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Supplement to Site Savannah Satlp jerald.
The Savannah Daily Herald.
MOHUAT UECKNUKH 11. 1809.
THE PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE.
Htiuge
Os the President of the United States to the two
Houses of Congress at the commencement of the
First Session of the 39th Congress.
Fellow- Citizens of the Senate and
House of Representatives :
To express gratitude to God, in the name
of the People, for the preservation of the
United States, is my first duty in addressing
you. Our thoughts next revert to the death
of the late President by an act of parracidal
treason. The grief ol the nation is still Iresh;
it finds some solace in the consideration that
he lived to enjoy the highest proof of its con -
fidence by enteriug on the renewed term of
the Chief Magistracy, to which he had been
elected ; that he brought the civil war sub
stantially to a close ; that his loss was de
plored in all parts of the Union ; and that
foreign nations have rendered justice to his
memory. His removal cast upon me a heavier
weight of cares than ever devolved upon auy
one ol his predecessors To fulfill my trust,
I uoed the support and confidence of all who
are associated with me in the various depart
ments of Government, and the support and
confidence of the people. There is but one
way in which I can hope to gain their neces
sary aid ; it is, to state with frankness the
principles which guide my conduct, and
their application to the present state of affairs,
well aware that the efficiency of my labors
will, in a great measure, depend on your
and their undivided approbation.
The Union of the United Slates of America
was intended by its authors to last as long as
the States themselves shall last. “The Union
shall be perpetual” are the words of the Con
federation. “To lorm a more perfect Union,”
by au ordinance of the people of the United
Slates, is the declared purpose of the Consti
tution. The hand of Diviue Providence was''
never more plainly visible in the affairs of
men than in the traming and adopting of that
instrument. It is, beyond comparison, CBS
greatest event in American history ; and in
deed is it not, of all events in modern limes,
the most preguant with consequences tor
every people of the earth ? The members of
the Convention which prepared it, brought
to their work the experience of the Couled
eration of their several States, and of other
Republican Governments, old and new ; but
they needed and they obtained a wisdom
superior to experience. And when for its
validity it required the approval of a people
that occupied a large part of a continent and
acted separately \a many distinct conven
tions, what is more wonderful than that, after
earnest contention and long discussion, all
feelings and all opinions were ultimately
drawn in one way to its support ?
The Constitution to which life was thus
imparted contains within itself ample re
sources for its own preservation. It has
power to enforce the laws, punish treason,
and ensure domestic tranquility. In case of
the usurpation of the Government of a State
by one man, or an oligarchy, it becomes a
duty iff the United States lo make good the
guarantee to that Stale of a republican form
of government, aud so to maintain the lio
mogeneousuess of all. Does the lapse of
time reveal defects? A simple mode of
amendment is provided in the Constitution
itself, so that its conditions can always be
made to conform to the requirements of ad
vancing civilization. No room is allowed
eveu tor tbe thought of a possibility of its
coming to au end. Aud these powers of self
preservation have always been arrested in
their complete integrity by every patriotic
Chief Magistrate—by Jefferson and Jackson,
not less than by Washington and Madisnu.
Tne parting advice of the Father of his Coun
try, while yet President, to the people of the
United States, was, that “the free Constitu
tion, which was the work of their hands,
might he sacredly maintained;” aud the inau
gural words of President Jefferson held up
'‘the preservation ot the General Govern
ment, in its constitutional vigor, as the sheet
anchor of our peace at home and safely
abroad. The Constitution is the work of “the
People of the United States,” and it should
be as indestructible as the people.
It is not strange that the ftamersof the
Constitution, which had no model in the
past, should not have fully comprehended
the excellence of their work. Fresh from a
struggle against arbitrary power, many pa
triots suffered from harrassing fears of an ab
sorption of tbe State Governments by the
General Government, and many from a
dread that the Slates would break away from
their orbits. But the very greatness of our
country should allay the apprehension of an
encroachment by the General Government.
The subjects that come unquestionably
within Us jurisdiction are so numerous, that
it must ever naturally refuse to be embar
rassed by questions that lie beyond it. Were
it otherwise, the Executive would sink be
neath the burden; tbe chaunels of justice
would be choked; legislation would be ob
structed by excess ; so that there is a greater
temptation to exercise some of the functions
of the General Governments through tbe
States than to trespass on their rightful
sphere. “The absolute acquiesence in tbe
decisions of tbe majority” was, at the begin
ning of the century, enforced by Jefferson
“as the vital principal of republics,” aud the
events of the last four years have established,
we will hope forever, that there lies no ap
peal lo force.
Tlie maintenance of the Union briugs with
it “tlie support of the State Governments in
all their rightsbut it is not one of the
rights ot auy State Government to renounce
its own place in the Union, or to nulify the
laws of the Union. The largest liberty is
to be maintained in the discussion of the acts
ol the Federal Government; but there is no
appeal from its laws, except to the various
bruuches of that Government itself, or to
the people, who grant to the members of the
Legislative and ot the Executive Depart
ments, no tenure but a limited oue, and in
that mauner always retain the powers of re
dress.
“The of the Stateß ’ is the lan
guugefiof the Confederacy, and not the lan
guage of the Constitution. The latter con
tains the emphatic words ; “The Constitu
tion, and the laws ot the United States
which shall be made in pursuance thereof,
aud all treaties made or which shall
be made under the autbority of tbe
United Stutes, shall be the supreme
law of the luud ; and tbe judges in every
Mute shall be tiouud theruuy, anything in
the Constitution or the laws of the State to
the 'Contrary notwithstanding."
Certainly the Government ol the United
Stales Is a limited government ; aud so is
every Stale government a limited govern
ment, With us, the idea ol limita
tion spreads through every form of
administration guuural, Slate, aud municipal,
aud rests on the gieal distinguishing priori
I'h sol the rueognilhiu ol the lights ol man.
