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Agriculture in England.—An American gen-
lletnau, a correspondent of tlia New York Ob
server, and now in England thus speaks, in com
paring English agriculture with that of this coun
try.
“From Manchester to Birmingham, with the
exception of the coal regions of Wolverhampton,
and another few miles of poor land, the whole
country is a perfect garden. An American far
mer knows nothing of English husbandry. The
difference is too wide for him to appreciate it.
Select the most cultivated grounds of the rich
soil on Manhattan island, or behind Brooklyn, or
in the immediate vicinity of Philadelphia, or Bos
ton, and they, are only ordinary specimens of Eng
lish farming. A poor English cottager displays
a taste about his humble dw.tiling and gets a pro
duct from his little patch, wh.ch might shame the
wcakhly fanners of the United States. I wish
not to speak disrespectfully of my country or my
countrymen; but I should like to provoke them,
by whatever means, to more rapid improvements,
both in agriculture and horticulture.
England and America.—Blackwood’s Maga
zine, speaking of the petty jealousies that exist
between the people of this country and those of
Great Brilian, has the following amusing para
graph: “England and America are too fine wo
men—and not only so, but they are mother and
daughter. England is fai, fair, and forty,' and
fit for the arms of a King. America is in her teen9,
and a morsel for a President. As long as they
pursue each her own path, and are proud, each
of her own lord or lover, botli can bear, without
any painful uneasiness, the thought of each other’s
beauty and smilingly blow kisses from their
hands across the Atlantic. .Yet Uwould be too
moch to expect, that when they speak of each
other’s charms, they should always select the
most seducing; that when they touch on each
otner’s defects they should point to the least prom
inent. ’Tis not iu nature.”
w ith Mr. refferson, to Wait “the returning justice
of the General Government,” rather than involve
the couuiry iu all the horrors of anarchy aud
revolution.—Southern Banner.
Electric Fluid.—While several trains of Coal
Cars were returning to the Miues on Friday last,
during a thunder storm, the iron rails on the road
were observed to be sparkling with electric fluid
w hich was conducted along them for the distance
of several rods, passing three train of cars, aud
knocking down four mules attached to them.
No injury was sustained either to the road, cars
or mules.
Had this occurrence happened in Vermont, in
the neighborhood of the famous Coll of lightning
memory, it would, perhaps, have been given as
a trial of speed upon the rail road .—Courier.
FAMILY ECONOMY.
Their 19 nothing goes so far towards placing
young people beyond the reach of poverty, as e-
conomv iu the management of thoir domestic
affairs. It is as much imposible to get a ship a-
crossthe Atlantic with a half a dozen butts start
ed, or as many bolt holes in her hull, as to eon-
duct the coucerns of a family without economy.
It matters not whether a man furnish little or
much for a family if their is a continual leakage
in the kitchen, or in the parlor, it runs away, he
knows not how; and that demon, waste, cries
more^like the horse leache’s daughter, until he
that provides has no more to give. It is the hus
band’s duty to bring into the house and it is the
duty of the wife to see that nothing goes wrong-
folly out of it—not the least article however un-
wnportant in itself, for it establishes a precedent;
nor under any pretence, for it opens a door to ra
in to stalk in, aud it seldom leaves an opportu
nity unimproved: A man gets a wife to look
after his affairs—to assist him in his journey
through life—to educate and prepare his children
for a proper station in life, and not to dissipate
his property. The husband’s interest should be
the wife’s care, and her ambition should carry
her no further than his welfare and happiness, to
gether with thjjt of her children. This should
be her sole aim, the theatre of her exploits is in
the bosom of her family, -where she may do as
much in making a fortune as he possibly can do
iu the counting-house or work-shop. It is not
the mouey* earned that makes a man wealthy,
it is what is saved from his earnings. A good
and prudent husband will make deposit of the
fruits of his labor with his best friend; and if that
friend be not true to him what-has he to hope?—
If he dare not place confidence in the companion
of his bosom where is he to place it? A wife
acts not for herself only but she is the agent of
many she loves. And she is bound to act for
her own gratification. Her husband’s good is
the end at which she should aim—his approba
tion is her reward. Self gratification in dress or
indulgence in appetite, or more company than
his purse can entertain, are equally pernicious.—
The first adds vanity to extravagance: the second
fastens a doctor’s bill to a long butcher’s account,
.and the latter brings intemperance, the worst of
all evils, in its train.—N. Y. Mirror.
