Newspaper Page Text
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Georgia Republican,
3 TATE INTELLIGENCER.
BT L TON and MORSE.
SAVANNAH, July 26, 1803.
Tut. pr ice of this paper , twice a week is
Six Dollars a year, payable half yearly in
advance. Ehe weekly paper is Four Dollars
•a year , posable quarter ‘yearly in advance •
. Vhe Post-Masters in the state of Sotilh-Ca.
tslina and Georgia, are authot ised to receive
subscription * for this paper and for the sjme
rican Literary Advertiser, published by Lyon
and Din more, in Washington Caty. Subscrip
tions for the Alexandria Expositor, by the
samefirm are requested at this office .
Mr. George S. Houston, of Augusta will
■receive money due either of the above fir ins.
L . ... 1 ... ,
Wc have compared a few numbers of the
Georgia Republican with the adverse paper
in this City, with a view to contrail the
liberality of the two parties by which they
are principally supported.
We find upon an average, that there are
Ten Advertisements from Republicans in
that paper, for one, from Anti-Republicans
in bxr paper. So much for the liberality of
that party.
On examining the coiumnsof tli cMuseum
for a few numbers only, we are confident
that the average per annum, of their Repub
lican ad vertifmg patronage only, will amount
to more than 1 coo Dollars. W ill the
Republican merchants of Savannah, conti
nue to pension an abandoned print, at the
rate of 1000 dollars a year, to sow the feeds
of difeord in community ; to proclaim as in
a late paper, I The deciet and folly of our
adnhniflration lb ridicule the principles
of our government ; to represent Mr. Jef
ferfon as possessing “ no sense of decency, or
regard for fds own char abler to insult
those who are g’ving them patronage, to
violate truth, and scandalize the American
people, b/y declaring, at tn;s day, that
’*< it cannof- be denied, that the weight ol
wealth Well as of talents, is on the fide
of Federa v -‘h >” meaning in opposition to the
present un equalled, adminifiration .
Take ‘ Britifii capitals from Georgia ;
ftrikeooff* ff 1 ' 0 ™ the lift old tones, and their
defeend lnts Where then will be their
we ; ; ght 6f wealth,” compared with that
of / ue Americans P Those who are fond of
th eir citizenftiip. The idea of their “ weight
* if t.dents,” is too ridiculous for comment,
/ —at leait till we have more leisure and more
room.
Will the republicans continue their libe
rality, unless a similar spirit is evinced by
their opponents ? Should an obftinancy ftiil
be observed amongst the Anti-Republicans
on this point, we shall esteem it a duty to
ourselves-, to ourr country, and.to tlie repub -
lican meixrhants of Savannah, to exhibit to
the public a Schedule of British houf s, of
those of old tories and their and fiendants who
perlift in their principles, and submit to the
cgnfideration of the planters and merchant* l
rcveral weighty reasons, why they as re
publicans, should not throw the weight of
th cir trade into the hands of their political
enemies.
AGAINST domestic monufartories it is
objerted, that experience has proven the )
impracticability of conducting them toadvan
tage in the United States. Some attempts
that have appeared plausible, have indeed
been made. But wc quellion the eligibility
‘of their situations, —the cheapness and heal
thmefs of the country in which they have
been situated, —we believe the fame spirit
which attempted to destroy the domestic
woote: manufactories Gs Connecticut by pur.
chafing up all the iheep for market, —the
fame spirit which directed the purchase of
the stocking looms of Pennsylvania. to ex
jortto England ? the fame spirit, we believe,
governed fome measure those uufuccefsful
attempts at manufarturing, which have cast
a gloom over those pursuits in the United
States. The mauufadtories of this country
have more to fear from the insidious arts of
England, than from ail other causes put
together. Her agents are trembling for
her intertfts, at every ilep we proceed in
this kind ot improvement. In many instan
ces, especially in thole, where little capital
is required, fuccels attends the industry of
those who have attempted manufacturing.
