, and which ought to be postponed
so lpS|g *a the faintest hope remains of n re
turning sen jo of. justice. You well knowhow
t&e siffis infatuation is constantly pursuing an
It ’tillitio/Ls proposed in the Senate, with the
yeas and nays.
Tho fifth section being read, viz: lie it re-
solved, that tho people of Georgia view with
deep and increasing solicitude tho frequeut and
open expression ol opinions unfriendly to the
ctmiiiuMtice of our happy Union; and they
cannot now refrain from declaring it ns their
film and seiilotl belief that the preservation
of site present General Government, as based
on the "Fepekai. Constitution,” is the lock
on which our future safely rests, and that on
the continuance of the confederation, not only
depends the present, but future existence and
happiness of these United Suites; nor can this
principle bo too highly rhttrishud among our
citizens. It is ftirmly believed that disunion
will bring in its train, discord, misery, and
civil war; and finally that the pooplo of Bits
state wilt deem those unworthy of their confid
ence and their worst enemies, who seek to sow
among them tfte steds of discord, and mtro-
ducu tho baneful doctrines'of nullification.”
Tho question was then put on agreeing to
the original section which tvas determined in
the uliiinfitivc-
Tlte yeas and nays being required, are—■
Yeas 43—Nays V3.
These Voting hi tho affirmative, are.
Messrs. Allen, Black, Biair of Habersham,
Blair.of Lowndes, Bowen, Bryan of Scriven,
Cargill, Cobh, Cone, Dunagan, Echols, Ector,
Everett, Ezza-d, Fatis, Fullwood, Garrett,
Green, Hail, Hatcher, Henty Johnsun, King,
Mitchell, Parish, Pttpr, Rhodes, Robinson,
floss, Sayre, Singleton, Spann, Stewart,
Swain, Temples, Tennille, -Wetis, White,
Wilcox, Wood, Wooten, Young.—only 4
Troup votes-
Those voting in tho negative, are
Messrs. Branham, Bryan, of Montgomery,
Coxe, -Daniel, of Cbutlium, Daniel, of Madi
son, Ferguson, Floyd, Harvey, Hines, Janes,
.McDougaltl, McKniglit, Mnncriof, Mutiroe,
Nesbitt, Neel, Reeves, Sledge, Stapleton,
Stirrcncy, Thomas, of Appling, Waldtbour,
Warren, Woolfolk.—-all Troup votes.
gtuni respect,
Your obedient and humble servant,
ANDREW JACKSON.
" To John Monet/, George ll'arren Crou, Kent tlod'wl,
Francis V Terrhcr, John Slrvherhrr, Jiu. Moultrie,
Dennis Kane, James /li/gtr. S. II. Dirbon, J. I lari'*
t m”iUu..h.trefi l,,lsn ll'nitutr. mill Lwl-
ton Ken'll, William liunltardt, John ll'agutr, and HI-
win i\ Starr."
President Jackson's 1Jitter to the Union and
State llights Party in Charleston,
“Wasuington City, June 14th 1831.
"Gentlemen— It would afford mo much
pleasure, could I at tho same time accept your
invitation of tho btb inst, and that with which
I was before itunored by the municipal autbo-
lilies of Charleston. A necessary attention
to the duties of my office, must deprive me of
(lit* gratification I should have had in paying,
under such circumstances, a visit to the State,
of which I feel a pride in calling myself a
citizen by birth.
Could I accept your invitation, it would be
with the hope that all parties—all the men of
tiilent, exulted patriotism, unit private worth,
who have boon divided in lira manner you
describe, might bo united beforo tho altar of
their coomry, on tho day set apart fqr the
solemn celobratiun ofits'indepondcucc—-inde
pendence which cannot exist without Union,
and with it is eternal.