Ihe uui h i,t republics aiisorla and Ilia iudlvhlu
“I in tlie Htalu, presiiilmd his religion,
aud >Ollll oiled Ids activity. Thu Ameilcmii
syso ui tests ou the assertion ol the eipul
right oi uvury mau to life, liberty, und the
I'oisnit ol happiness , In Iruudoui of Poll*
M anet,, to ihu culture slid exercise *>l all his
l“' union Asa uoust uuuut u, lbs Hletu G**v
' • mi,mil Is limited, as to the tiemisl (foe
* rmiouil to I Its iolelest o| the Unioll, SS to
'ha individual uiliteri iu the luUdeSls of
It, Uloui
mates, with piojmi iiuiiisiioui of power,
**« isMuiisl lo ihs riHtr- of ihs • oqetUa
tiog ol ihn f uilsd Nisi** Ai iu# very tow
mencement, when we assumed a plane
among the Powers of the earth, the Declara
tion of Independence was adopted by States;
so were the Articles of Confederation ; aud
when the “People of the United States”
ordoined and established the Contitution,
it was the assent of tbe States, one by
one, which gave it vitality. Iu the event,
too, of any amendment to the Constitution,
the proposition of Congress needs the con
firmation of States. W ithout States, one great
branch ot the legislative government would
he wanting. Aud, if we look beyoud the
letter of Constitution to the character of our
country, its capacity lor comprehending
within its jurisdiction a vast, continental em
pire is due to the system ot States. The
best security for the perpetual existence of
the States is the “supreme authority” of the
Constitution of the United States. The per
petuity of the Constitution brings with it the
perpetuity of the States; their mutual rela
tion makes us what we are, and m our po
litical system our canned ion is indissoluble.
The whole cannot exist without the parts,
nor the parts without the whole. So long
as the Constitution of the United States en
dures, the States will endure; the destructiou
of one is the destruction of the other; the
preservation of the one is the preservation of
the other.
I have thus explained my views of the
mutual relations of the Constitution and the
States, because they unfold tbe principles on
which I have sought to solve tbe momeutu
ous questions and overcome the
difficulties that met me at the very com 4
mencement of ray administra'ion. It has been
my steadfast object to escape from tbe sway
of momentary passions, and to derive a heal
ing policy from the fundamental and un
changing principles of the Constitution.
I found the States suffering from tbe effects
of a civil war. Resistance to tbe General
Government appeared to have exhausted it
self. The United States had recovered pos
session of their forts and arsenals; and their
armies were in the occupation of every State,
which had attempted to secede. Whether
the territory withiu the limits of those States
should be held as conquered territory, under
military authority emauatiug from the Pre
sident as the head of the army, was the first
question that pieseuted itself lor decision.
Now, military governments, established'
for an indefinite period, would have offered
no security lor the early suppression of dis
content; would have divided the people into
vanquishers and the vanquished; and would
have envenomed hatred, rather than have,
restored affection. Once established, no pre
cise limit to their continuance was conceiva
ble. They would have occasioned au incal
culable and exhausting expense. Peaceful
emigration to and from that portion of the
country is one of the best means that can be
thought of for the restoration of harmony;
and that emigration would have been pre
vented ; for what emigrant from abroad,
what industrious citizeu at home, would
place himself willingly under military rule ?
The chief persons who would have followed
in the train of the army would have been
dependents on the Geucral Government, or
men who expected profit from the miseries
of their erring fellow citizens. The powers
of patronage aud rule which would have
been exercised, under the President, over a
vast, aud populous, and naturally wealthy
region, are greater than, unless under ex
treme necessity, I should be willing to en
trust to auy one man; they are such as, for
myself, I could never, uuless on occasions of
great emergency, consent to exercise. Tbe
wilfull use of such powers, il continued
through a period of years, would have en
dangered the purity of the general adminis
tration and the liberties of the States which
remained loyal.
Besides, the policy of military rule over a
conquered terrilory would have implied that
the States whose inhabitants may lmve taken
part rn tbe rebellion bad, by tbe act of those
inhabitants, cqased to exist. But the true
theory is, that/all pretended acts of secession
were, from the beginning, null and void.
The States cannot commit treasou, nor screen
the individual citizens who may have com
mitted treason, any more than they can make
valid treaties or engage in lawful commerce
with any foreign Power. The States attempt
ing to secede placed themselves in a condiV
tiou where their vitality was impaired, but\
not extinguished—their functions suspended, j
but not destroyed. y
But if auy State neglects or refuses to per
form its offices, there Is the more need that
the General Government should maintain all
its authority, and, as soon as practicable, re- .
sume the exercise of all its functions. On
this principle 1 have acted, and have gradual
ly and quietly, aud by almost imperceptible
steps, sought to restore the righllul energy
ol the General Government and of the Slates.
To that end, Provisional Governors have
been appointed lor the States, Conventions
called, Governors elected, Legislatures as
sembled, and Senators and Representatives
chosen to the Congress of the Lnited States.
At the same time, the Courts of tbe United
States, as far aseould be done, have been re
opened, so that the laws of the United Stales
may be enforced through their ageucy. Tbe
blockade has been removed and the custom
houses re-established in ports of entry, so
that the revenue of the United Statc-s may
be collected. The Post Office Department
renews its ceaseless activity, and the Gene
ral Government is thereby enabled to com
muuicate promptly with its officers and
agents. Tue courts bring security to persons
aud property; the opening of the ports in
vites the restoration of industry aud com
merce; the post office renews the facilities of
social intercourse and of business. And is
it not happy for us all, that the restoration
of each one of these functions of the Gene
ral Government brings with it a blessing to
the States over which they are extended? Is
it not a sure promise ot harmony and re
newed attachment lo the Union that, after
all that has happened, the return of tbe Gen
eral Government is known only as a benefi
cence ?
I know very well that this policy is at
tended wijli some risk; that for its success it
requires at least the acquiescence of the
States which it concerns; that it implies an
invitation to those States, by renewing their
allegiance to tbe United States, to resume
their lunclions as Slates of tbe Uuion. But
it is a risk that must be taken; iu the choice
ol difficulties, it is the smallest risk; aud to
diminish, aud. if possible, to remove all dan
ger, I have felt it incumbent on me to assert
one other power of tbe General Government
—the power of pardon- As no Stain can'
throw a defense over the crime of treason,
the power of pardon is exclusively vested in
the Executive Government of the United-
States. In exercising that power, 1 buvu
taken every precaution to connect It with the
clearest recognition of the binding force of
the laws ol the United States, and an un
qualified acknowledgement of the great so
cial change of condition in regnrd to slavery
which has grown out of tlie war.
