Newspaper Page Text
- HEPmiCAN.
M.
~ 0 Y LOCKE & DAVIS,
, City and County Printers.
OCTOBER IB, 1840.
Uy Paper, - $8 per AYmum i far 6 months, $5
iQuutty Paper, 5 tier Annum» for 6 mmuha. 93.
. (PXYAB1.K.1N APVANCK.)
JTttot and foa ASwrtlitnenls, apjxar in both Papert.
e at the com*roFBto an.lBull
Mr. J. li. Gaudry’a Store.
uU-strects.ovcr
(ET We present ottr readers to-dny, t6 the Ik*
eluaion of other matter, the apeeoh oftho Hon.
DaKikc. Wkiiitbr, delivered on the Gib instant,
at^RioHuioud, Y«. ,
SAVANNAH.
THURSDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 13, 1840.
ITnlon ortho Whigs for the sake
of the Union.
NOMINATION
MY THE WHIG NATIONAL CONVENTION.
FOR PRESIDENT, *
WILLIAM IIENRY HARRISON,
of Ohio.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
JOHN TYLER, of Virginia.
For Electors ofPrtsident and Vice-President.
GEORGE R. GILMER, ofOglethorpo.
. (Sen. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden.
. Col. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee.
Moj. JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock.
CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark.
SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin.
Gen. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass.,
Gen W W, F.ZZARD, ofDeKalb.
C. B. STRONG, of Bibb.
.JOHN WHITEHEAD, ofBnrke
Gen. E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs.
If you vote with the South,said
a friend to Geu. Harrison, you
will destroy yourself.
u That is probable,” he replied,
“bntit is better thatlshould de
stroy myself than to destroy the
Constitution of my country.—Wil
iam Henri/ Harrison.
03" The Planters’ Report shall appear to-
morrow.
. 03 s The so-called Democracy—not the De-
, mocracy of numbers—spoke in tones of soft thun
der at the late election in Laurens ond Mont
gomery^ Gentlemen, your very good health!
Better lock next time.
03" Wanted, three of our best Whig Orators
to.visitRabun,.Franklin and Habersham Coun
ties. Dont all speak at once, gentlemen! Bat
go yon must, some of you.
. ELECTION RETURNS.
We received by yesterday’s Mail the following
returns, in addition to those already published:
For Congress.
9
g
g
|
i
j
B*
B
Alford,
<!»
249
359
234
27
Dawson,
248
359
242
37
* Foator,
* Gamble,
244
356
.234
26
245
357
235 *
26
Habersham,
246
356
235
25
King,
. ■ Meriwether,
247
357
236
26
243
357
234
26
. Nesbit,
246
358
236
25
Warroo,
246
358
233
28
Black,
263 •
307
482
314
Campbell,
262
313
483
314
Colquitt;
Cooper,-
Hiltyer,
253
263
313
312
482
481'
314
314
263
311
483
314
k Iverson, -
-262
308
484
314
Lumpkin,
263
311
491
313
Patterson,
267
310
474
315
Fooler,
269
308
477
313
404
*" • Extract of a letter to the Editors, dated
Tboopville, Ga., Oot. 6,1840.
Below you have the vote of Lowndes County.
W. V. B.
For Congress, 415 136
\ Senator.
Levi J. C. Kkight, Sen., (no opp.)
Representatives.
Israel F. Waidliaui, (Harrison,)
Beuj. Simians, (do.)
R- N. Parish, (Loco,)
N. Blair, (do.)
Van may got 100 votes at the November elec
tion, but it is very doubtful. From 50 to 100 will
be bis vote here.
372
357
175
70
LEGISLATURE.
Lie.—Janes; Foard.
Marion.—Mutter; Whishnin; Hall.
Momuv—Bishop; Holcombe, Morris.
Rabun,—Henley; Canuon.
KTThe first name in each county is Senator
. The names in Italics are Whigs.
- FROM THE NORTH.
The mail failed again yesterday, (says the
Charleston Courier of Tuesday,) but passenger-,
furnished us with papers of the regular date had
the mail came through.
. At New York, on the 0th instant, 205 shares U.
fir Bank Stock sold at 521; 25 do. do. at 62, s. 20
daysj 60 do. do. at 62|, s. 3 days; 25 do. do. at
»125do. do. at 62$. a. 10 days; 75 do. do. at
62i,b.60 ffayl.
, Mdryland Elections.—The Baltimore American
of Saturday says; " It iit now pretty clearly as
certained that the next Legislature willetand 60
he House of Delegates to 19 Vau Bu-
i Whigs to 6 Vun
tree counties in the
entire Van Buren
e, Talbot and Carroll.
Baltimore City lias^elected Van Burenites, and
they have elected ttyg.put of. the four Delegates
The President then row and In 1
lire Convention, Mr. WEBSTER, whl
calved nmidst the ntasV nimirttuotiS cl
above which rose in every quarter the nioll
spiring cries of "Welcome—welcome."
Silence having been in a few minutes restor
ed.
Mr. Widstir rose and addressed the Con*
volition as follows:
Virginians: The wisdom of our fathom has es
tablished for us n Constitution of Govern
ment, which euables me to nnponr here
to-day, and to address you ns my fefloic-citiuns,
(chcoringg,) and half a century of experience
has shown how utefiil to our common Interest,
how conducive to our common rouown and glory
is that Constitution by which w« have been uni
ted. I desire to pay duo honour to those illus
trious men who made us—the childrien of those
who fell at Butrker Hill and Yorktowu—mem
bers of the same political family, tied together
by the snme common prosperity or common ad
versity in all time to come. It is tho extraordina
ry nature of the times, united with a long cherish
ed desire to visit Vlrgiuin, which has occasioned
me the pleasure I enjoy of being in the midst
ofyou ullto-dav. I have come more (hr the
purpose of seeing ami of hearing yon, than of
speaking to you. myself. I have conie to tninglo
myself among you; to listen to the words of your
wise and patriotic men; that I may aid my own
patriotic feeling by communication with tho
chivalrous spirits of the ancient Dominion.