Correspondence of the Journal of Commerce.
Washington, Aug. 22, 1832.
There is nothing very interesting among us,
except the demonstrations which appear in all
sections of the political zodiac, in opposition to
the re-election of General Jackson; but more es
pecially iu opposition to the election of Martin
Van Buren as Vice President. I am decidedly
intimate with one of the gentlemen who bolds
under General Jackson a very high and respond
sible office; but who fears neither the President
nor Van Buren. In conversation this morning,
he expressed the opinion most decidedly, that the
iattcr could not be successful, lit even stated
'itie number of votes he might poll, which would
ifeave h .*q far iu minority. If Van Buren lose
New Y jrk, and tbatis the opinion of my friend,
Vis poll will have been reduced to New llamp-
r litre 7, perhaps Maine 9, Maryland 3, i jnne«-
*ee 15. Every othei State is decidedly opposed
to him, or at most very douhtful-
Mr. Donelson and his family have returned to
the city. Mr. McLane has been quite unwell.
Every one regrets his indisposition, for he is a real
workiug mau. and no doubt has brought on his
attack by too much labor. Mr. Woodbury also
had suffered.some what from the effects of this cli
mate, but is improving. The last accounts I have
from Gov. Cass are as might be expected, from
the effects of his recent great alflictiot, the death
of a daughter, who, by his parental care and in-
Uructiou, had just been introduced among us.
* “ e father-in-law of Major Lewis, and the Gov
ernor of North Carolina, (Mr. Stokes,) has been,
as you know, appointed to the office of Commis
sioner te treat with the Indians. His acceptance
left the Speaker of the Senate to wield the execu
tive: but he declines, and leaves the government
headless. I wonder it has aot occured to the
honorable Senators of that State, to petition the
President for a Governor,
' The Voice of Georgia.—We rejoice to find pub-
Bc sentiment throughout the State, settling down
decidedly against the revolutionary principles of
-alhoun and Cooper, lately attempted to be in
troduced into Georgia. We regret that the lim
its of our paper prevent us from keeping pace
numerous public meetings which have
and i hro £g h which those opinions have
R, ? hm(>nd ’ Chatham, Jones,
in a voice ?S , ‘ and Kurgan, speak
Ty * . otcq . P*? 0 * 1 ho icustaken—they have
^inmhilaied” C alhouuism—‘knock-
***? abttiiag”Mithout “leaving
aff^a^heeu.” The freemen
"e firm and decided in their op-
“ k ““ T * Jr " "It
Electoral Ticket.—We publish to-day, the
Troup ticket for Electors of President and Vice
President. We are not disposed, however, to
pledge ourselves to support the whole of it until
it can be satisfactorily accertained, what are the
sentiments of several of the individuals on the tick
et. We hold, that no man who professes the doc
trine jo Nullification can consistently support Au-
drew Jackson, aud if we are not greatly mistaken,
one of the gentlemen of this ticket has the premon
itory symtoins, and another is in the blue or
collapsed stage of the disease.—Ib.
Answers received by the Richmond Committee
of Correspondence' on the subject of Nullifica
tion:
Camesville, September 4,1832.