The factory of Mctfrs. Stebbinses in
Springfield aud uuny are exciting
new land, and we ought net to turn our at
tention to /nanufartoring till it is all in cul
tivation. This is only ftalf as bad as to fay
we should makenife of ifo manufartiired arti
cle till that period. To condemn the peo
ple of the United States to take the moll
expensive and difficult method of fupplymg
thtir wants, fora few centuries, is a llrttch
of tyranny which interetl, prejudice, or
want of refiertion, only would inllirt.
England too, has abundance of waste
land ; not only in her iliand, but in her
foreign possessions; why does fhp not confine”
herfclf to agriculture, till ail her possessions
are cultivated ! The fame answer that will j
be given to this question, will apply if ask
ed in the fame maimer of the United States.
The new settlements & America may serve
the mannfa£turej of the old iettlemeius,
the fame purpoies, which the British colo
nies iVrvc to the manuiarturers ot England;
what womenfe fields are opening to the well
for the difpofal-oi the manufactures of the
Atlantic dates.
True we have abundance cf new land-; but
< why should it be cut over and its value de
ployed,’ fader than the interest and conve
nience cf the nation requires ? Why should
we continue the drudgery “of furrnfhitig the
workshops of England with raw materials ?
4 O
Why not take our share in the more agree
able, lets laborious, and more profitable
bufintf# of fabricating for our selves, —and
for exportation too ?
The principal reqnifites for a manufartur
iug ccmntry are.
Sufficiency of Capital,
Cheapness of .provisions, and
Keakhinels ot iituatioi*.
In ‘the place where theie advantages are
to be found raoll concentrated, manufacto
ries arc molt likely to proceed ; that Geor
gia is that place, we presume no person will
depute. We do not mean “to be understood
to fay that Georgia pofieffes more capital
than S. Carolina; that provisions are chea
per in Georgia than in Kentucky ; nor
that her inter riot counties are more lieal
thy, than those of Virginia, Out that nei
tiier in Kentucky, S. Carolina, Virginia
or any other Rate in the union, do theie re
quires all unite in To great a degree as in !
Geoigia,
To put the manufacturing business or
a fate, refpertable and lucrative footing
in Georgia, the legillature of the flite
Ihould incorporate a company, the capi
tal oh which should consist at leaf!, of
one ihoufand fliarcs, cf one hundred and >l
- each ; an ihftallment of re* do’lars
co be paid every three months, it re.
quirtd, till all should be paid. By this
arrangement there would be
of capital for commencing, and a c in-
Hunt 1 erinforcement, for two years and
an hal ; the company would theiebv be
enabled to rife above all einbarrafshteuts,
or attempts to deftrov it
lhe molt elegible lunation in point of
health and cheapness, fiiould be fixed on,
upon h j bank of fome dream capable of
nu vii.gall the machinery of an extetvfive
fadto y. Liberal encouragement would
mmedi.itely bring together able artisans
in the different branches of business in”
tended to be conducted ; such of these as
should be made principals in their differ
ed pursuits, should become interested as
far as in .their power : they would teach
thole who would be put tinder their care,
these in a great mealure should consist of
young tlav. s, oi either lex, iqitable for
the l’ervice to be per 01 nied An extcn
live f irm, and plantation, should adjoin
the factory, for lupp.ying it with provN.
fii 11?-, and other productions; fuchfLves
as j roved auk ward or refractory should
w.ikthe field. A company tfius con
diu ted, and prope Iv managed, would
not iuii to be picdiCtive of the hlghelT
bem fits to indu idu. is and to focietv
Continuation of tic abjlraft of papers laid be-,
fore boih houses of the Bniijh Parliament .
No. 46. (March 7,) Whitworth to
Hawkefb ury, giving the fubilance of a*t
inter iew vvitu Talleyrand in which he com
plained of the conversation of Buonaparte,
at the levee, as wounding both, his public
and private feelings. Talleyrand said that
the consul did not intend to distress him,
but had felt himfelf perionally insulted by
the charges brought againlt him by the
Bntilh government, and that it was incum
bent on him to take the firft opportunity of
exculpating himfelf in presence of the for
eign ministers.
j AO. 47. (Mardi 18,) Whitworth to
Hawkelbury, in which he states a remark
made to Talleyrand, that by the British
poliefling Malta, France was not endanger
ed, but the reverse was the case, should the
aeeclsto Egypt beopeuedby the evacuation.