(Cheers.) But inasmuch os there are, or may be,
some questions national policy or of consti
tutional power, on which you and I differ,
there are some amiable persons who are
so very considerate of your reputation and of
my reputation, as to signify that they esteem it
a great breach of propriety for me, that yon
should invite me to come hero, or that 1 should
come aiiiongyon. (Loud laughter and cheering,
mingled with cries of “welcome, welcome.”) Let
us hope that these amiable persons will allay their
own fears.
If there be any question or questions on which
you and I ditfer in opinion, those questions are
not to be the topics of dncussiou. to-day. No!
Wo are not quito soil enough for such an oper
ation as that. (Laughter.) We are battling to
gether in the face of a common enemy—we
are armed to the teeth—putting forth ns many
hands as Briarens, and with each hand dealing
him nil the blows Wo can—and does he imagine
that at such a moment wo shall be carrying
on our family controversies? Tnat we are go
ing to give ourselves those blows which aretlue
to him? No: he is tho euemy of our country—
we mean to pursue hiui till we bring him to ca
pitulation or to High; and when ire note done
that, if there are any differences of opinion among
us, wo will try to settle them ourselves, without
his advico or assistance; (laughter;) and wo will
settle them in a spirit of conciliation ami mutual
kindness. If we doditfer in any of our view *,
wc must settle that difference not in a spirit of
exasperation, but wit • moderation—with lor
benrance—iu a spirit of amity and brotherhood.
It is an era in my life for me to find myself on
the soil of Virginia addressing such an assem
blage as is now before me: I feel it to be such: I
« feel the responsibility of the part which
is day beeu thrown upon me. But al
though it is the first time l have addressed an as
sembly of my fellow-citizens upon the soil of Vir
ginia, I hope I am not altogether unacquainted
with the history, character and sentiments of this
venerable State. The topics which now are agi
tating the country, and which have brought us all
here to-day, have no relation whatever with
those in which I differ from the opinions she lias
ever entertained. The, grievances and the mis*
government which haveronsed the country, per
tain to that class of subjects which especially and
peculiarly belong to Virginia,and have from the
-very beginning of our history. I know some
thing of the community amidst which Island: its
distinguished and ardent attachment to civil lib-
erty;and ils disposition for political disquisitions. I
know that the landholders which it contains am
competent from their education and their leisure,
to discuss political questions in their elements)
and to look at Government in its tendencies as we!
as in the measures it may at present pursue.
There is a sleepless suspicion, n vigilant jealousy
of power, especially of Executive power, which
for three quarters of a century has marked tho
character of the people of the Old Dominion:—
and if I have any right conception of the evils
of the time or of the true objection to the meas
ures of the present Administration, it is, that they
are of such a kind as to expose them, in an espe
cial manner, to that sleepless jealousy, that stern
republican scrutiny, that acute and astute inspec
tion which have distinguished the present us they
have all preceding generations of men in this an
cient Commonwealth. Allowing this to be so,
let me present to you my own view of the pre
sent aspect of our public affairs.
In my opinion, a decisive majority of all the
People of the U. S. have been, for several years
past, opposed tn the policy of the existing Ad
ministration. • I shall assume this in what I have
farther to say, because I believe it to bo true; and
I believe that events are on the w ing.and will soon
take place, which will proclaim the truth of that
position, and will show a vote ortliree-fourths of
the population of this country in favor ofa change
ok men. (Cheers, end strong marks of assent.)
Taking this fur the present as the true state of
political feeling and opinion, I next cull yonr at
tention to tlie fact of the veiy extraordinary ex
citement, of agitation, and l had ulmo-t said of
| commotion, which marks the present moment
throughout every part of the lund. Why are
these vast assemblages every where congregated!
Why, for example, am I here, five hundred miles
* from uiy own place of residence, to address such
on assembly of Virginians? Anri why does every
day, m ev^ry State, witness something of a simi
tar loud ? Has this ever been the case before 7—
Certainly not in our time, und once only in the
•itne of our fathers. There are some present
lu re who witnessed, and there are others who
have learned from the lips of their parents, the
suite of feeling which existed in 1774 and '5, be
fore the resort to arms was had to effect the objects
of the Revolution. I speak uow of the timewhen
Patrick Henry, stauding ns we now do, iu the
open air, was addressing tho Virginians rif that
day, while at the suuie moment James Otis and
his associates were making the same rousing ap
peal to the people of Massachusetts. (Loud
cheering.) From that time to this, there has been
nothing ui any degree reumbling what we now
behold. This general eanftstness, this universal
concern of all men in public affairs, is now wit
nessed for tho firsttime since the Revolution. Do
not men abandon theii fields in the midst of seed-
opposed in «entiment to the
tionHWesfrethar wHelhne
lion has held itn place ai
liar syatonv of measure* so
My
myjndi
workmi
ling AdiuinialiWYrnr.ec bo.