"Every enlightened citizen must know, that
a separation, could it bo effected, would begin
with civil discord, and end in' colonial depen
dence on a foreign power, and obliteration
from the list of. nations. Btit ho should also
sec, that high and sacred dutioe which must
and will, at ull hazards, bo performed present
un insurmountable barrior to tbo success of
any plan of disorganization, by whatever
patriotic name it may be decorated, or what
ever high fceliogs may bn arrayed for its sup
port. The force of these evident ttuthj, the
effect they must ultimately have upon the
ntinds of those who seem for a moment to
itavo disregarded them, make me cherisii
the belief I bavo expressed, that could I have
been present at your celebration, I should
Itavo found oil parties concurring to promote
the. object of your association. You bavo
distinctly expressed that object—“to tovive
in its full force tho benign spirit of Union, and to
renew tliu mutual confidence in each others
good will and patriotism.” Such endeavors
calmly anJ'fir.uly persevered in, cannot fail of
success. Such sentiments aro appropriate.^}
the celebration of that high fostival, vffiicli
commemorates the simultaneous declaration
o> Union aud Independence—and when on
lira return of that day, wo annually renew the
plodgo tbat our heroic falhors made, of life, of
fortune, apd of sacred honor, fct us never
forget that it was given to sustain us as a United
uot less than an Independent pooplo.
“Knowing as I do, the private worth aud
public virtues of distinguiihea citizens, to whom
declarations inconsistent with an attachment to
th* Union have been ascribed, I cannot but
hope, that if accurately reported, they were the
effect of momentary excitement, not deliberate
design; and that such men c*n never have form
ed the project of pursuing a course of redress
through any other titan constitutional means;
hat if I am mistaken in this chpritablovjiope,
ihen in the language oft ha father of our country,
1 would conjure thorn to estimate properly “lira
immense value of your national, ^Union to your
collective aud individual happintuhq” to cherish
“a cordial habitual, and immovable attachment
to it, acoustoming yourselves to think and
speak of it, as of the palladium of your political
safety and prosperity, watching far its preser
vative with jealous anxiety; discountenancing
whatever may suggest evon a suspicion that it
can, in any ovept, be abandoned; apd indig
nantly fcouniirg upon the first dawning of every
attempt to alienate any portion of our country
from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties
which now link together the various parts.”
“Your patriotic endeavors, Gentlemen, to
lessen tbo violence of party dissention, cannot
bo forwarded more effectually than by ■inculca
ting a xobwaco on the justice of our National
Councils, and pointing to the fast approaching
extinctioikof the public debt, as an event which
must necessarily produce modification in the
Revenue System, by which all Interests, under
a spirit of mutual accommodation and conces
sion
MR. LUMPKIN.—We stated some weeks
ago, us among the remarkable events of lira
day, that lira enemies of this uniform repub
lican had not been able to bring a single
specific charge against him. Since that time,
our neighbors bavo tortured their ingenuity
to find something like objections. The Jour
nal bus been driven back, a period of twenty-
five years, to discover that Mr. Lumpkin,
very early ill bis political life, had, on ono
occasion, voted for large teserves, and for a
tax of 10 to 12 1-2 cts. per acre on'certain
rich lands. Our neighbor could not have
reflected on tho weakness of this attack; for Jby
his own shewing, lira State was then in debt.
Tim soat of Government bad recently been
changed from Louisville to Milledgeville.
The State bad iucurted great expense iu erect
ing tho public buildings, nnd other expenses
consequent upon lira removal. It was to pay
these heavy debts, an doubt, Mr. Lttmpkio
co-operated with certain gentlemen in the
Legislature,. including many of the political
friends of the Journal, in sustaining the policy
of this tax for the'purpose of paying tho public
debt. This was the express object of the
imposition made by ilfr. Hall, aud sustained
ly Mr. Lumpkin. So soon however, as ibe
public debt ‘Should itavo pecn paid, tho pro
posed tax was to have ceased. Is tills preten
ded to be a parallel caso with Mr. Gilmer's,
recommendation of reserving the gold mines
for public use, when the State litis increased
funds—so ample, that n Central Bunk, with
tuso millions of capital of public funds, bas beou
chartered for tho purpoSo of loaning out tlioso
funds tp wealthy borrowers! Is it a parallel
case, wlion we roflcct on ilraimmense, unascer
tained, nnd almost unlimited amounts of gold,
proposed by Mr, Gilmer, to be taken from the
pooplo and placed in a Treasury so full, that
the State has not known how to dispose of it,
except by loaning it out? We do not Wonder
that it affords (Ira Journal no plonsuio to recur
to such stale nnd irrelevant charges—and
whatever muy be our disapprobation of tho
political course of that paper, wo must award
to its conductors too much intelligence, to
believe they did not feel some qualms of con
science in resortig to such “sorry tricks.''