Gentlemen—Your communication dated 29th
ult. addressed to me iu pursuance of a resolution
adopted at a meeting of the citizens of Richmond
couuty, on the 18th of August last, requesting
me to express to them, through you, my “senti
ments in regard to Nullification,” is now before
me. I do Dot hesitate to comply with that re
quest. I have no desire, ncilher would itbe justi
fiable in me, to conceal my political opiuions.—
The deep and pervading iuterest felt throughout
the couutry, in regard to our grievances uuder the
tariff system, and the firm determination of the
people of this section of our Union, never, quietly
submit to a measure so unequal and unjust iu its
operations, have induced me to devote to the
consideration of these subjects more than ordina
ry attention. I have endeavored to deliberate
calmly, dispassionately and maturely, upon them
—that I might be enabled to determine honestly,
aud satisfactorily for myself, what would be the
best, aud most proper course to be pnrsued under
present exigencies. That the burdens of the
General Government are not equitably appor
tioned, seems to me to admit of no doubt. The
present Tariff law, contemplating the protection
of manufactures, is not founded in a spirit of con
stitutional justice, and operates unequally and op
pressively upon the South. Under this, state of
things, these questions present themselves: What
shall be dohe? To what means shall we resort
for the purpose of lreeiug ourselves from this sys
tem of injustice and oppression? Are our griev
ances so intolerable, our liberties so much infring
ed, and that constitution, whico is the basis of our
free systam of government, so grossly, so danger
ously, aud so palpably violated and disregarded,
as to demaud a resort to violeut and forcible
means to obtain redress, that might, and in all
probability would, result in a dissolution of this
Union? This last is, to me, a question of very
grave and solemn import. It should be mature
ly considered, aud every matter having the least
connexion with it should be deliberately weighed
and revolved in the miud of every freeman before
he ventures a reply. A misstep once taken,
from the pride of opinion, common to men, is sel
dom retraced. I would yet forbear a resort to a-
uy remedy that might tend to a dissolution of the
Union, aud a consequent destruction of this Gov
ernment. If I do not greatly misapprehend the
doctrine of Nullification, it will, if enforced, pro
duce this result. I cannot view it as either a
peaceful or constitutional remedy, aud that the
enforcement of it “would prove most disastrous
to the country.” I deem it unnecessary,, and
presume thatit is not expected, for me to give at
length the reasons that have operated in bringing
my mind to this conclusion. At the same time
that I believe this doctrine daugerous, aud that
if- acted upon, it would prove destructive to the
Union and the best interests of the country, 1
know, that among its advocates are ranked ma-
fiy, very many, highminded and honorable men,
whose attachment to the constitution aud the
Government, is pure and unfeigned. But why
need 1 name its advocates? it is uot agaiust them,
but their doctrines that I war. I believe that a
State has as mueh right, as an individual, to in
vestigate for herself the constitutionality of a law
of Congress, and to express her opinion accord
ingly. But 1 do not bell-jve that a single State
has a right, consequent upon her declaration of
the unconstitutiouality of a law passed by Con
gress, agreeably to the forms of the constitution,
forcibly to resist the execution of, and to retuse o-
bedieuce to that law. I have adopted the view
taken of this subject, by Mr. Madison, iu his re
port to the Legislature of Virginia, upon the re
solutions passed by the General Assembly of that
State, on the 21st December, 1797; That “the
declarations iu such cases are expressions of o-
pinion unaccompanied with any other effect than
what they may produce on opinion by exciting
reflection.” “Wherecan there be the impropri
ety of communicating the declaration to other
States aud inviting their concurrence in a like
declaration.” It is thus the minds of the people
throughout the Union may be aroused to a know
ledge of a constitutional infraction, and a sense
of their danger; thus a change produced in public
opinion, aud then by the intervention of .the con
trol of the people, aud the State Legislatures, o-
ver the government of the United States, the ob
noxious act be repealed, and all is well again.—
“The resolutions of Virginia, as vindicated in the
report on them, will be found entitled to an expo
sition, showing a consistency iu their parts, aud
an inconsistency of the whole with the doctrine”
of Nullification, (Mr. Madison’s letter, dated 1830,
to the Ed. N. A. Review.) Whenever the op
pressions and burdens of the people become so
vast and onerous, that .they cannot, with a dne
.aud proper regard to their rights and liberties,
submit to them, till they can be constitutionally
redrcssfcd, they have a right beyond the control
of all constitutions to redress themselves: or in
the language of Mr. Madison, (in the letter before
referred to) “in the event of the failure of every
constitutional resort and an accumulation of usur
pations and abuses, rendering passive obedience
and non-resistance a greater evil than resistance
and revolution, there can remain but one resort,
the last of all, an appeal Horn the| cancelled ob
ligations of the constitutional compact to original
rights and self-preservation. This is the ultima
ratio under all governments, whether consolida
ted, confederated or a compound of both, and it
cannot be doubted that a single member of the
Union, in the extremity supposed, but in that on
ly, world have a right to make the appeal.” 1
connot conceive that this extremity has yet arriv
ed, consequently I am opposed to a resort to for
cible and violent means, or to any mode of re
dress “that would endanger the Union, the gov
ernment and the liberties of the people.” I fear,
gentlemen, that I have transgressed the limits it
was anticipated 1 ought to occupy. By saying
less I could not have done justice to myself; as 1
am fully aware I have not to a subject that so
deeply agitates the. couutry.