> the Administriq larlydemam
ngementoft m
tuont in the work
ittown^pecu*
[on it this i
.., Jne in the <1
working of our system or Government, that the
Executive power has increased iu Influence arid
its patronagu to such h degree, that it may coun
teract the will of a majority of the People, and
continuo to do no, tiiilU that majority has not only
become very large, bet till it hits trailed in III ob
jects and in its caudldoto, and by a strenuous ef
fort, is enabled to turn the Administration out of
power. I believe vital the power and prltonogn
of tho Executive ill Ollf GoVtiVliilfeul has increas
ed, is increasing, and ought to bo diminished. I
believe dial it dogs enable the incumbents to re
sist the publio will, until the oountrv is rousod to
a high and simultaneous effort, and' the impera.
live mandate of the public voice dismisses the un
faithful servants from their placet. Now, I ask.
can it be supposed that this Government can go
on long in acourse of successAil operation, if no
chnngo can be produced without such an effort
aa that in which the People of this country era
now engaged? Iputitlotlie old-fashioned Re
publicans of Virginia. I ask them, whetherit
can bu supposed that this freo Republican Gov-
menl of ours can last for half a century longer if
iU Administration cannot be changed without
auch an excitement—I may say, such a civil revo
lution, us is now iu progress, und, I trust, is near
its co tuple lion?
I present this case as the greatest and strongest
of a I proofs that Executive power in thiscountry
has increasud, and is dangerous to liberty ; that
when u majority of the people have for u long time
been opposed* to an administration, it still re
quires such an effort—it still demands that men
should simultaneously relinquish nil their privnle
pursuits to produce a chauge of that adimuistru-
if this be so, then I ask, what are the causes
which have given and huve augmented this,force
of Executive power? The discipleaof the anci
ent school of Virginia long entertained the opin
ion that there was great danger of enoroachment
by the General Government, on thejustrigliuof
the States; but they were notalnrmad at the pos
sibility of an undue augmentation of the Execu
tive power. It becomes us at a crisis like the
present, to recur to first principles—to go back
to our early history, and see how the question ac
tually stands.
• You all well know that, in the formation of a
Constitution for the government of this country,
the greatest difficulty its framers encountered wus
with regard to the Executive power. It wus ea
sy to establish a House of Representatives and a
second brunch of the Government, in the form of
u Senate, for it was a very obvious thing to say
that the States should bu represented in one
House of Congress as the people were represen
ted. But the great and perplexing question was,
bow to limit and regulate the Executive power
in such a maimer that while it defended the coun
try, it should not be able to endanger civil liber
ty. Our fathers hud seeji and felt the inconve
nience during the revolutionary war, ofayyeak
Executive in Government. The couutry had
differed much from that cause. There was not
any unity of purpose or efficiency or action in its
Executive power. As the country had just etuerg'
ed from a war, and might be piuuged into ano
ther, they were looking inteutly to such a Con
stitution os would secure un efficient Executive.
Perhaps it -remains lo be seen, whether in this
respect they had not better have given less power
to this b - auch and taken all uie inconvenience
arising front the want of it, rather than to huzard
tho grunting of so much as might prove dnngcr-
otts notoniy to tho pther departments of Govern-
meat,but to the safety and freedom of the coun
try at large.
Because, in the first place, it is the Executive
which confers all the favors of n Government. It
has the pjtronuge in its hands, and if we look nt
the augmentation of patronage which has taken
place in this country,we sballsee thatin the course
of tilings, und to uuswer the'purposes of men, this
pstronuge has greatly increased. We shall find
the expenditures for office lias very much increas
ed. We shall find that this is true of the Civil and
Diplomatic departments—we shult find it is true
ofallthe departments; nt tho Post Office; and es
pecially of Uie Commercial Department. Thus
to take an instance from one of our great com
mercial cities:—In the Custom lIou»e at New
York the number of officers has in twelve years
increased three-fold—while the emoluments cf
office have been augmented more, than three-fold,
ns well ns I remember. There is thus a constant
increase of power from the bestowment of office.
Then there is the power of removal; a power
which ih some instances has been exercised most
i,where the Minister i
thousnml francs for tin
ircss.I know br no Go
Inhere tho Pres* is avowedly
he extent as it isln tillscouu*
retu
rn man
Govern-
patronised to 1h4
try. Huvo not you, men of Virginia, been mor*
tiffed to witness tho importance which is attached
at Washington to the election ofa publio printer?
to observe the great anxiety and solicitude which
oven your own blonds have been obliged to ex
orcise to knep that appointment out of the hands
of Executive power? One oftho first things to be
done when a new Administrationshull come into
power will bo to separate tho Government Press
thuo tho politics of thu couutry. (Loud Cheers.)
I dont want tho Government Printer to preach
politics to the Peopfe; because I know before hund
what politics ho will preach—it will all bu one lo
Triumphs from the beginning of thu first page to
thu end of the lost paragraph. I aui for cutting off
this power from the Executive, Give tho peo-
plo lair play. Iso y,gite the People fair play. If
they think the Government is in error, or that bet
ter men may bu found to administer it, give them
a chance to turn the present men out and put bet
ter men in: but dont let them bo compelled to give
their money to pay a man to persiide them not to
chango the Government. (Luuglitcr and loud
cheering.)
Well, there are still other modes by which Ex
ecutive power i» established and confirmed—the
first tiling it seeks to do is to draw strict liuci of
party opinion, to appeal to the party feelingaof
men. This is a topic which might lead uie very
(hr into nn inquiry as to the causes which have
overturned all populnr Governments. It is the
nature of men to be credulous and confiding to
ward their friends. If there exists in the country
a powerful party, and il the baud of that party bo
tho head of the Government and avowing liiiHaolf
the head of that party, gives thanks for the public
honours he bus received, - not the country, but to
his party, then we can seo the causes in opera
tion which, according to the well kiiowu charac
ter and tendencies of mqn, load us to giva undue
trust and confidence to purty favourites. Why,
S entlemen, Kings and Queens of old, and probu-
ly in modern tunes, huve had their favorites,and
they have given tlieui unbounded trust. Well,
there are sometimes among the people persons
who are no wiser than Kings nnd Queens, who
%
i, In any uu
lUvurru un;
month or
mncliliaaUa,
with tho proaa,
I pit
I oal.tlng oxcitoinimt I
. willpaao ropi
i rapid)/ over them. (do’onTft.J
. not orjuo lo you D.inocriUa tlm quo.lfou ofth.