The next step wuich 1 have taken to re
store the constitutional relations oi the Stales,
has been an invitation lo thorn to participate
in the logit oilier of amending the Constliu
lion Every patriot must wish lor u gcncml
amnesty at the earliest epoch eouslslenl with
public safety. For litis great end there is
need of a concuneueu oi all opinions, and
thu spirit ol mutual conciliation, All par
lius Iu tits lais leirihhi ooulhei must work
logetlur iu harmony. It is not list uiui'li to
m»n, iu tlui name ol Ihu whotu puunfe, that
on ihu oussidi, thu plan of rasloialhui shall
priaeud in m,i,|,„tuiiy with a wtlliusuesS lo
oast ths disorilurs ol tlie past Into oblivion,
au>l that, uu thu mi,,;, ip v «vidvu< u of tlu
eerily In tha lulme maluieuaiouol ihs i uiou
shall hs put Irsyoud auy doubt by ths loUl"
lattou ■»! Ihs iiriNioMtd aoomioomi to U»s
I oustilulhm wulub pii,vidus lor ths abolition
ut sutvsyy lorvvsr wiihm ths limits of our
SAVANNAH, (-EOR4.IA, MONDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1805.
country. So long as the adoption of this
amendment is delayed, so long will doubt,
and jealousy, aud uncertainty prevail. This
is the measure which will efface the sad
memory ot the past; this is the measure
which will most certainly call population,
and capital, and security to those parts ot
the Uuion that need them most. Indeed, it
is not too much to ask ol the States which
are now resuming their places in the family
of the Union to give this pledge of perpetual
loyalty aud peace. Until it is done, the past,
however much we may desire it, will not be
forgotten. The adoption of the amendment
re-unites us beyond all power of disruption.
It beats tbe wound that is still imperfectly
closed; it removes slavery, tbe element
which has so long perplexed and divided-the
country; it makes of us once more a united
people, renewed and strengthened, bound
more than ever to mutual affection and sup
port.
The amendment to the Constitution being
adopted, it would remain for tbe States,
whose powers have been so loug in abeyance
to resume tbeir places in the two branches of
the National Legislature, aud thereby com
plete the work of restoration. Here it is for
you, fellow-citizens of the Senate, and for
you, fellow citizens of the House of Repre
sentatives, to judge, eacli of you for your
selves, of the elections, returns, aud qualifi
cations of your own members.
The full assertion of the powers of the
General Government requires the holding of
Circuit Courts of the United States within the
districts where their authority lias been inter
rupted. Iu tbe present posture of our public'
affairs, stroug objections have been urged to
bolding those courts in auy of the Slates
where rebellion has existed ; aud it was as
certained, by enquiry, that the Circuit Court
of tbe United Slates would not be held within
the District of Virginia during the autumn or
early winter, nor until Congress should have
“an opportunity to consider au act on the
whole subject.” To your deliberations the
restoration ot this branch of the civil authori
ty of the United States is therefore ueecssari
'ly referred, with the hope that eat ly provi
sion will be made for tbe resumption ot all
Its functions. It is manifest that tieascu,
'most flagrant iu character, has been com
' nutted. Persons who are charged with its
commission should have fair and impartial
\trials in the highest civil tribunals ot the
'country, in order that the Constitution and
the laws may be fully vindicated ; the truth
clearly established and affirmed that treason
is a crime, that traitors should be punished
aud the offense made infamous ; and, at the
same lime, that the question may be judici
ally settled, finally and forever, that uo State
of its own will lias the right lo renounce its
place in the Union.
The relations of the General Government
towards the four millions of inhabitants
whom the war has called into freedom, have
eugaged my most serious consideration. On
the propriety of attempting to make the
freedmen electors by the proclamation of the
Executive, I took lor my c >uusel tbe'Con
stitution itself, the interpretations of that in
strument by its authors and their contem
poraries, and recent legislation by Congress.
When, at the first movement towards inde
pendence, the Congress of the United States
instructed the several States to institute gov
ernments of their own, they left each State to
decide for itself the conditions for the enjoy
ment of the elective franchise. During the
period ol the Confederacy, there contiuued
to exist a very great diversity iu the qualifi
cations of electors in the several Stales ; and
even within a Slate a distinction of quality
tions prevailed with regard to the officers
who were to be chosen. The Conslitutiou
of the United States recognizes these diver
sities when it enjoins that, in the choice of
members of the House of Representatives of
the United States, “the elect. >rs in each State
shall have the qualifications requisite for elec
tors of the most numerous branch of the State’
Legislature.” After the formation of the Coni,
slitution, it remained, as before, the uniform
usage for each State to eularge the body ot
its electors, according to its own judgment;
and, under this system, one Slate after anoth
er has proceeded, to increase tbe number of
its ejectors, until now, universal suffrage, or
something very near it, is the general rule.—
So fixed was this reservation of power in the
habits of the people, auu so unquestioned
has been the interpretation of the Constitu
tion, that during the civil war the late Presi
dent never harbored the purpose—Certainly
never avowed the purpose—ofdisregardiog it
and in the acts of Congress, during that
period, nothing can be found which, during
the continuance of hostilities, much less at
ter their close, would have sanctioned any
departure by the Executive from a policy
which has so uniformly obtained. More
over, a concession of the elective franchise
to the freedmen, by act of the President of
the United States, must have beeu extended
to all colored men, wherever found, and so
must have established a change of suffrage iu
the Northern, Middle aud Western Slates,
not less than in the Soul hern and Southwes
tern. Such as act would have created a nqw
class of voters, aud would have been an as
sumption of power by the President which
nothing in the Constitution or laws of the
United Stateswouid have wananted.
On the otter hand, every danger of con
flict is avoidec when the settl ment of the
question is # inferred to the several States.