It is samewlrarb observed, with groat truth,
that a rich treasury and a poor people, make a
poor country—while a rich community nnd a
potir treasury maka a rich country—because
if there is wealth in the bands of the people,
the Goverment can, in all exigencies, com
mand it. It mhy be said with equal force
and truth, that a rich treasury and a poor
people may very well sait a monarctiy or
aristocracy—whero tho nobles may oppress
•heir subjects ami wallow themselves in ease
and luxury. .But such a state does not suit a
republican poople, for the very import of-the
’form,-republic, implies lira wealth aud prosperity
of the people.' Yet Governor Gilinor, wlrais
pompously announced, as tho ”Democratic
Stale ifr^AF’candidate for Governor, would
take from tlra people what belongs to thorn,
and put it into a Bank, to go to the wealthy
ami independent, whoso property is free from
iocunibrditco—while the poor, tlra great.mass
of the peoptc—"tho industrious, hard-working
classes”—tho widow and the orphan, shall
not touch this precious gold! Old No—It will
turn your heads, you poor folks to beconio so
“suddenly” rich!! Let your rich neighbor, who
alreudy drives his carriage and drinks his wine,
bavo it—It wont turn their heads—or lot tho
note-shaver, nnd the usurer have it, to loan to
tihn hare drawnl On this subject we tviii G* lV ®
Mr. Lumpkins own languago, f.t’Jy supported
bv lira above reasoning. On lira Gdt of the
prfcxent month, Mr Lumpkin wrote us as
follows— . . ...
"Inm utterly opposed to resenting the gout
mines for public use. I hare always consi
dered that recommendation not only unwise,
tint impracticable: Indeed I am lest in favor
of all reservations than formerly.'
Iu lira same letter lie mys— Common
education is and everhas been the hobby of my
heart." ,
Hero is a full and perfect stalcineut as to
Mr. Lumpkin's views oil these important mea
sures, anti the reasons why his views in retard
lo reserves have undergone a change.—r<«-
tral Union.
you poor fellows—at twenty-five and thirty
per cent!! "Democratic!!" “State Rights!!"—
what a perversion oflanguage!
But, Mr. Lumpkin has also been in favor of
reserves, for tbo purposes of free schools. If
this is brought as a political sin against Mr.
Lumpkin, we plead guilty for him. He lias
always been un advocate for free schools. lie
has, daring his whole political life, been empha
tically the man of the people. Ho challenges
investigation of his whole public life—but lot it
betaken together—not garblo and misrep
resent and mako up a patch-work exhibition
against him. We thank Mr. Lumpkin and ail
those who co-operato with him to protpote free
schools—yes, and many an orphan, that Gilmer
thinks too poor to have a gold mine, will also
thank him for his exertions in the free school
system—by which ho is ( enabled to obtain
such on education as will' enable him to read
(ho laws of his country and the messages of our
Governor, and know tirair seminie'uis—by
which be will be euabled to transact his own
business and get along in the world—though
he is not worthy, according to Gilmer, to have
a gold mine. At the time alluded to, the froe
school had insufficient funds. Since that time,
public opinion has undergone a change. The
Legislature and the people havo approvod of
itlSThay havo approved of the reserves made
for this noble object. The peoplo thomsolves
have seou and felt and admirod the system and
its benefits—though by uo moans perfect.
And tltnre is a vory considerable poor school
fund.—Should the people desire to increase
it—there aro the ample vaults of the Treasury
and tlra Central Bank—there are hundreds of
thousands already due and continually coming
in—let them he appropriated lo perfect the
system. But now the necessity does not exist
for liberal reserves to pay the public debt and
establish schools. We have an overflowing
Treasury—and hundreds of thousands (we
repeail to loan out. Henco it u that Mr.