Iunn, und i
i, l ahull Ml
- r ,, J, to clnsnfota In \
thla miliiectm tlmSmioto O
Irm In Hub-Troianry, ( ( ronni •iilooiitottiptiiouaUmb.
Mr, Iu tort) »m) I auppuio II la linrdly necoaaary toiDaii,
laotnd to you ofMr. Foinimt'. Militia Dili, (Lanihint
preoaur,
tconnaoi
what I tuid
. Stntr.a nn
toyou ol Mr. roimotfa Militia Bill. (Cauah'uM
Into wltloh orjour^nounlaina haa not
tho 30th ofJaunary laid.* I havo nothing to add
or tn aubtrnct from vvlmtl then anid. I commend
it tn your nlleution, or ralhnr I doairo you to look
lit il. I hold that Uonirou la nhiolittely precluded
or, direct or hull.
Aniii intorfurliip III any ntomior, direct oj- Indl-Llho militia ofthoStatci.'itml miloftfKKJS, 1 !
root, with thl'.ua withpny other of tho Itulilu. —(Loud choora, nnd criea of " yea, y K „
tin no oftho country [Tho chocrin* waahoro
loud end Imjj continued, nnd n vnico from tho
crowd ojtcluimcil " wo urn libro from Morplnnd
to Louiaianii, and wo doairo that tho aeutlment
juattuproaaad limy ho rnponted. Rojinat, repeat.]
Well, I will aay it again, noil [ wiili you lo ro-
skill pmiotrntodt Up whloli of oil your
etrrniiin him not ill echo Booted! I Dtn ll|r ,fJ
inn.tbo very tired oflthlmaelf, (loudlanjhiori
Romnnitmr olwoya thot tho great principle or ik'
Conmiliitinn on llmtsubject,ia, il ml IhJtnillU.U
have favourites also, am! givt‘|to those fuvuorilea
the same blind trust Qnd confidence. Hence it
is very difficult, nuy, sometimes impossible, to
convince a party that the man at its head exercises
uu undue uiuauut of power. They aay, “he is
our friend; Uie more power he wields the butter
for us, because he will wield it for ourbenefit.”—
There are two sorts of Republicans in Uie world;
one is a very good sort, the other, I think, quite
indifferent. Tho latter care not what power
persons iu office possess if they havo the election
of'hose persons. They are quite willing their
favourites should exercise all power, and urei per
fectly content with the tendencies of Government
to uu elective despotism, if they may choose ihe
man at the head of it, and more especially if they
have a chance of being chosen themselves. That
1- one sort of Republicanism. But llmt 13 not our
American liberty ; that is not the Republicanism
of the United Elates, and especially the State of
Virginia. Virginians do not rush out iuto that
extravagant confidence in them; they are for
restraining power hv law; they are for hedgiug
in und strictly guarding all who exercise il. They
look upon all who a<e in office as limited agents,
and will not repose too much trust in uny. That
is American Republicanism. What was it that
Thomas Jefferson said with so much emphasis?
Have we found angels iu thu form of men to
govern us? However, it might have been then,
we of this day tuny answer no, no. .(Loud laugh
ter.) We have found them at least like others,
“a little lower tliau Angels.” (Roars of laughter)
In the same spirit he has said, an elective despo
tism is not Uie Government we fought for. And
that is true. But our fathers fought for a limited
Government—a Government hedged all rouud
with securities— or, ns 1 heard a distinguished
poii of Virginia say, oue fenced, in with teu rails
and a top rider. (Lbjid laughter.)
Gentlemen: A distinguished lover of liberty of
our own time, in onoUier hemisphere, said, wifit
apparent paradox, thut the quantity of liberty in
any country is exactly equal to tho quantity of re
straint; because ifGoverutnent is restrained from
putting its hand upou you, 16 tlmt extent you are
free; and nil regular liberty cousistsin putting re
straints upon Governtnenuaud indiwitunls—so
member wlwt 1 say. I will repeat it—nnd I wish
you to tell it wborever you go—spread il abroad
upon the wings oftho wind, that I, Daniel Web
ster, here in the front oftho cnpltol of Virginia—
iu the month of October 1840—with your Octo
ber snn shining upon me—in tho midst of this
assembly—before the whole couutry—and with
nil the responsibility Unit attaches tome—urto
my name in any way—declare that them is no
powor either in Oongress or the general govern
ment, in the slightest degree to interfere with the
institution of Domestic Slavery I [Tremendous
cheering, and cries of "That's two thousand
votes for Harrison.”}
And now, said Mr. W., I ask you only to do
mo one favor (we’ll do it.) I ask you to carry
that paper home, (we will, we will,) read it, read
it to your neighbors; mid when you hear the cry,
"shall hlr. Webster, the Abolitionist,be allowed to
profane the soil of Virgiuiu,” (loud shouts and
repeated and prnlonged cheers with cries of "wel
come ! welcome» welcome I”) that you will tell
them Uiat, in connexion wiUi tho doctrine in tlmt
speech, I hope that there are two governments
over us, each possessing its owu distinct authori
ty, with which the other may not interfere. I
may differ from you in. some things, hut I will
hero say that us to the doctrines of State Rights
ns held by Mr. Madison in his last duys, 1 do not
know Uml we differ at all, (cheors)—yet I am he
and among the foremust to hold that it is indis
pensable to the prosperity oftheso Governments
to preserve, und that be is no true friend to ei
ther who does not labor to preserve that true dis
tinction between both. (Immense cheering.)