They can, earn for itself, decide ou the mea
sure, and wheber it is to be adopted at onco
and absolutely; or introduced gradually an J
with conditions In my judgment, the freed
men, ii they slow patience aud manly vir
tues, will sooier obtain a participation in
the elective fraachisc througli the States than
through the Gejeral Government, even if it
had power to intervene. When the tumult
of emotions tbit have been raised by the
suddenness of tie social change shall have
subsided, it may prove that they will re
ceive the kindlfest usage from some of
those ou whom hey have heretofore most
closely depended.'
But while I ha vino doubt that now, after
the close of the wtr, it is not competent tor
the General Goveripient to extend the elec
tive franchise in lie several States, it is
equally clear that gind faith requires the se
curity of the freedilen iu their liberty aud
their property, theirright to labor, and their
right to claim tbe jilt return of their labor.
I cannot 100 strongly uree the dispassionate
treatment of this stiject, which should he
carelully kept alooct'rom all party strile.
We must equally avdl hasty assumptions of
any natural impossil|ity for the two races to
)live side by side, in (state of mutual benefit
and good will. Tblcxpcrimenl involves us
in no inconsistency ;lloi us then go on and
make that experimei in good faith, and not
be too easily dislieajeued. The coatnry is
in need of labor, all the freedmen are in
need of employ mentiailture and protection.
While their right of iluntary migration und
expatriation i* not te k> questioned, I would
not advise their fond removal and Coloni
zation. igtt os rat hr encourage tltOB) lo
honorable und useful mluNlry, where it may
lie benellciul to ihemtves and to the coun
try ; aud, instead oil,asty anticipations of
tlie certainly ol fallui lei there lie iioiblng
wauling to the lair til of tlie experiment,
'fhu change ill their (ndilioii is ilm substi
lution ol ialmr by cok M ct |„r the staius of
slavery. Tlu< (readmit cauuol fairly lie sc
ciued of miwtliiugnciio work, so long e* a
doubl remains almnt bill, cion, ol i boTos iu
his pursuits, slid the i i%miy oi Ills i, cover
ing his stipulated wont In'itijs-lh,, inlur
ests of thu employer a„a|,u employed coin
eidu. Thu employer mires in bis work
uren spirit aud ala* my,ld il,eae< an he per
main*idly n*oi***l iu u*bhsr way Ami if
Ihs Mbs ought lo be sbl%, euhni-e lire Uob
Ua*l, so ought ths otMfTb* public iutei
wsl will he best pi*,n,su p u l( , ssvsrsl
gtstss will provids adwttc woic* it,ar tod
ismsdie* Inf fhs MMIB, Dslil this Is iu
some way accomplished, there is uo chance
for the advantageous use of their labor; aud
the blame of ill-success will not rest on them,
I know that sincere philanthropy is earnest
for the immediate realization of its remotest
aims; but time is always an element in re
form. It is one of tbe greatest acts on re
cord to have brought four millions of people
into freedom. The career of free industry
must be fairly opened to them; aud then
their lulure prosperity and condition must,
after all. rest maiulv on themselves. If they
fail, and so perish away, let us be careful
tlmt the failure shall not be attributable to
any denial of justice. Iu all that relates to
the destiny of the freedmau, we need not to
lie too anxious to read tbe lulure; many in
cidents which, from a speculative point of
view, might raise alarm, will quietly settle
themselves.
Now that slavery is at au end, or near its
end, the greatest of its evil, in the point of
view of public economy, becomes more aud
more apparent Slavery was esscutiallv a
monopoly of labor, and as sucb locked tbe
States where it prevailed agaiust the incom
ing of free industry. Where labor was the
property of the capitalist, the white man
was excluded from employment, or had but
the second be9t chance of finding K; aud the
foreign emigrant turned away from the re
gion where his condition would lie so preca
rious. With the destruction of the mono
poly, free labor will hasten from all part 9
of the civilized world to assist in de
veloping various snd immeasurable re
sources which have hitherto lain dor
- maut. The eight or nine States nearest tbo
Gulf of Mexico have a soil of exuberant fer
tility, a climate friendly to long life, and can
sustain a denser population tbau is found ns
yet in any part ot our country. And tbe fu
ture influx of population to them will be
mainly from the North, or from the most cul
tivated nations of Europe. From the suffer
ings that have attended them luring our late
struggle, let us look away to the future,
which is sure to be laden for them with
greater prosperity than lias ever before been
known. Tne removal of the monopoly of
slave labor is a pledge tbat those regions will
be peopled by a numerous and enterprising
population, which will vie with auy in the
Union iu compactness, inventive genius,
wealth and industry.
Our Government springs from, and was
made for, the people—not the people for the
Government. To them it owes allegiance;
from them it must derive its courage, strength
and wisdom. But, while the Government is
thus bound to defer lo the people, irom
whom it derives its existence, it should, lrom
the very cousideraliou ot its origin, bo strong
in its power of resistance to the establish
ment of inequalities. Monopolies, perpetui
ties, aud class legislation, are contrary to the
genius of free government, and ought not to
be allowed. Here, there is no room for fa
vored classes or monopolies; tbe principle of
our Government is that of equal laws aud
freedom of industry. Wherever monopoly
attains a foothold, it is sure to be a source
of dauger, discord and trouble. We shall
but fulfil our duties as legislators by accord
ing “equal and exact justice to all men,"
special privileges to none. The Government
is subordinate to the people; but, as the agent
aud representative of tbe people, it must be
held superior to monopolies, which, iu them
selves, ought never lo be granted, and which,
where they exist, must be subordiuate aud
yield to the Government.
The Constitution confers on Congress tbe
right to regulate commerce among the seve
ral States, it is of the first necessity, for the
maintenance of the Union, ttiat that com
merce should be free ana unobstructed. No
Stale can be justified in any device lo tax the
transit of I ravel aud commerce belweeu the
States. The position of many States is such
that, if they were allowed to take advantage
of it for purposes of local revenue, the com
merce between States might be injuriously
burdened, or even virtually prohibited. It
is best, while the country is still young, and
while the tendency lo dangerous monopolies
ot this kind is still feeble, to use the power
of Congress so as to prevent any selfish im
pediment lo the free circulation of uien and
merchandise. A tux on travel and merchan
dise, in their transit, constitutes one of the
worst forms of mouopoly, aud the evil is in
creased it coupled with a denial of the choice
of route. When the vast exteut of. our
couutry is considered, it is plain that every
obstacle lo tue tree circulation of commerce
between tbe States ought to bo sternly guard
ed against by appropriate legislation, within
tbe limits ot the Constitution.