Lumpkin, as every other reasonable man would
be> js opposed to reserving tho gold mines—
and more opposed to reservations of all kinds,
tbirrfbrmerly. .Why! For the plain reason
that the sam«'~Tteeessiiy does not now exist—
for the piajn-mason, that the Legislature, to
provent two millions, with its additions since
the chartering of the Central Bank—(possibly
near a million more) lying idle, have resorted
to the scheme of returning it back into tlra
r.abllldU'&UiH m«6 tttendeL TJiittt, i
th nut ifiers »as there. Contra™
Ett-Governor Ma t.ijg H
cb.m-. _ men umM
nullifying committee appoints!) at t
meeting alioubl makotbeir report, 3ni - *
but on the votes being counted,' it wj,. ,
that the people, by n blxge majority
the smuggled oommittee anil wore rest* ,
listen to the smuggled report—trhereirnn.iL
lice seceded, and proceeded to linjj ' t *|
own account tu another spot. The p
chose delegates to the Philadelphia to
adapted unanimously a resointion apjjT
cation, and another in favor of General; I
the next Presidency. Thus ended, j n
discomfiture, a pitiful attempt.at lowin,
unmanly usurpation. The nnlties w eie ,
nionists as three aro to seven. '.
TELEGRAPH.
MACON, GBOKGXA,
SATURDAY, SEPT. 10, 1831.
AVILSON LUMPKIN
FOB GOVERNOR.
THOMAS HAYNES ES(L
The note, of which the following is a copy, was
shewn to us by the gentleman to whom it is ad-
dressed. No doubt of its authenticity can be en
tertained, as Mr. Hill (a respectable member of the
Baptist Church and Justice of the Peace for the
town of Macon) assures us that he received it from
Sir. Haynes' own hands. lie further informs that
Mr. Haynes denies withdraw tog in favor of either
of the oilier candidates, for neither of whom will
he vote; but was prompted to the step by the ur-
5 cm solicitations of personal friends residing in
ifferent parts of the State; that at tho succeeding
election, he will again be a candidate for the Exe
cutive Chair; and entertains no approhonsion of
success, as he knows that his principles will bear
investigation, and must receive the approval of tho
people,
"Sparta, 3d Sept. 1831.
‘Henry B. Hill F.,q.
"Dean Sir—You are hereby requested to autho
rize tho Macon Telegraph, Macon Advertiser, and
tbo Christian Repertory, to announce that I am no
loneor a candidate for the office of Governor.
T. HAYNES."
To prove the expediency and correctness of
Governor Gilmer’s recommendation as to Indian
testimoay, the Georgia Journal of the 1st instant
gives the following extract of a letter from Wiley
Thompson, member to Congresa, dated EIbcrton,
April 25, 182D:
"On this point, the President suggested to me
that it would bo gootl policy to admit their com
petency by iegislstive enactments, and guard a-
gainst the'evil which might result from such admis
sions, by questioning their credibility as witnesses
injudicial proceedings- He said he had no doubt
of their emigration and that such a course would
leave them without cause of complaint.”
Both by tho words nnd tenor o( tho above, it is
evident that General Jackson never intonded that
an Indian should give testimony against a white
man- He thought it would be wise policy to ad
mit, by law. the Indian's competency, but to_de
stroy it by questioning his credibility in judicial
proceedings—to convince him that oven fhe Legis
lature could not put him on an equality with tho
whites, and thus fret and hurras him into hie true
inteiest, emigration from the State. The very
converse of this is Gilmer’s design. Ho deems
the competency of tho Indian to give testimony in
cases jn wltich whiles aro parties a measure which
justice demands for our red population—a measure
to reconcile the savage to a permanent residence
in Georgia, to open to him all lira doors of office,
to effect an amalgamation of colors, and to place
tho lives and property of the whites at the mercy of
a relentless and exasperated barbarian who would
swear'any thing for a bottle of whiskey 1 . What a
glorious Bishop of Chiopa fills oar Executive
chair! and what a zealous Indianitu advocate has
tho Journal become! Their argument however
is not entitled to the praise of originality. It is
no more than a second edition of William II.
Crawford's Indian Report of 1816—probably ow
ing its republication to a letter written by Mr,
Uuchannan of Pennsylvania to a dignitary of Geor
gia. If wrong in our inference, the Governor can
correct ns.