We may not all see the line which divides them
alike; but all houost men know that there is a
line, and they all fear to go either on Uie one or
the other sido of it. It is Uiis balance between
the General nnd the State Government* which
has preserved the country in unexampled pros
perity for fifiy years—and the destruction ofthis
Just balance will be tho destruction of our Gov
ernment. What I believe to bo the doctrine of
State Rights, 1 hold us firmly os any man. Do I
not belong to a State? aud may I not say to a
State which haa done'something to give herself
renown, and to her sons some little share of par
ticipated distinction? (Great cheering.) I any
again, thut the preservation of State Rights, on
the one hand, and of the jii>4 powers of Congress,
upon the other, is equally indispensibie to the
preservation of our free Republican Government.
(Cheers.)
And now, gentlemen, permit me to address to
you a few words in regard to thosp measures of
the General Government which have cuused the
being lhu» llio militin oftha 8tnu>e,lh»n)
of Ihe Con.litnllon worded with grcsier 33,
end with e moro ■crnpulone leelniiiy tl,nn lli.l
which »pe«lu oftho powor orCoiierei.
militin. Doe. It imy llmt Centre,. nt^makS
oftho militia no It nl.ue.-Lt t|,o
be celled out to nmlte wnr.to train end
Nhutoh tiling: tho term, need ore the 2 i n "'
0U0 Olid particular—*• Tim Proildentme,
the militia to execute the lewe, to enppreu ineiir
rnction, end tn repel foreign inveelon," T|,, t .
throo cneeoere epecifled—nnd there ore ell n.n
out the militia lo drill them t To dleolpl|H,i| 1 „„,
To iiiorch llio militia of Virginia to Wheel;,,,
he drilled? Why, aiiclin thing never eeteteTih?
head of any man—nover, never, (laughter
cheering.) Whetle very unusual in t|„ c orB ?
tulion, it hoe pieced e negative on ell other niiu
'poses for the eiercleo ol this power than those
particularly enumerated s and then fellow th «
golden words in the Cnnetitntion, reserving u
tho States the appointment of officers and the dis
ciplining of thu militia. That’s it I (Cheers—
" Vm, that's it I") Read this clause, anil then retd
remorselessly. By whatever-pnny it is exercised,
unless it be called for by the actual e:
time—do they not have their vnrimts occiipa-
now dorfe, to attend to mutters
r oshoord from, is 25
rford.’’ .
lell Whig gain so far o
* enators. -
State Journal contains the coin-
election for inspectors of
held ill tliat,State on Tues-
total Whig majority iu that State is 718.
- —— .
inker Hill Monument committee
the Fanny Elssier Ben
ton that the young
■jkiitch over the
ut those Loco
1 naturally hap-
that a majority of
ve, for some years,
11 the policy of the
IS IT NECEBRARY
iould be made to
fiwer.nndto put
inhabit a fri
in
lions, as you huve . .......
which they deem more important? And is it not
so through all classes of our citizens all over the
whole lund ? Now the important questieu I wish
to put, is this, and 1 put it us a question fit furthe
wind of the statesmen of Virginia—i propose it,
with all respect, to the deepjidehbcration aud re-
ttectiofijmf every patriotic tudii ihoiighout the
countrySitUtliis: (f itbe trite 1 ‘ • • -
the People of the U.
been opposed in sent
present Administrate..
that these extraordinary,
turn thut Administration
better men iu their placi
country—every office ofpt
hands, at the disposal oft..,
biased suffrages: all public
trolled nnd nmnaged by them, at thi
sure: and tlm trust has always been to tiiebullot
box.as an effectual means to keep the Govern
ment at all times in -conformity with tho public
will. How, then, has it happened, that with all
this, such extraordinary eliints have been neces-
surylopntoutaparf ‘
lias it npt’ been don
ftlfCtiyo franchise ? *
merit been changed, bqfii in its policy nnd in the
men who administer it ? I desire from the free,
the thinking men of Virgiuiu, an answer to chat
question. When the cfectiou* are every where
shewing that a large majority- of the Peopje are
. exigencies of
the public service, Virginia, more than any State
oftho Union, has ever rejected, disowned, disa
vowed the power of removal for opinion’s sake.
(Loud cheers.) Ido honor lo Virgiuia ia.this
respect. That power has boen far lens practised
in Virginia than in certain Stales where the spoils'
doctrine is known to be more popular. But this
power of removal, sanctioned as it is by time,
does exist, and I have seen it exercised in every
part of the country where public opinion tolerat
ed it, w ilh a most remorseless hand.