Accept, gentlemen, for yourselves, and thpse
citizens whom you represent, the tender of my
highest regard and esteem.
Very respectfully, your fellow-citizen,
JAMES C. TERRELL.
Messrs. Wm. Gumming, John P. King and A.
Slaughter. •
Columlus. 5th Sept. 1832.
Gentlkmen—In consequence of an absence
from home for the last two weeks, your commu
nication of the 20th of last month, in compliance
with a. duty-imposed by the citizens of Richmond
county, reoaesting my sentiments upon the sub-
joet of NnUificatkm, has bt^tthis moment been
I recognize the right of the people to . interro
gate those who solicit their suffrage upon all sub
jects connected with the public interest, conse
quently hold myself ready to answer at all times
freely aud fraukly.
I am opposed to Nullification, believing it to
be neither a peaceable or constitutional remedy
against the evils complained of—but a revolution
ary measure when reduced to practice. And
whatever feelings of hostility I may entertain to
wards the protective system, or however unequal
iu its operations, unjust and oppressive in its con
sequences I may consider it, I am not at jhis time
prepared to join in the support of any measure
which might inevitably end in the dissolution of
our government. Nor can I adopt the idea that
the system has become the settled policy of the
coustry. The public debt is nearly extinguished,
a uational change will take place in Congress,
under the late census. The system has com-
msneed a retrogression. The present adminis
tration is avowedly with us upon this subject.—
Those circumstances, together with a general
knowledge of the great difficulty in enforcing a
law coutrary to the will of so large a portiou ol
the country, presents to my mind cheering con
siderations in favor of its speedy repeal.
The language of the father of our country up
on this subject, would seem to me, appropriate,
he says, “we should cherish a cordial, habitual
and immoveable attachment to our National U-
nion, accustoming ourselves to think and speak
of it, as of the palladium of our political safety
and prosperity, watching for its preservation with
jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever may
suggest even a suspicion thatit can, in any event,
be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon
the first dawi^pg of every attempt to alienate
any portion of our country from the rest,
or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link to
gether the various parts.”
With great respect, your obedient and humble
servant, JAMES C. WATSON.
Messrs. Cumming, King if Slaughter.
Augusta, 4th. September, 1832.
Gentlemen:—Iu consequence of my absence
from the city during the last six weeks, I did not
receive your communication of the 20th ult. un
til today.
In reply to yoflr request “that I will obligomy
fellow-citizens of Richmond by communicating
through you my sentiments in regard to Nullifica
tion,” I take great pleasure in saying to them,
and to you, that 1 am decidedly opposed to that
doctriue. I believe it to he neither a peaceable
nor constitutional remedy for the grievances of
which wo so justly complain: in fact, I believe it
to be no remedy at all. I view it as false and
deceptive iu theory, aud revolutionary in practice.
And, although I ain, and always have becu op
posed to any and every tariff, for protection, and
will use all constitutional means to put it down;
yet the evils arising from the present protective
system, are not iu nry opinion, so great, as to au
thorise or justify the adoption of Nullification, or
any other measure, which will tend to disturb
the peace and harmouy of this great republic, or
endanger the Union of these States.