The report of the Secretary of the Interior
explains the condition ol the publio lands,
the transactions of the Patent Office and the
Pension Bureau, the management of our In
dian Affairs, the progress made in the con
struction of the Pacific Railroad, and fur
nishes information in reference to matters of
local interest in the District of Columbia. It
also presents evidence of the successful ope
ration of the Homestead Act, under the pro
visions of which 1,130,553 acres of tile pub
lic lands were entered during the fiscal year
—more than one-fourth of the whole number
of acres sold or otherwise disposed of during
that period. It is estimated that the receipts
derived frotq this source are sufficient to
cover the expenses incident to the survey and
disposal of the lands entered under this Act,
and that payments in cash to the extent of
from forty to fifty per cent, will be made by
settlers, who may thus at any time acquire
title before the expiration ot the period at
which it would otherwise vest. The home
stead policy was established only after long
and earnest resistance; experience proves ils
wisdom The lands, iu the hands of in
dustrious settlers, whose labor creates wealth
aud contributes to the public resources, are
worth more to the United States than if they
had been reserved 83 a solitude ror future
purchasers.
The lamentable events of the last four
years, aud tbe sacrifices made by the gallant
men ot our Army, and Navy, have swelled
the records of the Pension Bureau to an un
precedented extent. On the 30th day of
June last, the total number of pensioners
was 85,980, requiring tor their annual pay,
exclusive of expenses, the sum of $8,033,445.
The number of applications that have been
allowed since that day will require a large
increase of this amount for the nex. liscal
year. The means for the payment of the
stipends due, under existing laws, to our
disabled soldiers aud sailors, aud to the fam
ilies of such as have perished in tbe service
of the country, will uo doubt lie cheerfully
and promptly granted. A grateful people
will uol hesitate to suction any measures
having for their object the rebel ol soldiers
mill Hand nml families made fatherless in
the ellorts to preserve our national exis
tence.
Tho report of the Postmaster General pre
sents an encouraging exhibit of the opera
lions of the Post Ollieo Department during
the year. Thu revenues of ihe past
year from the loyal Mate* alone exceeded
tile maximum animal receipt* from all the
Mates previous lo thu rebellion, in ihu sum
ot $11,038,1191 , and llie normal avsiagu in
crease of revenue dm lug the last lour yosrs,
compared with thu ruvouuas of thu lour
yeats Immediately preceding u,„ rebellion,
tH*M,N4I. Tlie rsvuniius of the last fiscal
year amounted lo fU.AAn.ina, au*l ihs es
jsudllures to sia,i,9t, /ys, leaving a surplus
of ieo*,i|Ms over uxpumliturus *<i ftfelifdo,
Progress has bonn made In restoring ihu is*s
isl aul Vice 111 tltuff luthsru Htalcs Thu views
pics* oi*>il by Ihu Fust Msslvi Genera! agnt ist
tbe policy |of guiding subsidies to *m* su
Hull sicamshlp Hums u|s,u ustafihshi*i routes,
anil iu Isvor of i oittiuuiitg tbu prssoot ays
turn, which I bolls the u*oup*es*Ooo lor
•suae a«i v Ice to tha pottage cal megs, are
i ecu,ended Ut ths easeful issuahtsuftou us
I'wMISM
M appears, floor Isis (spurt ul Ihs dsns
t&ry of the Navy, that while, at the com
mencement of the present year, there were
in commission 530 vessels of all classes and
descriptions, Hrmcd with 3,000 guns and
rnauned by 51,000 men, the number of ves
sels at present in commission is 117, with
830 guns and 12,126 men. By this prompt
reduction of the naval forces the expenses of
the Government have been largely diminish
ed, aud a number of vessels, purchased lor
naval purposes from the merebaut marine,
have been returned to the peaceful pursuits
ol commerce. Since tbe suppression of ac
tive hostilities our foreigu squadrons have
been re-established, and consist of vessels
much more efficient than those employed on
similar service previous to tbe rcbelliou. —
Tbe suggestiou for the enlargement of the
navy-yards, and especially for the establish
inent of one in iresli water for Iron-clad ves
sels, is deserving of consideration, as is also
the recomnieudation for a different locutiou
and more ample grouuds foi the Naval Acad
emy.
In the report of the Secretary of War, a
general summary is yven of the military
campaigns ot 1864 and 1860, ending iu the
suppression of armed resistance to the na
tional authority iu the iusurgent States. The
operatious of the general administrative Bu
reaus of the War Department during the
past year are detailed, and an estimate made
ol the appropriations that will lie required
for military purposes iu the fiscal year com
mencing the 30th day of June, 18G6. The
national military force on tbe Ist of May,
1865, numbered 1,000,516 men. It is pro
posed to reduce the military establishment to
a peace footing, comprehending fifty thou
sand troops of all arms, organized so as to
admit of an enlargement by filling up the
ranks to eighty-two thousand six hundred, it
the circustances of the couutry should re
quire au augmentation of the army. The vol
unteer force has already been reduced by
tbe discharge lrom service of over eight
hundred thousand troops, and tbe Depart
ment is proceeding rapidly iu tbe work of
further reduction. The war estimates are
reduced from $515,210,131 to $33,814,161,
which amount, iu the opiniou of the
Department, is adequate for a peace
establishment. The measures of retrench
ment in each Bureau and branch of the aer
serviee exhibit a diligent economy worthy
of commendation. Kcefcreuce is also made
in the report lo the necessity of providing for
a uniform militia system, and to the propriety
ot making suitable provision for wounded
and disabled officers and soldiers.