I will now say, however, thut which I admit to
he very presumptuous, because it is said, not
withstanding Use illustrious authority of one of
the greatest of your great men—a man better ac
quainted with the Uninriiluiion of the United
Staten than any other man—n man who saw it in
its cradle—who held it iu his arms, as one may
say, iu itaJnfancy—who presented and recom
mended if to the American people, and who saw
itadopted very much under the force of his own
reasoning and the weight of his owu reputation
—who lived long enough to see it prosperous—
to enjoy its honors—and who at last went down
to Uie grave among ten thousand blessings for
which morning and evening ho had thunked
God:—I mean James Madison. Yet even from
this great and good man, whom I hold to lie chief
among the just interpreters of the Constitu
tion, L ntn constrained, however presumptuous it
jnny be considered to differ in relation to one of
his interpretations of tlmt instrument. I refer to
the opinion expressed by him. that the power of
removal from offico does <f*fst in the Constitu.
lion as an independent power. ‘I wish he hud
taken a different view of it. I do not sny that he
was wrong; that in me would be too great pre
sumption. I advert to this now, to shew, thut I
nm not now for the first time preaching against
the danger of- an iucreas? of Executive- power;
for when the subject was* in discussion before
Congress, I expressed there the same opinions
which I have now uttered, and which have been
only the more confirmed by mor.e recent experi
ence. The power of removal places the hopes
and fears, the living, the daily bread of men atlhe
disposal of the Executive, and does, thereby,
cause a vast augmentation of Executive inflii-
eiice and control. Then, ngnin, from tho very
nature of things the Executive power acts con
stantly; it is always in being—always iu thecita-
deland on tho look-out; and it has, besides, uni
formity of purpose. They who are in, have hut
one object, which is to keep nil others out; while
those who are not in office, and who desire a
change, have a variety of different objeota as they
are to be found in different parts of the country.
One complains of one thing, nnother of another,
and, ordinarily, there is un strict unity of object
or of candidate; and, therefore, it js that those
wielding power within the citadel ore able to keep
the others out though they may be more nnmer-
ous. Hence we have seen an Administration,
though in a minority, yet by the continued exer-
ciaeof power, able to bring over the peoplo to
the support of such a measure as the Sub Treas
ury, which, when it was first proposed, received
but little favour in any part of the country.
. Again: though it may appear comparatively
inconsiderable, yet, when we are looking at the
means by which the Executive power has risen to
its present threatening height, we must not over-
# Note.—The following is lire passage to
which Mr. YVebsler referred :
Extract from Mr. Webster's speech in reply to Mr.
Hayne, January 21st, 1830.
At the very first Congress, petition-* on the sub
ject of slavery were presented, if I mistake not,
from dilierent States. The Pennsylvania Soci-
ty for promoting abolition ol slavery, took u lead)
and laid before Congress u memorial, prnyiug
Congress to promote the abolition by such pow
ers as il possessed. This memorial was referred,
iu the House of Representatives, to a select com
mittee, consisting of Mr. Foster of New-Hamp-
shire, Mr. Gerry of Massachusetts, Mr. Hunt
ingdon of Connecticut, Mr. Lawrence of New-
York, Mr. Linuickson ofNew-Jorsey, Mr. Hart
ley of Pennsylvania, and Mr. Parker of Virginia
—alt of them, sir, as you will observe, Northern
men, but Uie l -st. This committee made a re
port, which was committed to a committee of the
whole'Hoube, and there’ considered and discus-
that (hey shall not interfere with your freedom of sed for several days; and being amended, el
ection and purpose. You may easily simplify though without materiul alteration, it was made
particular Admits (ration ? Why Mt tho powor of—I^wili not soy a pensioned—
doughy the ailefitpnwcr of the p««t a patronized Press. t Of all things in a pnon-
in ? VV by lias nor the Govern* n .
lar-Govermnent,a Government Vrcss 'in the-most
to be dreaded... The Press furnishes the only
means of public address; and if Government by
supporting comes to control it, then they take to
themselves, attha public expense, the great chan
nel of all communication to the Peoplo. Unless
. *P' ....
Government; shallow thinkers talk ofa simple
Government; Turkey is the suuplent Govern
ment in the world. But if you wish to secure
entire personal liberty, you iiiunt multiply re
straints upnu the Government, so that it cannot
go further than the public good requires. Then
you may be free, and not otherwise.
Another greutpower by which Executive influ
ence Augments itself, especially when the man
who wields it Blands at the beau of a party, con
sists in the use of names. Mirabtuu suid that
words are things,—and so they ure. But I be
lieve that they are of.cn fraudulent things, and
always possessed of real power. Tho faculty of
taking to ourselves a popular name aud giving on
unpopular name to un adversary, is a (acuity of
very great concern in politics. I put it to you,gen
tlemen, whether lor tlm last month or two, the
whole power ofthis Government has not consist
ed chiefly in the dischurge ol’u shower of hard
names. Have you lor a month past heard any
man defend the Sub-Treasury f Have you heard
any man during thut time burn his Angers by tak
ing hold ol Mr. Poinsett’s niilitiu project? Their
whole resort has been to pour out upon usa lulu
of denunciation as aristoerdts: taking to them
selves the meanwhile the well deservud designa
tion of true Democrats. How cheering, how de
lightful, that a man independent of uny regard to
his own churucter or worth, may thus range him-
sell under a buuner the most acceptable ol all oth
ers lo his fellow-citizens, it is wnh false patriot
ism as with buse money; all goes by the stamp.
It does not wish to be weighed, il halos the scutes;
it is thrown into horrors at the crucible, it must
all go by tail; it holds out the King's head with
his name andsuperscription, and il challenged,
replies: Do you not see the stamp on my lore-
head ? I belong to tho Democratic lamih— make
mo current. (Loud laughter aud cheering.)
But we live in un uge too enlighted to be gulled
l>> thin business of stumping; wo have learned to
inquire into the true nature and value of things.
Democracy most surely is not a term of reproucii,
hut respect. Our Government is u constitutional
Democratic Republican Government, und it ihey
tneari that only, there is nuuo will dispute thut
they are good Democrat*. But if they set up
qualifications aud distinctions, if there are genera
und species, it may require twpntypoliticul Linme-
uses to say to winch classification they belong.
There is another contrivance for the increase
of Executive power, which is utterly abhorrent
to all tiue patriots, and ngain&t which in uu espe
cial rnauuer Gen. Washington has lell us his
farewe llj uric lion; I mean the constant recurrence
J® l° c . u l diflbreiices, prejudices and jeulousies.