No. 48. (March 22,/ Hawkelbury to
Whitworth, directing a formal complaint
, to be made o 1 the .iubjert of his treatment
I at the Thuilleries,
No. 49. (March 29,) Andreoffi to
Hawkeibury, in reply to an explanatory
note on the fubjert of the king’s meftage,
fays that tbe pretended objects of alarm do
not exiit; that France had at the time but
two frigates in the roads of Holland and
three corvettes in the road of Dunkirk : that
it was uiual among nations to demand ex
planation before taking such mealurcs, and
that a contrary course must bring on the ru
in of farm lies, and carry coufuiion, uncer
taint) and disorder into all the commercial
affairs oi both nations. That he knew of
no point *of debate which could render the
queltion of peace or war doubtful; that
iucb a queition could not ipring tip unawares,
aud that in this caie, the appeal had been
publicly’ made before it was kuown there
was room for mifunderftandiug. He al
lcdges that the French government had not
increased its power liiice the treaty of Ami
ens ; on the contrary, it had evacuated a
conliderable territory. “ If his Britannic
Majeity is determined on war, he may al
ledgc what p.etexs he pleai'es. He will
find fiw iefs founded.” He notices the
1
’le Lnglifh press, and for the peobretion at- 1
drded to French criminals. r I h"t France
wjs not reduced to the situation to fuffer
treaties made with her, to be executed or
not, ar pleafurc ; and that on colonel Se
baltiarri’s arrival in Egypt, he was furprized
to find the Britiih dill in pofleflion of it, and
a - 1’ was natural to conclude that Enj land
meant to declare war from the monent die
refund to fulfil the treaty, hence it was that
he made researches as to the force and posi
tion of the British army there : but as E
gypt had since been given up, that ceased
to be a point of consequence. The only
j point to be fettled relative to the execution
of the treaty of Amiens, was Malta.
The king es England would reject all so- J
phiitry on the subject of its iedoration, his
coafofence, Lis equity in rifis refperit were
guarantees for the republic. Were it other
wile, what means would there be in future
oi coming to an underflanding between the
two countries ? WAuld not all be chaos
He,concludes, that he is directed torieclaie
that IHe fird consul wiU not take up the de
fiance ol war given by England to France ;
that as to Vaka, ho fees no fubjedt of dis
cinTton, the treaty having provided every
thing, and fettled every thing.
No. 50. Hawkefbury to WhitWofth,
dated April 4, declaring the fteceffity that
tiie difeuffion should be brought to a fpeedv
lilue, and that if the French government
infilled on the evacuation of Malta, with
out explanation, it would be necefiary to
notify them that the relations of amity be
tween the two nations, could not continue,
and that he mud leave Paris at a certain
time. If they were inclined to enter into
explanations &c, a projedt is enclosed as
the balis of the negotiation.
The fird enclosure is note for Whitworth
to present the French government figni
fying the above. The iecond enclosure is
the project, as follows ;
“ Heads of an arrangement tobc concluded
fiy treaty or Convention between his
Majedy and the French Government.
.Malta to remain in perpetuitv in the pof
fefiion of his Majedy. The Knights of
the Order of St. John to be indemnified by
( Majedy for any lodes of property which
‘ v they may fudarn iu v.o:ifequence of such an
arrangement.
Holland and Switzerland to be evacuated
by the French troops.
The Island of Elba to be confirmed by
his Majedy- to France, and the King of
Etruria to be acknowledged.
The Italian and Ligurian Republics to
be acknowledged by his Majedy, provided
an arrangement is made in Italy for the King
of Sardinia which lhall be fatisfacloi-y to him.”
No. 5 1. Lord Whitworth
ment of the receipt of diipatches from Lord
Hawkefbury.
No. 52. Whitworth to Hhwkelbury,
(April 7,) containing the account of an
interview with Talleyrand, in which the in
drutriions contained in No. 50, were com
municated. Talleyrand expressed dn ex
pectation of the heads of those points on
which it was aderted the French govern
ment had so repeatedly refufed explanation.