I am proud of the title of “Citizen of the Uni
ted States.”—The great apostle of the Gentiles
found protection under the name of “Roman;”
declaring to the Chief Captain that he w-as “born
free.” I, too, was “bora free,” and enjoy honor
and protection uuder the “Star spangled banner.”
I am unwilling to blot out from this glorious
standard of my native laud one single star. Let
them all remain. Their united light sheds a lus
tre over our country and our liberty, which swells
with joy every patriot bosom.
With sentiments of respect, I am your most 0-
bedient servant,
WILLIAM SCHLEY.
Messrs'. Cumming, King and Slaughter.
Telfair, September 3, 1832.
Gentlemen.—In reply to your enquiry respec
ting my opinions on the doctrine of Nullification,
I have the pleasure to state to*you, that I recog
nize at all times, the right of the pcoplo to be
made acquainted with the sentiments of those
who are before them for promotion especially on
so momentous a question as that which is the
subject of your euquiry.
1 cheerfully therefore reply to you, that I am
decidedly opposed to a Protective Tariff—but am
as decidedly opposed to Nullification, or any o-
ther rash measure, that would endanger the Gov
ernment, or the existence of the Union. I need
uot enter into any argument upon the subject—
These have always been my opinions, and I hope
they will accompany me to my grave. If the
best and happiest Government, over yet devised
for man should he subverted, where is the hope
of the American?
I am Gontlcmen, very respectfully, Your Fol
low-Citizen,
JNO. COFFEE.
Messrs. Cumming, King and Slaughter.
Letter of Judge Smith to the Committee invi
ting him to a public Dinner at Holland's Store,
Laurens District:
Yorkville, August 12th, 1832.
Gentlemen—At 9 o’clock last night I receiv
ed at the post office, your letter of the third .post
mark 8th; inviting ine to dine with you and a
large number of your fellow-citizens at Holland’s
store, in Laurens District on the 15th inst. It
would give rae much pleasure to do so were it
in my power. Had I obtained the letter.at a
reasonable period after its date I could have done
so. But other arrangements of importance will
prevent me from doing so at this short notice.—
l would however, even now make any sacrifice
to afford my humble service in arresting the vi
olence of faction and controlling the demon nul
lification, whose madness would control the for
tunes of our once happy Republic, did I not be
lieve the returning good sense of your community
will need no such aid.
It cannot be possible that a community like
ours can remaiu under such a delusion. Can a-
ny man who has heard of the declaration of
Judge Prioleau, to Major Long of Greenville,
and which the Judge himself has published kin
his owu letter to the world, “That if the Legisla
ture passed the act mf nullification, they would
take caro to make it effectual by every means in
their power, as by pains and penalties, or it
would be nugatory; and he thought we should
then find no one bold enough to resist its execu
tion, when the consequeuce might be the confis
cation of his estate,” be so forgetful of his own
safety and the peace of his country, as to lend
his aid to the overthrow of both?
The CONFISCATION of his ESTATE!!!
Yes, Judge Prioleau has said the confiscation of
his estate; and might have added the imprison
ment of his BODY, if the pains and penalties of
which he so boldly speaks are to be provided.—
This gentleman, JUDGE PRIOLEAU, is a
man who never sports with political subjects,
and moreover he is the near relation of Govern
or Hamilton; he married tae*Governor's sister.
Gentlemen, if this awful admonition will not
bring your citizens to serious reflections upon the
deplorable catastrophe which awaits our beloved
country, should nullification succeed at the next
Legislature, no arguments of mine could avail
you any thing.
As I cannot have the pleasure of dining with
you on that day, permit me to offer you the fol
lowing sentiment.
Peace without the horrors of eml tear; Union
without NulHhcatkmi and, the rights — —
iW the
TIOK. Accept for yourselves and the respect
able citizens whom you represent on this occa
sion, my most unfeigned acknowledgements for
your polite invitation. And permit me to pre
dict that although our state must be disgraced
should nullification triumph, yet the good sense
of the other states will most assuredly keep the
Union, the other twenty-three harmless.
I havo the honor to be gentlemen, with pro
found respect your ob’t.ser’vt.
V WM. SMITH.
TELEGRAPH.