1 hat is the groat bone und curse ofuhis lovely
country of ours. It covers a vast extent of Ter
ritory, hence there nrefew from utnong us inMnw-
sachusetls who enjoy the advantage ol a personal
iniercourse with our friends in Virginia, and but
few of you who visit us ill Masnuchusetta, the
South is still more remote; the diflereuce which
exist in habits and pursuit* between us, enables
the enemy to sow tares hy exciting local preju
dices on both aides. Sentiment* ate mutually
ascribed to ns which neither over entertaiued.
By this means, a purty press is enabled to foment-
jealousies and lo destroy that generous spiritof
brotherhood which should oxistbetween us. AI!
patriotic men ought carefully to guurd themselves
agairnt the effect of arts like these.
And here I am brought to udvert for one mo
ment to whnt I constantly see in all the Adminis
tration papers from Baltimore, South. It is one
perpetual out-cry, admonishing the people of the
oouth thut their own dtute Governments, and
the property they hold under ilium, are riot secure
if they udinila Northern man to uny considerable
share in the admijjiatration of the government.
Yon-oil know thut’tnis is the general cry. Novi
I I 10 / 0 ApQKeri «ny sentiments in the rreidlihour*
hood omrgmia, though not actuully within 1 tlifl
Stale, in June lost, and again in Ihe heart of Mus-
SBEffc to* 0 ?’ 8 j? I,,ul 11 iB not now thal 1 P 1
claim them for the first tiine>-but ten years a(
when obliged (q speak on this same subject, l
toexpress three distinct propositions on thesub-
jecl of sluverv and slave trade—First, in the
words oftho Constitution, thut Congress cannot,
prior to the yeur 1808, prohibit the migration or
importation of such uerauus as any of the States
then existing, should think proper to admit;
second, that Congress hod authority to restrain
the citizens of the United States from carrying on
the African slave trade, for the purpose of sup
plying foreign countries. On this proposition)
our early laws against those who engage in that
traffic, are founded. The third proposition, and
thut which hears on the present question, was ex
pressed in the following term?:
"Resolved, Thut Cougress huve no authority to
interfere in the emancipation of slavery, or in
the treatment of them in any of the States—it
remaining with tlie several IStatesalone to pro.
vide rules und regulations therein which humani
ty and true policy may require.”
This resolution received the sanction of the
House of Representatives so early as March.
1790. And now, sir, the honorable genllemun
w ill allow me to remind hint, that not only
were the selectcoininittee who reported the re
solution, with a single exception, all Northern
men, but also, thut of the members then com
posing the Hon** of Representatives, a largo
majority, I believe nearly two thirds, were North
ern uien also.
The House agreed to insert these resolutions
in its journal, uud from tout day to this, it hus
never been inuimaiued or contended that Con
gress hud any uuthoritiy to regtilute or interfere
with the condition of slaves in the several Elates.
No Northern gentleman, to mv knowledge,
has moved any such question in either House of
Congress.
The fears of the South, whatever fears they
might huve entertained, were allayed and quieted
hy this early decission, and so remained until
they were excited afresh without cause, but for
collateral uud indirect purposes. When it be
came nocessary, or was thought so by some
political persons, to find an unvarying ground
lor the exclusion of Northern men from confi
dence aud from lend in the uffairs of the Repub
lic, then, and not till then, the cry was raised, aud
the feelings industriously excited, flint the iuflu-
enn** of No them men in the public councils
would endanger the relation of master and
slave.
For myself, I claim no other merit, than
that this gross aud enormous injustice to
ward the whole North, bus not wrought upon
mo to ci.ange my opiuions or my political con
duct. I hope I am above violating my princip les
even under the smart of injury and (also impu
tations. Unjust suspicion and undeservod re
proach, whutevar pain I muy experience from
them, will not induce mo, 1 trust, nevertheless,
to overstep the limits of coustitutionel duty, or
to encrouch on the rights of others. The domes
tic slavery of the South, I leave where I find it—
J . n °wn Governments. It is
their affair, not mine.
I go for the Constitution ns it is, nnd for the
Umon ns it is; but I nm resolved not to submit in
silence to accusations, either against myself indi
vidually. or ngainst the North, wholly unfound-
ed and unjust; accusations* which impute to us a
disposition to evndo the constitutional oompact
and to extend the power oftho Government ovor
trie internal laws und domestic condition of tho
Slates.—All such ficcusulions, wherever and
whenever made, all insinuation oftho existence
ofiiny such purpose, I know and feel lobe ground-
less and injurious.—And we must confide in
Eoutheru gentlemen themselves; wo must trust
to those whose integrity of heart and magnanimi
ty ofTooling will lead them to u desire to muiutain
und disseminute truth, and who possess the meaiis
of itadiffusion with the Southern public, uud we
must leave it to them to disabuse that public of
il* nmin.-lliiii. t* r
ill Mr. Poinsett's project that the militia are to
bo trained by the President t (Shouts.) Look
on this picture and on that. I do Virginia no
more tiisu justice, when I sny that she first lam
hold upon this monstrous project, and has con
tinued to denounco U, till she has made iu au
thor's heartsick, (cheering,)and she don't tuun
to pardon it even now. (No, no I) ...
As tn the Sub-Treasury, the subject ia worn
out. It is almost as emptv as the Treasury itself.