Whitworth replied, the fydetn of aggran
dizement pursued by France, and tlie un
judifiable intimations of Sebafliani, refpedt
ing the Britifli commanders in Egypt :
The secretary said that these point s had
been touched only in a cursory manner, that
no particular action had been noticed as re
quiring explanation, either in Italy or else
where, and if it had, it would immediately
have been given ; & that the language of
Scbaltiani, was not to be put in companion
with that of Major Wilion in his account
of the cam, aign in Egypt. W r h it worth in
fided on the ddterence between a common
publication and an official report, and Tal
leyrand ieemed disposed to call in quedion
. the Moniteur, and aderted that the consul
had given up all ideas of Egypt.
•No. 53. Whitworth to Hawkefbury*
(April 9,) containing a further account of
a conveiiation With Talleyrand, in which
he lay s that at the fame time that the fird
consul in lids, and will always inlid on the
full execution of treaties, he will not object
to any. mode by which the Britifli govern
ment might ac uire the defined fecarity, and
requefteci that reference might.be had to
the Britifli government, and the enclosed
not fubmitted* which is as follows :
“ The conversion with M. Talleyrand
to-day, has led us to this result : Every
thing which may tend to violate the inde
pendence of the Order ofMalta, will never
be cOiifeiited to by the French government.
Every thing which may tend to put an end
to the present difficulties, or be agreeable,
to the JLnglifh government, and which shall
not be contrary to the Treaty of Amiens,
the French government have no objection
to make a particular convention reipeCtjng
it. The mouves oi fihis convention ihailbe
interted in the preamble, and Ihall relate to
the refpedtive grievances concerning which
the two governments shall think it advisa
ble to come to an underflanding with
other.”
No. 54. Vv’hitworth to Hawkefbury,
dated April 14, Rating that the negocia
tion was at a fiund, waiting for an answer
to the above overture.
No. 55. A note from Lord Hawkefbu
ry to Lord Whitworth, complaining of the -
conduct of the French Minilterat Hamburg,
in authoriiing the publication against Grcat-
Britain. \ . -
No. 56. Hawkefbury to Whitworth*
(April 12,) flaring the propriety of com
municating the project contained in No. 50,
in lome shape to the French government;
that the conditions were ffippeied such as |
would save the honor of the French govern- ■
ment, if the quell ion of Malta was deemed
a question of honor : repeating the reasons
fb often urged for its retention ;
proposing that the civil government should
be given to the order, and tk® foitification* j
of Malta should be retained i
for a limited number of years, not less than
ten, und provided the king of Sicily could
be induced to cede to Britaiu, for a valua
ble consideration the island of Lampcdofa,
the island to be given up to the inhabitants
at the end-of that term, and the order of St.
John provided for in fome other part of Eu
rope. If the French refufed to proceed on
this balls, Lord Whitworth is directed to
inform them that It- mult leave Paris after
a certain time.
No. 57. U hit worth tells Hawkefbury
that the French mihifter blame the conduct
of Rheinharbt at Hamburg.
No. 58. (April 18,) Whitworth relates
a, conversation with jcicph Buonaparte,
who did not think Malta could be given in
perpetuity, but hoped it might sets a tertn
of years Nc. he would propose it to the
firit consul.
No* C 9. (April 20,) Whitworth fiettts
the diiappointment of Lis expectations
founded on the conversation, with Joleph
Buonaparte and requests the definitive pro
pontions, to be prefente'd in the form of an
ultimatum.
Samul Howard, Esq. is chosen
Alderman in W arren Ward.
PORT of SAV.sfNN H.
Marine register.
E NT ERE D.
Ship General IVafhingion . Roberts , Rojltn.
CLEARED.
Brig Ceres, Higgins , New -7 ork.
BOSTON, July 5.
Arriv and Brig fames, Captain Parsons, 42
days from Liverpool , May 24 Cape Clear,
bearing N. E.fpoke the Ship Hasten 41 days
from Savannah bound to Liverpool •
BALTIMORE, July 14.
Entered, Scbr. Milford ut* Nemara, Savannah
CHARLESTON, July 22.
The Ship Thames, Paddock, from Savannah
for Copenhagen, put into Havre on the
May% *
LOUISIANA.
*_
MEMORIAL.