3YIACON, GEORGIA,
WEDNESDAY, SEPT. 19, 1832.
05 s * We would respectfully inquire of the en-
lighteued editor of the Athens Gazette,, by whose
authority the name of Geu. Newnan is '■■removed"
from the Clark Ticket of candidates for Congress
to give place to that ofHay les? Has Newnan de
clined being a candidate? If he has, that fact is
not generally known. While the Gazette sup
presses his name entirely, it has given place to the
whole Troup ticket, together with the supernu
meraries, nullifiers ami all; and places the names
of Haynes and Wayne upon wlliat he calls the
Clark ticket!—by what authority we should also
like, to know? Have these two gentlemen be
come Clark men? Do they support the Clark
ticket? If they do not—and we don’t believe
they will, never having heard of either of them
ever supporting a Clark man—how can the Clark
ticket, or the Clark party support them?
But why is Newnan the only man in the State
who is not allowed to como before the people 1
Why is he so unceremoniously shuffled off. If
the people are in reality opposed to his senti
ments, why not give them an opportunity of so
expressing it at the polls ? We can see no harm
in it. But if on the other hand the people ap
prove of his principles, we trust the talented edi
tor of the Gazette will not attempt to thwart their
will, by keeping his name back.
So long as the Clark party pretend to act upon
principle, they should show some consistency in
their actions. Now how can they support Haynes
or Wayne, who have always advocated a differ
ent set of measures and a different set of men,
without forfeiting principle, and their claims to
consistency? True, these gentlemen claim to be
Uuiiou men, and opposed to Nullification. But
have they always been UnioiAneu as we have
understood the term? Have they always been
opposed to Nullification as we have opposed it?
If not, how can we support them ? What pledg
es have they given that they wopld support the
measures of our party ? W hat pledges have they
given that they will not support nullifiers, though
they profess to be opposed to nullification ? Are
they not advocates for the doctrines advanced by
Gov. Troup in his South Carolina letter, and are
not those doctrines synonymous with nullifica
tion ?
We have all along been under the impression
that the Clark Ticket was made up in a Conven
tion of the Clark party. Now if it takes a Con
vention to make a Ticket, can any thing less than
a Convention alter it ?
As respects Newnan, we have watched hie
course pretty narrowly; and have read his letters
with a great deal of attention; and, we are free
to confess, that the obtuseuess of our intellect
does not enable us to see wherein he has forfeited
all claims upon the courtesy of tho press, or upon
the confidence of his constituents.
The Superior Court of Monroe county
is adjourned, owing to severe indispqsition of the
Judge, until the 4th Monday in October next.
Extract of a letter dated Columbus, 13f& Septem
ber, 1832.
“I have just come from tho great Nullification
meeting. Nullification resolutions were offered
by Judge Shorter, and supported by Shorter,
Jones and others; and opposed by Iverson,
Wayue, &c. At half past four the meeting ad
journed to dinner without coming to a vote—to
meet again tomorrow at ten o’clock—their fate is
uncertain.”
us, and we have, m nr f,
been delving on in the beaten”!* 0tVu piW
disregarding the many v a L ah u' ks 5 tfl?
aud discoveries of the age.-J^Lf P^tn**'
We have received ,he x
Southern Planter and Kamil?\ Num,>e! ' <*f a
worthy, talented and indSt5o» y ?' u «- W
Bartlett, Editor of the Macon Tefc
first number break* up the ground ]Xn l ' h ' t£
P® ct , to see a fine cr <>p put into it \v j'^ e e s ,
the harvest may be riel, b '*« fcjr 5
periodical was desired in Geo-4 •
our old friend may prove as useful T ^
he has been a politician. We real 1* £ a
Dr. Bartlett.—-Please to announce the follow
ing Ticket for Delegates to the Convention to be
held iu Milledgevillc on the 2d Monday in No
vember next, to represent the county of ifouston.
CARLTON WELLBORN, Esq.
Col. WALTER L. CAMPBELL,
HUGH LAWSON, Esq.
V
VIANY VOTERS.