The revenue system ol the country is a sub
ject of vital interest to its honor and pros
perity, and should command the ernest con
sideration of CoDgress. The Secretary of tbe
Treasury will lay before you a full and de
tailed report ot the receipts and disburse
ments of tbe last fiscal year, ot the first quar
ter ot the present fiscal year, of the probable
receipts and expenditures for the other three
quarters, and the estimates for the year fol
lowing the 30th of June, 1866. I might con
tent uiyßef with a refereuce to that report, in
which you will find all the information re
quired for your deliberations aud decision.—
But the paramount importance of the subject
so presses itself on my mind, tbat I' cannot
but lay before you my views of tbe measures
which are required for the good character,
and, I might also say, for the existence of
this people. The life of a republic lies cer
tainly in the energy, virtue, and intelligence
ol its citizens ; but it is equally true that a
good revenue system is the life of an organiz
ed government. I meet you at a time when
the nation has voluntarily burdened itself
with a debt unprecedented in our annals.—
\ast as is its amount, it fades away into
nothing when compared with the countless
blessings that will be conferred upon our
country sud upon man by the preservation of
the nation's life. Now, on tbe first occasion
ol the meeting of Congress since the return
of peace, it is of the utmost importance to
inaugurate a just policy, which shall at oneft
be put iu motion, and which shall commend
itself to those who come after us for its con
tinuance. We must aim at nothing less than
the complete effecement of the financial evils
that necessarily followed a state of civil war
W e must endeavor to apply the earliest
remedy to the deranged state of the currency
aud not shrink from devising a policy which,
without being oppressive to the people, shall
immediately begin to effect a reduction of the
debt, and, if persisted in, discharge it fully
within a definitely fixed number ot years.
It is our first duty to prepare in earnest
for our recovery for ihe ever-increasing evils
of an irredeemable currency, without a sud
den revulsion, and yet without untimely pro
crastination. For that end, we. must, each in
our respective positions, prepare the way. I
hold it the duty of the Executive to insist
upon frugality in tbe expenditures ; aud a
sparing economy is itself a great national re
source. Os the banks to which authority has
been given to issue notes secured by bonds
•of the United States, we may require the
greatest moderation and prudence, and the
law must tie rigidly enforced when its limits
are exceeded. We may, each one of us, coun
sel our active and enterprising countrymen to
be constantly on their guard, to liquidate
debts contracted in a paper currency, and,
by conducting business as nearly as possible
on a system of cash payments or short cred
its, to hold themselves prepared to return to
the standard of gold and silver. To aid our
fellow-citizens in the prudent management of
their monetary affairs, the duty devolves on
us to diminish by law the amount of paper
money now iu circulation. Five years ago
the bank note circulation of the country
amounted to not much more than two hun
dred millions ; now tbe circulation, bank and
national, exceeds seven hundred millions.—
The simple statement ol the fact recom
mends more strongly than any words of mine
could do, the necessity of our restraining this
expansion. Ttie gradual reduction of the
currency is the only measure that can save
the business of the country lrom disastrous
calamities ; and this can be' almost imper
ceptibly accomplished by gradually funding
tbe national circulation in securities that may
bojnade redeemable in the pleasure of the
Government. f
Our debt is doubly secure—first in tbe ac
tual wealth and still greater undeveloped
resources of the country; and next in the
character of our institutions. Tho most in
telligent observers among political econo
mists have not failed to remark, that the
public debt of a country is sale in proportion
as Its people are free; that tlie debt of a re
public is the safest of all. Our history con
firms and establishes tbe theory, and is, l
firmly believe, destined to give it a still more
signal illustration. The secret of this supe
riority springs not merely from tbe lact Hist
in a republic tlie national obligations are dis
tributed more widely through countless
numbers in all classes of society; it has its
root iu the character of our laws. Here all
then contribute to the public welfare, nml
bear their fair share of tint public burdens.
During the war. under thu impulses of pa
triotism, thu men of the great body of the
people, without regard to their own com
parative waul of wealth, tbroogud to our
armies aud Itllsd our fleets of war, ami held
themselves ready lo olfer their lives for tbe
public good Now, iu tbulr turu, the prop
erly ami Income of the country should bear
llielr Just proportion of Ihe burden of laxs
thru, while iu our Impost system, ll,rough
means of whit Ir lucres**,*! vitality is lucldsu
telly Imparled lo all the tuilusirtai interests
ol lire nation the duties should be so at
lusted as Ut lali most heavily no arih lus of
luxury, leaving Utu usuesssiUs ol life as frv#
from laxatlon as tbs absolute wants of ths
GovslMlueul, Si**uomnadly sdinmislsred, wifi
justify, No favored < lass ibouid demand
freedom from asssssmsnt, mi fhs lass*
should ha so tlisii flat fad M out lo lali uuduly
uu the pour, hut rather on the ax* amulafad
wealth of thu country H v should berk at
thejnational debt just as it is—not as a na
tional blessing; but as & heavy burden on the
industry of the country, to be discharged
without unnecessary delay.
It is estimated by the Secretary of the
Treasury that the expenditures for the fiscal
year ending the 30th of June, 186(1, will ex
ceed the rcceiptßsll2,l94,!t47. It is gratify
ing, however, to state that it is also estima
ted that the revenue for the year ending the
30th ot June, 1867, will exceed the expendi
tures in the sum of $111,682,818. This
amount, or so much as may be deemed suf
ficient for tbe purpose, may be applied to tbe
reduction of the public debt, which, ou the
31st day of October, 1865, was $2,740,854,-
750. Every reduction will diminish the to
tal amount ol iuterest to be paid, and so en
large the means of still further reductions,
until the whole shall bo liquidated; and this,
as will be seen from the estimates of the
Secretary of the Treasury, may be accom
plished by annual payments even witbin a
period not exceeding thirty years. I have
faith that we shall do all this within a rea
sonable time; that, as we have amazed the
world by the suppression of a civil war
which was thought lo be beyond the control
ot any Government,so we shall equally show
the superiority of our institutions by the
prompt and faithful discharge of our national
obligations.
The Department of Agriculture, under its
present direction, is accomplishing much in
developing and utilizing the vast agricultural
capabilities of the country, and for informa
tion respecting tbe details of its management,
reference is made to the annual report of the
Commissioner.