(Lalighter and cheers.) I hod, tho other uay, the
honour to address an assemblage of the merchants
of New York. I asked them, among other things,
whnther all this etcrnul cry about a separation of
Bank and Stato, was not all mockery nnd hum
bug—nnd ten thousnnd merchants, intimately oc-
quainted with the whole subject, cried; "yes, yes
—it ia!" The feet unquestionably is, that ths
funds of tho Government are just os much in tin
custody of the banks at this moment, as they evsr
were; yet at the same time, I believe that under
that law, there does exist, at Washington, a vast
»ownr to stop, at ils pleasure, nil the solvent
Janks in the community. Such is the o'piniea
every where held by Uie best informed men in tks
commercial parts of the country-
There is nnother expedient to nngment Execu
tive powerquile novel in its character. I refer
to the power conferred upon the President to h-
lect from among the appropriations of Congress,
such as ho may suppose the state ofthe Treasury
most to justify, and may give or withhold the
public money accordingly.^ This is certainly a
marvelously democratic doctrine. Do you net
remember tho emphasis with which Mr. Jeffer
son expressed himself nn the subject of spenifie
appropriations? The law, as it now stands, re
quires them to be specific. If Congress appro*
printeso many dollars for building of ships, do
part of the money may ho applied to the pny ol
sailors or marines. But how has this legal pro
vision been treated? The restriction remains il
the statue as ft did before—the appropriationsan
specific still—but then a specific power is give#
to the Prosidenti to dispense with the restriction
—nnd thu* one specific is set against the other.-
(Laughter.) Let this process be carried bntow
step farther, and although there may be a variety
o(appropriations made by Congress, yet, inas
much as we have entire trust nnd confidence ia
the executive discretion, that the President will
make the proper selections from among then,
therefore, be lt enacted, That what little mono)
there may ntnny time be found in the Treasury,
the President may expend very much as accord
ing to his own pleasure. (Loud laughter.)
There is one other topic I must not omit. I
am now endeavoring topre«e that of all men on
thi face of the earth, yon of Virginin, fesdnf
cendants aud disciples of some of the grenlestii
of the Revolution, are mostciilled to reyindift
nnd to condemn the doctrines of this ndminiim-
tion. I call upon you to apply to this ndrninis-
tration alj that body of political trnth which )N
have learned from Henry, from Jefferson, fins
Madison, from Wythe, and that whole constslh*
tion of revolutionary worthies, of whom you art
justly proud, and under this light to examine siri
to say whether this present only Democratic ad
ministration are the favorers of civil liberty sod
of State Rights, or the reverse. And, in fttf^
tiiereonce of this design, I call your attenlionlo
the conduct of the president, of the Execulid
Departments, and of the Seunte of the United
States, in regard to tho right and practice oftbe
States to contract debts for their own purposes-
Has it occurred to you what a deadly blow they
have struck at the just authority and rights of the
States? Lot us follow this mutter outs little. In
the palmy limes ofthe Treasury, when it wainol
only full but overflowing with the public monej,
the States to a very considerable extent, engaged
iu works.of Internal Improvement, nnd incon
sequence of doing so had occasion to borrow nw-
ney. We all know that money can be htits
much cheaper terms on the other continental
on this: hence the bonds of the States wctiir
broad and absorbed capital in Europe, and so lout
ns their credit was nnm»wiled and remained sound,
this was accomplished for the most part at vert
reasonable rates. During this process, and whut,
a number of the Status had thus their State bpm
rities in the foreign market, the President of tM
United States, in his opening message to Con
gress at tho commencement ofthe InstSewion,
comes out with n series of tho moptriisconragm
and most disparaging remarks on tho credit of#
the States. He tells Congress that the Slate*
will repent what they have dono, nnd tlmt the
will find it difficult to pny tfle .debt they haveeoi
traded; and this official language ofthe Chiei
Magistrate to the Legislature goes out ' nl ,5 rr
very market where these state bonds are held lor
Then comes his Secretary, Mr. VVoodburi,
with a report in tho same strain, giving 11 o* m
opinion, that the States have gone too for m un*
assumption of liabilities. But the thing doe* no
stop here. Mr. Benton brings forworn areioio*
tion in the Sennte, declaring that tho Genets
Government ought not to assume these debt*
the States: that resolution is aontto a commute *
nnd tlmt committee make a report open the
jact as long as yonder bridge (though not, i
lieve, ns much travelled or as ofiengone oven
the whole object nnd tendency of which, w 10
parngo the credit of the States, and then J •
Grundy makes n speech upon it.—Wlmt bud J •
Benton or Mr. Grundy lo do with tfM'S
Were they called on-to guarantiu the debts ol
giuia or of Maryland? [Laughter.]
effect very nutuwlly and Inevitably
press the value of State securities in the Fc I
market. I was in Europe ut the time. My
State had her bonds in that market: and wn
I see? The most miserable, psllfblt ex .
Uicubrationa takeu from the pubhoprc”
York, endunvoring to prove that the_ ow ^
not sovereignty enough to contract debts. \ ^
wretched productions declared that the b .^.
sued by tho States ofthis Uninn wera
that they were not better thati waSW PJP? * -J
exhorted European capitalists not to
them. Thosenrticles,comingUsthey
this side the water, were all selKed K,,?"
ty and put into circulation in the •* »2^AdinIii1
all over Enrope-atthe some t«me he Admin
tration pros* in this country,
Government, nut for'h argument* fenit g j
thut Virginin ha. nonuthority to corfBB^
in tho name and on the credit n WLjrnm^
wealth—thatMassadbiisstt* is «o eon P'® le, X Btf p
HMOt lliii question, und I told tho«° " j, ri0
mo Ihe;inquiry, llmt tho Stat°»«>rih*> Am
m wera, in this, re.nect, ju.t
'f their States in Europo^ iM 1 ri Jf® , “ b {j | | lC d
once on the subject, which was {