The Southern Planter and Family Lyceum
No. 2, was issued from this office on Saturday
last.
CONTENTS OF THIS NUMBER.
(Original.) Medical Department: Observa
tions on Bilious Fever, No. 1.—Tales of Rural
Life: Tom Tadpole—Editorial: Botany; En
couraging prospects; Gardener’s Calendar for
September 15; Farmer’s Calendar; Egg Plant
or Guinea Squash; The Tomato; Tomatoes
Ketchup; Layering; Inoculation or Budding;
Agricultural Fair; Premium for the best writ
ten essay on the Rust in Cotton; Notice for a
meeting of the Agricultural Society; New Cot
ton.— Poetry: Stone Mouutain Ballad.
(Selections.)—Night Blindness; Sport for
Gentlemen; Destroying Insects; Large Apple;
Bone Manure; Sand as a Manure; The Cotton
Crop; A Snake’s Nest; New method of wash
ing dirty houses; Curing a Hypocondriac; Cho
lera Anecdote; Bela’s Comet; Red Bones from
Cholera; Cholera among Flies; The Tapir.
NOTICES OF THE ABOVE WORK.
The Southern Planter and Family Lyceum.—
—The first number of this paper has made its ap
pearance,’ under the Editorial management of M.
Bartlett, of the Telegraph. The typographical
appearance is neat; and if the contents of the
’first number are a fair specimen ofwhat the work
will continue to be, it well merits the patronage
of the public; ap<f we would especially recom
mend it as one of great utility to v all who are in
anv manner engaged in agricultural pursusts, iA
publicatk a of this kind has long been 1 needed in
tWa. section ofourcountiy.Hitliererto the
w
sow
eral
is ueen a politiciau. We reallv b* ? tr > si
good seed, aud reap a goldenh--, pehet »b
Union. '* irv ^t.—p f /
The Southern Planter We h-
the first number of this periodic-1 * % rcctiv?
show .h» necessity of such a work c.'e'S'
than ,t lias been done, m an article puHhLj *
our Agricultural head. We refer 4 " . 1
it. If we had room, we would cot '
Southern Plauter, a few articles ^ • ll01u 1 ‘
as they are useful. We hope that shonTfS
pollutes, with the weather, will fall •
heat, we will be able to give "rest"? v ';
our columns—Constitutionalist. ^ 1
LARGE MEETING IN HOUSTON Coi\
Pursuant to public notice, a mure™,, ‘ 1
of-the citizens oi' Houston county
Perry, on. Monday, the 10th instant tor L- ■
consideration the present posture of a <r.• :s
regard to the Tariff law's. Resolution^
fered by Howell Cobb Esq., James M**?*
Esq., Elijah S. Owens Esq., Elijah E'fy ■
Ksr, andD. B Low Es? H aJaf,t : ?J*
free discussion, by the above named and f
gentlemen, the preamble aud resolution!,^
by Howell Cobb Esq. were adopted by
whelming majority. The compauy was 4 ‘ °'
to consist of from four to six hundred. ^ :
PREAMBLE AND RESOLUTION
The right of the people to meet in couvil
avo look u’iou as inherent in them, and as a . *
feature of our government; so long, therefore
our government retains its present form and-bJ
racter, this right will, must, remain anquestk 1
Hie; but under our present institutions it h |j
always, expedient to do so. The suggtilion l]
each county is not to send, to the Convention^
assemble in November, a greater number of d>.|
legates than they have members in the Htussr
Representatives, the number to be the same*
one as tiie other, we look upon as unequal ad
unfair, because some couuties have four iU
sentatives while others have but one; andaitho*
Houston may have nothing to fear Iron, an id
servauce of tho suggestion, yet we ought to b]
a proper regard for the rights of mV the couuti
It is clear that Monroe county and Lownde-co:
ty will not stand upon the same ground iBt
Convention, but that Monroe may font an
Lowndes such terms as may best suit hem!f. V i
believe the counties should have au equal am
of delegates iu the Convention.