I have dwelt thus fully on our domestic
affairs because of their transcendent impor-
tance. Under any circumstances, our great
extent of territory and variety of climate,
producing almost every thing that is neces
sary for the wants, and even the comforts of
man, make us singularly independent of the
varying policy of foreign Pbwers, and pro
tect us against every temptation to “entang
ling alliances," while at the present moment
the re-establishment of harmony, and the
strength that ernes from harmony, will be
our best security agaiust “nations who feel
power and forget right." For myself, it has
been and will he my constant aim to promote
peace aud amity with all foreign nations aud
Powers; and I have every reason to believe
that they all, without exception, are anima
ted by the same disposition. Our relations
with the Emperor of China, so recent in
their origin, are most friendly. Our com
merce with his dominions ii receiviug new
developments; and it is very pleasing to
find tbat the Government of that gre it
Empire manifests satifuction with our poli
cy, and reposes just confidence in the
fairness which marks our intercourse.—
The unbroken barmonyiietweeu the United
Slates and the Emperor of Russia is receiv
ing anew support from an enterprise de
signed to carry telegraphic lines across the
continent of Asia, through bis dominions,
aud so to connect us with all Europe by a
new channel of intercourse. Our commerce
With South America is about to receive en
couragement by a direct liue of mail steam
ships to tbe risiug Empire of Brazil. The
distinguished party of memos science who
have recently left our couutry to make a sci
entific exploration of the natural history and
rivers and mountain ranges of that region,
have received from the Emperor that gener
ous welcome which was to have been expect
ed from his constant friendship for the United
Slates, and bis well known zeal in promoting
the advancement of knowledge. A hope is
entertained tbat our commerce with the rich
and populous countries that border the Medi
terranean Sea may be largely increased. No
thing will be wanting, oil the part oi this
Governmeut to extend the protection of our
flag over the enterprise ot our fellow citizens.
We receive from the Powers in that region
assurances of good will; and it is worthy of
note that a special envoy has brought us
messages ol condolence on the death of out
late Chief Magistrate from the Bey oi Tunis,
whose rule includes the old Jomiuions of
Carthage, on the African coast.
Our domestic coutcsl, now happily ended,
lias left some traces iu our relations with one
at least of the great maritime Powers. Ttie
formal accordance of belligerent rights to
the insurgent States was unprecedented, aud
has not been justified by the issue But in
the systems of neutrality pursued by the
Powers which made that concession, there
was a murked difference. The materials of
war for the insurgent States were furnished,
in a great measure, from the workshops of
Great Britain; and British ships, manned by
British subjects, and prepared for receiving
British armaments, sallied from the ports 01
Great Britaiu to make war ou American
commerce, under the shelter of a commission
from the iusurgent States. These ships, hav
ing once escaped from British ports, ever af
terwards entered them iu every part of the
world, to refit, anchso to renew their depre
dations. The consequences of this conduct
were most disastrous to the States then in
rebellion, increasing their desolation and
misery by tbe prolongation of our civil con
test. It had, moreover, the effect, to a great
extent 10 drive the American flag from
the sea, and to transfer much of our shipping
aud our commerce to the very Power whose
subjects find created the necessity for such a
change. These events took place before I
was called to the Administration of the Gov
enrment. The sincere desire for peace by
which I am animated led me to approve the
proposal, already made, to submit the ques
tions which bad thus arisen betweeu the
countries to arbitration. These questions are
of such moment that they must have com-
manded the attention of the great Powers,
aud are so interwoven with* the pence aud
interests of every one of them as to have en
sured an impartial decision. I regret to in
form you that Great Britain declined the ar-
but, on the other band, invited us
to the formation of a joint commission to
settle mutual claims between the two coun
tries, fromwhich those for the depredations
before mentioned should be excluded. Tbe
proposition, in tbat very unsatisfactory foi m,
Las been declined.
The United Mates did not present the sub
ject ns an impeachment of the good faith of
a Power which was professing tlie most
friendly dispositions, but as involving ques
tions of public law, of which the settlement
is essential to the peace of nations; and,
though pecuniary reparation to their injured
citizens would liavo followed iucidenially on
a decision nguinst Great Britain, such com
pensation was not their primary object.
Tuey had a higher motive, and it was in the
interests of peace and justice to cstuhlish im
portant principles of international law. Tlie
correspondence will ho placed bolbro you.
Tho ground on which the British Minister
rests his justification is, substantially, that the
municipal law of a nation, ami the domestic
interpretations of tlml law, are tlie nieisuru
of iU duty us a neutral ; and I reel bound to
declare luy opinion, before you ami before
Ihu world, tuat thu justification cannot ho
sustained before thu tribunal of iinliont. At
tha samu time 1 do uot advise to auy |ireseiit
siu-uipi at redress by sets of leglxjathm. For
tha future, frluudship beftvecu tho two couii-
Itiss must rust ou thu basis of mutual justiua
From thu moment or tha establishment of
our liso t'orislliuibm, tha clvlll/.ed world has
Isom convulsed by revolution* |„ tfe, lutei
asla of democracy or ol monarchy i hut
Uirougb all thosa revolutions the l tilted
umres havu wisely and Ihmly refits*!
l orn# oinpogaudtsis of rupuldl* aulsm It is
tbs only govsrumsut suited to out annditfou,
hut wo hare never sought to imi KMMI il UU
•y**** •*ut»uhav*aouaisiaotl) followml lbs
auvuig flf Waattlugiou to **• *«mm. ml a *<oly
hy the turelul pr*as(vstiou aud p*a*i*ai ore
of tha Measles Ihilug all the defer veubry
Cnod Ilm p* lb y of Korupuan Powers sod of
l I ultmf Metre has, flu the wb* t«, Into
harmonious. Twice, indeed, rumors of the
invasion of some parts of America, in tbe in
terest of monarchy, have prevailed ; twice
my predecessors have had occasion to an
nounce the views of this nation in respect
to such interference. On both occasions
tbe remonstrance ot the United States was
respected, from a deep conviction, on the
part of European Governments, that the
system of non-interfeience and mutual absti
nence from propagaudism wag the true rule
for the two hemispheres. Since those times
we have advanced in wealth and power; but
we retain the same purpose to leave the na
tions ot Europe to choose tbeir own dynas
ties aud form their own systems of govern
ment. This consistent moderation may justly
demand a corresponding moderation. We
should regard it as a great calamity to our
selves, to the cause of good government, and
to the peace ot the worid, should any Euro
pean Power challenge the American people,
as it were, to the defence of republicanism
against foreign interference. We cannot
foresee, and are unwilling to consider what
opportunities might present themselves,
what combinations might offer to protect
burselves against designs inimical to our form
oi government. The United States desire to
act in the future as they have ever acted
heretofore; they will never be driven from
that course but by the aggression of Euro
pean Powers; and we rely on the wisdom
and justice ot those Powers to respect the
system of non-interference which has so long
been sanctioned by time, and wbicb, by its
good results, bas approved itself to both con
tinents.