Colleton Distiict, South Carolina, for years past
infami uj fot seditious and treasonable principles
aud views, is now purging itself of the odium, and
returning to that loyalty to the Constitution and
laws for which it was formerly distinguished. On
the 20th nit. the opponents of nullification, to tho
number of 240 or 250, assembled at Johnston's
tavern on the Edisto Itiver. Captain Koger, an
old Revolutionary soldier, was called to tlra chair,
and Colonel Hunter, senator from the district, was
appointed foreman of the committee to report the
resolutions, wltich wore unanimously adopted—
The preamble is long, but able and conclusive—
On the subject of the Kentucky aud Virginia Re
solutions. it savs,
“We firmly bolieve o different construction has
been given to those important papers than their au-
thorsin'ended. Mr. Madison still lives, and has giv-
ento the. world his own expesitioa of his ownacts,
denying and condemning the construction which
has been given of then;. The writings of “ r> t
Thomas Sumter, the hero, the 8taIt
patriot—the ‘‘game cock” of South Carr
(ho Camden Journut) views, with alihu
disorganizing movements of the nulliiit
ty. He is not only no oullifter, but he i
warning voice against the fratricidal ««.
that party.
To the tlefence of Troup’s Utier to
Carolina nullitiers, the Georgia Jouwjltti
instant devotes nearly two columns, hka
in abuse, but contradictory, vague tindsl
argument. Our business is with in
cinatinn. ’ *1
"GovernorTroup, (says that print)***
distinguished and patriotic citizens uf n lt ,
anti the host nnd most enlightened
the federal and Stain conitiititiow maL
that the States are free, sovereien ami';
dont, EXC EPT in such specific pU"t5
hern delegated by those [?1 States (a r, j
government."
Jefferson, the evidence of hit cnsleronurailtli as
well as tho resolutions ascribed to hits'" pen, must,
in our opinion, sahdiy t’„e most scrupulous that he
ucver claimed nullification, as now advocated, as
4 CQr,dritntional remedy. Ilis doctrine was, and
such is our own, that each State a a party, to the 8ive
compact, has the right to express her opinion, to
pronuuuce her judgment upon the acts of Con
gress, thatby this expression, she may operate up
on public opinion, upon the "ballot box” and the
"jury box"—that if, in this way a convention of
the States cannot be called to settle the question
of disputed power between the States and the
General Governments, that then, when forbearance
is no longer a virtue, she has a right paramount,
superior to all constitutions, the right of self-pre
servation, ‘the right to fight* ”
The resolutions adopted ail bxfaths the same
spirit. The following is a fair sample:
"Resolved, That as constituents of the represen
tatives of the Legislature from the parishes of St.
Bartholomews and St. Georges, we do hereby in
struct them to oppose any proposition that may be
made to nullify the acts of Congress regulating
tho Tariff."
In 8umtcr District, Sooth Carolina, nullifica
tion received a sound drubbing on the 27th ultimo.
On the first Monday in that month, the aullies
there, headed by Ex-Governer Miller, had a kind
of smuggled meeting to appoint delegates to tho
Anti-Tariff Convention at Philadelphia, and re-
This exposition is certainly not in hat
the views of the Ex-Governor as delincawl
letter to the nullifiers. In that product^
mattes no exception to the absolute VreedonJ
pendence ami sovereignty of a State, kta 1
ns a solemn truth, that whatever a Stan j
solve in convention shall be right, and*—
God himself] will have the right to qutstisJ
Hence the exposition of the Journal I, i.J
conflict with Troup's own statement, and hi
selected lor tho express purpose of mUltii.
uninformed nnd bewildering persons notr]
sant with the technicalities or law and pf
We will illustrate, and show whatabsutL,
involved in the Journal's exposition. Th»|
Statos are fiee, sovereign and independen'd
io such specific powers which have been d'w
by those [the] States to the federal gover:
—is merely a clnmsy and mystical my off,,
ing the sentiment, that States, havinj J
rights, are froe, sovereign and in lepeodraL ia
vcdtlchts aro put by tbo Journal for thelo-1
cle end ep fit of freedom, sover. Iguty and ieil
dcnce. Now, ns nor only every t'rccmanijl
also in Georgia has reserved rights, it Gin
the Journal’s rule, that our State coDtaitum
of five hundred thousand free aod inis
sovereigns, caclt of whom has the ccnrix
right to nullify or throw off the' laws ofo»l
whenever he or she thinks or says intend
nnd happiness require it, aud without coal
his or her neighbor, has the additioual ri;til
tablisha new government!!! What a pi.riel
of potentates the people of Georgia naub-,|
Journal bo correct in its fundamental priori^
Governor Troup has however too mnditL
for his own rcputalio'n as atnan oftalcia,!