With regard to the present agitated state c
public mind in this State, on the subject of a-r:j
laws of Congress imposiug duties upon impor.f
called Tariff laws, aud the extraordinanj toVt
doctrines connected with them, called Nailct
tion, we deem it entirely expedient and propaj
meet in Convention, aud declare freely our vie
upon these subjects. As it is not practicable!
us all to attend the Convention to be lioiik
Milledgevillc on the second Monday in Momwt
next, we will delegate some of onr fellow cite
to represent us there; aud, ihattve may i.'c; :■
mistaken or misunderstood in the CunveiaJ
that nothing may be left to inference, on the
of our delegates, we her#give our views full; k|
the subjects to be considered of iu the Couvetii.J
and instruct aud command our delegates to coif
fine themselves within them, aud by no ine?n; -|
depart from them; wa further declare, that if e
delegates should transcend these instructions, Ml
will, in r«o case, feel ourselves bouud or coun
ted by their acts, and if any course, different ml
the general course that presents itself to us itl
proper on that occasion, is adopted, tve hertljl
most solemnly protest against it, dedating»h
we have uot aud never wiiMuve, any cucn:c'ji|
with if. -j
That Congress has the right, under the Cuj
stitutiou “to lay and collect taxes, duties.
aud excises,” ami in the exercise of tiiatpo^
passed the laws complained of as oppressivf,q
too plain to need a moment's attention; hut a j
contended that the Tariff laws are uncon5tiu®*|
al because they impose dulie 1 ,,nn11 imoorts T
transceud the purposes of r
unequally—we do not intend to attempt a lo
cation of these laws upon constitutional P®
pies, because we deem it a matter ol supere<VI
tion, at this time, to enter upon the discussioa^
that question, and will merely remark, vu 1 J
deference to contrary opinions, that d [ e J
laws of 1828 aud 1832 art unconstitutional, ^
Tariff laws of anterior dates icere unconst^ ■ ■■
also, and the politicians that are so j
now agaiust the present Tarift, are ' raaJ L
letting the people remain so long ujjs |J
with regard to their lost rights and liber 1 . J
it, however, at auy timre become c 7 L |
to determine upou the constitutional prW'P’
fully agree to the opinion of Mr. ’ ju>
letter to Major Cartwright, ofthcSt u ^
in which he says, “You may nsK, ' 1 ,| c; ,
partmeuts (State and United States) •
each the same subject of power, wnen• ■ A
mon umpire to decide ultawttbj
Iu cases of little importance, >ne pru
parties will keep them aloof from > 9
ground; but if ft can neither be
promised, a convention of thf. .- • ,
BE CALLED, to ascribe tha doubtfu p<^ ^
department which THEY may
To believe one half the complaints a ^
the Tariff laws to be true, is to M Southt »ji
tal annihilation of every thing ^ '‘9
merican liberty: we are g l | a ^J ens 0 n o^-'j
cormorant that fattens a . u [ , • ( . n i ( j until " e l j
stance, will never relinquish ^ricbe 5 1
entirely consumed,” that 4 the ^ ol ^
northern part of the Union a heweo*
southern,” and, “that tve uorthc rfl fl
wood and drawers of water <0 u5 asf* 1 ^
pie”—these thiugs are repr^^ beIic vc
truths and we aro callei J* • e ^Jjeii " e JI
We do not wish to excite su p- facts eT i~t. ■
we do not understand ^J***!^tax^jfj
are aware that many of southern \ ,
Tariff are made use tttft
but they are not taied .» ^ero*” ,
tax is less burdensome on_ th* ^ ,j, e re » J
southern statesfis , so ‘, aX ed arW?* 5
great a consumption o this &&,
former as in the latter st ’active!)'
the local position of th ® *j^ ot to be ^
climate and pursuits, ____ fyvor
to any partiality of CoDg , ire jucxe
era part of the Vmoo
southern, the imported «aed^ it
duty to *6 § over “£®“fgavium8l«;5^y
port of Boston or **
that we would be as ni {o ^ lu nnijg^L B i^
wtih the northern pe«P for BQt
to manufacturing » , v j t ht&e®*[*
tion oi tfceTa
us?