Thu correspondence between tbe United
States and France, in reference to questions
which have become subjects of discussion
between the two Governments, will, at a
proper time, be laid before Congress.
When, on the organization of our Govern
ment, under the Constitution, the President
ot the Uhited States delivereil his inaugural
address lo the two Houses of Congress, he
said to them, and through them to the coun
try and lo mankind, that “the preservation
ot the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of
the republican model of government are just
ly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally
staked on the experiment intrusted to the
American people.” Aud the House of Rep
resentatives answered Washington by the
voice of Madison : “VVe adore the invisible
hand which has led tbe American people
througli so many difficulties, to cherish a
couscious responsibility for the destiny of
republican liberty.” More than seventy-six
years have glided away since these words
were spoken ; the United States have passed
through severer trials than were foreseen ;
and now, at this new epoch in our existence
as one nation, with our Union purified by
sorrow, and strengthened by conflict, and
established by the virtue of the people, the
grcalucss of the occasion invites us once
more to repeat, with solemnity, tbe pledges
ofour fathers to hold ourselves answerable
before our fellow-men for the success of tbe
republican form of government. Experience
has proved its sufficiency in peace and in
war ; it lias vindicated its authority through
dangers, aud afflictions, and sudden and ter
rible emergencies, which would have crushed
any system tlmt had been less firmly fixed in
the heart of the people. At the inauguration
of Washington the foreign relations of the
country were few, and its trade was repress
ed by hostile regulations, now ail the
civilized nations of the globe wel
come our commerce, and tbeir Governments
pitiless towards us amity. Then our coun
try felt ils way hesitating along an untried
path, with States so little bound together by
rapid means of communication as to be hard
ly known to one another, and with historic
traditions extending over eveiy few years ;
now intercourse betweeu the States is swift
aud intimate; the experience of centuries bas
been crowded into a few generations, and
lias created an iulcnsc, indestructible nation
ality. Then our jurisdiction did not reach
beyond the inconvenient boundaries of the
territory which had achieved independence ;
noiv, thiough sessions of lauds, first coloniz
ed by Spain and France, the country has ac
quired a complex character, and bas
for its natural limits the chain of Lakes, the
Gulf oi Mexico, aud on the east and the
west tbe two great oceans. Other nations
were wasted by civil wars for ages be
fore they could establish for them
selves the necessary degree of unity ; the
latent convictiou that onr form of govern
ment is the best ever known to the world,
hai enabled us to emerge from civil war
within tour years, with a complete vindica-
tion of the constitutional authority ot the
General Government, and with our local
liberties aud Slate Institutions unimpaired.
The throngs of emigrants that crowd to our
shores are witnesses of the confidence of all
peoples in our permanence. Here is the
great land of true labor, where industry is
blessed with unexampled rewards, and the
bread of the workingman is sweetened by
the consciousness that the cause of the coun
try “is his own cause, his own safety, his
own dignity.” Here every one enjoys the
free use of his faculties and the choice of ac
tivity as a natural right. Here, under the
combined influence ot a fiuitful soil, genial
climes, and happy institutions, population
lias increased fittcen fold within a century.
Here, through the easy development of
boundless resources, wealth has increas
ed with two-told greater rapidity than
numbers, so that we have become se
cure against the financial vicissitudes of
other countries, and, alike in business
and in opinion, are self-centered and truly
independent. Here more and more care is
given to provide education for every ono
born on our soil. Here religion, released
from political connection with the civil gov
ernment, refuses to subserve the craft of
statesmen, and becomes, in its independence
the spiritual life of the people. Here tolera
tion is extended to every opinion, in tbe
quiet certainty that truth needs only a fair
held to secure the victory. Here the human
mind goes forth unshackled in the pur
suit ot science, to collect stores of knowledge
and acquire an ever-increasing mastery over
thu forces of nature. Here the national do
main is offered and held in millions of sepa
rate freeholds, so that our
beyond the occupants of any other part cf
the earth, constitute in reality a people.
Here exists tlie democratic form of govern
ment; ami that lornt of government, by the
confession of European statesmen, “gives a
power of which no other form is capable, be
cause it incorporates every man with the
State, and arouses everyting that belongs to
the soul.”
Where, in past history, does a parallel ex
ist to the public happiness which is within
the reach of tho people of the United States'/
Where, In any part of the globe, can institu
tions he found so suited to their habits, or so
entitled lo their love as their own free Con
stitution '< Every oue of them, then, in
whatever part of tho luud he has ins home',
must wish its perpetuity Who of them will
uot uow acknowledge, in the words of Wash
ington, that "every, step by which tho peoplo
ol the United Mates have advanced to the
characloi of an indepemiaul nation, seems to
have bi t'ii distinguished by oome token of
I’rovhleutlai agency r Who will not join
with uie in "<u prayer, that Uw invisible
hand which lias led ue through the clouds
that gloomed eioutid our path, will uo guidu '
u« on went to a perfect restoration of (rater
ua! a Auction, that we of tbia day may he abiu
I** irausmit oar great iuhsriiaiicu, *«t (kata
Uoveiutuwnte Iu all tbsir rights, **/thu Uuim
ral Giivuiuiuunt iu its wit*tie * *msiueiiou*|
visor, In our posterity, and to theirs thiouah
. ouutfess guaeretlumfr
, flhlilikW JuUNMiN.
W asoisotos, Pm 4. ima,
-Mode s coast la How viethietothe ashed
§/r