On this queftion—“Whether it iviild
he advantageous for France to take
pofteffton of Louiftana /’*
“ Prcfented to the French government, by
Mr, Livingston, the American Minis
ter, at Paris.”
•(Concluded from our last.)
Black population will frill leis contribute
to the support of the French manufadlures,
because their consumption in articles of
dress is very fimall ; and even in South-Ca
rolinait does not amount to more than for
ty livfes a y*ear for each negro. At Lou
isiana, where the winter is frill less severe, it
will be reduced in proportion ; it will confifl
in cotton, principally worked in the coun
tiy, and frill more smuggled from the U.
States. But if the whole were brought
from France, after deducting tlie raw-mate
rials which mull be purchased, the who e
profit of the French manufacture will not
amount to more than 30 livres for each
aegro, every year. Now, as each slave
will coftthe nation 1000 livers, and as the
capital would have produced, in France,
at least !o per cent, in every other com
merce or manufacture, the difference be
tween loolivres French produce, 3c 30 livres,
produce of the Louisiana clothing, gives
the real ofsto be sustained by France in
the Firfl ten years, during which they can
only, as I have said be ore, supply their
firfl wants, if so much : and as a certain
number muff die by the change of climate,
and a number will run-away, the real loss of
France on every slave imported and employ
ed in Louisiana muff be 100 livres every
year.
But if we add to this, the profit which
this very r slave could have furniflied, if trans
ported to the islands, (and it is certain that
all the slaves carried to Louisiana are so
many hands taken from tlie islands) we
shall find that the aCtual loss of the nation,
in the interruption of labour, will amount to
upwards of 600 livres per annum ; so that
the firfl loss for the nation, in the introduc
rion of 1000 slaves to J ouiliana, will be
600, ogo livres. It is true, thht if peace
continue, and if, in oppolition to expecta
tion, the colony* should prosper, the pich
planters will make a great consumption of
French goods, but that of the slaves will
ever be very frnall, or their labour without
profit, because, as I have already observed,
beirg employed to cultivate articles which
the i ands can more easily fupply* for every
deman ‘, and the sale of which is confined,
by increasing the quantity, they wilt only
lessen tire prices of those commodities which
it is essential for France to keep high, be
cause she possesses the moil fertile islands.
I know, there is an opinion entertained by
many, viz. That French goods, in their
way to the Mississippi, will find a market
in the wellern part the United States. The
mofl complete ignorance of the navigation
of that river, conld alone have given rife to
such an opinion, which is likewise grounded
on the ignorance of the w r ants of the inha
bitants. It is certain that the wines of
‘France are not fit for climates as hot as
those they muff cross before they arrive in
the western Hates ; that they are still less
spite i to the means and .taite of tfie inha-
who are accustomed to their own ;
liquors, such as cider, beer, whiskey, and 1
peach brandy, the latter, with time, be- 1
come* superior t* the French brandy ; so :
that instead of* receiving these articles I
through l ouifiana, they might thcmfelves >1
supply the colony with them. As to the
article 2 .of gJafs and earthen-ware, they are 1
made in every part of the western Hates, 1
vtWre the raw materials are every where 1
fi*!)d. The demand* for China-ware are <
large, Fu./ich ware ■
is too dear to hurt the 14e of Chin.. I
Large iron works are also wrought 04 J
the spot, and Euglifti hard-ware has so well 1
known a superiority over the French, that I
the latter w ould certainly remain unfold, if
bQth were exposed at market. The. only
articles which might, perhaps, be introduc
ed into the country would be lilks, cam
brics and a few other articles of luxury.
But even all these can never pass through
the river Mississippi. The dangerous na
vigation of the gulph, the long and expen
sive distance to go againlt the current, the .
large capitals of the English and Americapll
merchants at Philadelphia, and the great
improvements which are made ever, day
in the roads and inland navigation, willcaufe
land carriage to be preferred as far as the
Ohio, and other rivers, whence they are
carried to the settlements, cafily and cheap
ly. It is a well known fart, that dry good#
have been carried from Philadelphia, to
New—Orleaus by land, by that route in
preference to sea carriage.