caught in no stupid a predicament. Iltkocd
that to admit the exceptions made by the hi
would be virtually abandoning tltc position i|
chosen, that the States ere separately sovttiiJ
independent: for no Power can be rfrnuil
reign or independent that has rriinquiiba
right of declaring war, malting pcare, ittJ
army ornnvy, imposing imposts, tntfrinptel
ties, taturatzing aliens, &c. which foist ill
essence ol sovereignly ami indepeodtstfl
the Journal understand its own weldj, itvn
onco comprehend that be dentes the n-J
Had he admitted them, be would never hi»R
of South Carolina, (to use the tetbiip.f
print) “that the people of a sovereign f
c'mngo their government at pleasure, t
their safety, interest and happima.rrqt.nl
That, in rite translation of his letter, hem
constitutional right, is not to be qoestiont
the people of every country, how (Irpnn'it J
that country may he, possets the nitri l
no- reference would have been mads
reigmy, unless the cunBtitntinnal righiht
implied; and to have acknowledged tlx <!<«
of sovereign attributes to tbo General Cot
would have been a denial of tltc«.i:ltlvli
in tho States.
But it is no wontWr that the Journal, io i:
ing to reconcile, with truth and tt.isen 1
dangerous and daring doctrine, should. t«
load of mystification anil contradiction, ;•
wall. From thu day on which the FedoalC
ration wne adopted, the States became n* t
u unit in the sum of nations—which pit™
very idea of thoir separately retaining !»'•*
and independence. They became, of tjA
accord, jointly sovereign and indrpcr.l'S
Constitution und lira acts of Congttup*
virtue thereof being ibe "supreme law of tjt
to which every dtnto and every citizen r.t»
owes obedience. It is therefore deerpti-t
true to assert that any State separately i 4>tl
and independent, nnles we reverse the " ;t *
the words, and admit that evory nun,
child is an iiiJcpcndei.t soxercign on acert*
or her ns tved rights, in wltich, havingP';,
he or she may, by an attenuated lic^.b
be sovereign, and for which-, w'A; cn »
human being, be called iit'^pendetit. ’1^
having each re’/.Tioi; j'neJ the very eiwnr
ereigulv hq.J independence, can, while 'b* 1
kjliem continues, be sovereign and iwtf
only jointly. Hence no .State may co ” ,! 1‘
ly nullify an act or Congress or secede u
Union. The ballot-box, Supreme Court,
meadinent to (ho Constriction orb lb* W
rational remedies for inexpedient, un J u!t f‘
sive laws enacted by Congress; neu y 11
remedies fail, redress can only bo obi 31 ?
bayonet, the natural right of revolution,»
all people. It was this terrible but <°w
dispensable antidote, that Troup recom#
its widest latitude as a constitutional m 1 w
all the prosing und evasions of the Jonib
titer tliiiguiso its character ner alter t..«
deed, that paper, in the following P aW ’*
sciously surrenders the defence without
“should the ambitionBnd avarice of
the States tmtko a e.urse of the federal ( .
the State of Soutli Carolina cau, it ‘' l .
[aud has the physical powerl c ; ,aD f'L.
own government, aud throw off the C" c '
tho Union, fit the tame manner tint .
colonics threw off the government of Gk*
The world Ituows that tho patriots ct
pretended that their struggle was > f( *V
measure—they were above suhtnutC 1 '''.
cd it what it was, revolution, and
or wished that it would go by af.ojnt* M “
It would nuzzle a man of pl a ' D uli
unacquainted with the habits of t™
conjecture what motive that print ( .
lunteering in the defence ol I pneetp
& m A‘ZCrxSSX&’!f£
Tho grave subject* introduced ia your let-; P“«d it into tho Treasury. Cannot oue of tho n| e should havo an opportunity to appoint dele
ter of invitation, hsvo drawn from mo the frank j J oamuls "Fresh men" understand tho distinc- gutes, the Uuioo party called a meeting, and about
efence
rendering the point before it clUscs ttt* ^
It is obviously evincive
and •hort-bighttJ prexumpti° n -
ia partly cxcu?ablc. It has Tor
been foiled iu its -buccaneering
random '*•,
lluit*