It is, therefore, vilionary to believe that
goods from France will be carried that way,
whilst the enterprising English, who have
the right cf navigating that river, and the
prejudice of the Americans in favor of their
manufactures, never attempted to introduce
their goods that wa l y,becaufe they well know
that ‘they are more easily brought by land
from Philadelphia & Baltimore. But fhmild
Fiance be desirous of introducing that way,
more bulky articles in the Wettern States,
and accustom the inhabitants to their wines
and manufactures, it could only be by put
ting New-Orleans intb their hands, with
dhe reserve, that it shall ever be a free port
1 for French vessels and goods, without be
ing fuhjerted to any other duties than thoie
p?itd by ‘the Americans. By this means
the American merchants, fettled at bjgy -
Orleans, may be intereited in their
nirrfre ; infbead of going to England, their
capitals will goto France ; the latter will
have all the advantages of a colony without
the expence of supporting it, and the mo
ney, which American artivity obtained from
the Spaniards, would go to France for
England, which has not the fame means
and which pays higher duties, oould not
\ supply those goods at so low a rate.
But should on the other hand,
resolve to keep the ifiand, a great proper- -
tion of the capitals, ot the commerce of N.
Orleans, which are especially in the hands
of the Englilh and Americans, will natu
rally take the couife which the United .
States shall fix, and that mult be a rival of
commerce with New-Orleans, which being
rid of the vexations consequent upon a mi
litary government, at a distance from the so
vereigns will draw in spite of all the disad
vantages of its situation, the whole com
merce of which the other is at this day the
centre.
The boundaries eftablifhcd between Spain
and the United States, and very I'tely bc
twen the English and Spaniih pofitffions,
have deprived the inhabitants of Louifian*.
of their share of fur trade, which : t mult be
confefTed was not, nor could ever be, very
important, as the peltry of the south are of
but little value, the few skins arc of no im
portance to commerce, as may be seen i*
the tables of importation of New-Orleans.
Goods are ever to he transported from the
Mississippi in the United States that way.
In these coniiderEtions 1 have kept no
account of the pains, expences and loss of
men, which are inseparable from new set
tlements in a marfiiy country, and'burning
climate • the invasion of Indians ; the in
fuirertion of slaves; the insubordination of
the troops ; the abides committed by offi
cers, remote from the sovereign’s vigi
lant eye. All these incon eniencies united,
or only a few of them, are enough to itop
an undertaking, and ruin a fettleir.ent. A
very important oblervation, is, however, t at
be made, and tliat is of fome weight. Many
of thole who will carry their familiestol ou
ifiana, observing that the lands are as cheap
on the American fide, will prefer fettling
there, even in time of peace ;
because they will prefer the government ow
that country, others by caprice, others
through spite or to rid themselves from a
military government, such as that of Aoui
fiana mull necessarily be. That wifti mult
be general in the case of a war between
France and England, for admitting that th<?
latter maintains her naval superiority, (as I
have already proved in another place file
mull, unless France changes her commercial
fyitem in order to eftablifti it upon mere
1 beral principles) the mouth of the Misris
iippi will be blocked up, and the planters in
the French colonies will be reduced to the
greatest distress, while those of the United
S.ates, will derive from the war the greatest;
benefit.
Then it will be, that a great part of the
capitals brought from France to Aouifiana,
will pass into the United States, where are
found farms, already cleared, for one half of
what it would have coll a French planter to
clear his, becaule an A mer ican, familiarized
from his infancy to th use of the axe, ha*
acquired a dexterity, and a muscular ftr ngth
which are never obtained by a man used to
other business.
The experience of the pall is wholly itt
support of the observations. Though
lcttlcd for one century, Aouifiana has ne
ver prospered under either the French or .
the Spamih government. And one half of
the commerce of New-Orleans is now car
ried on with American capital*, under th£
guarantee of the r treaty with Spain. A
loon as the French will plant a rival colo
ny, that -commerce will be carried on in
any other place in the United ttates, which
the policy of their government may judge
proper to encourage.
If the settlement of Lou'fiana is not adr
vantageous to France in a commercial view,
because it derives capitals from a muck
more important j channel, it is ftiil more
contrary to her interelt* in a political point