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PAGE FOURTEEN
BRYAN AND WATSON.
(Continued from PagV Two.)
auviii me same time on a similar
rock. Heaist thougnt Bryan snould
nave supported him instead of urging
benaior Cocarell in the bl. Louis con
vcuLiuu, but Mr. Biyan was then bid
tung xor bouinein support to deteal
e»-Ujjc raiixei, and tue nearst boom
wa-; nut available tor that purpose.
However, me shiiting._pt lorn VVat
svu s anegianee is signihcant. A
inunj ropunsts thniK. as he does,
uou mi', rsryan cannot count on the
solid support of that faction in the
ueAL campaign. —Nashville Banner.
WHO OWNS THE RAILROADS?
A short time ago the Macon Tele
graph, one of the trinity of big dailies
m the stale that seem run specially
in tue interest of the railroads, at
tempted to snow that the people of
uevigia owned the railroads of the
state, it grew exceedingly hot under
me collar because somebody had sug
gested mat the ownership of the state
ramoaus were now owned pnncipal
-01 our people, and that the Georgia
andoads were now owned principal
ly oy loreigners, and after denounc
ing the stat ment in its usual vigor
ous Style with an abundance of pyro
technics, it stated the number of
smmes of Mock owned in these rail
roads by Georgians. Among these
railloads which the esteemed Tele
grapn so vehemently asserted to be
owned by Georgians was the Central
of Georgia, of which, according to the
investigation of this railroad advo
cate 1 , several hundred shares were
stni owned oy Georgians. Hence the
Telegraph denounced as vile, villain
ous, wicked xabncauon the statement
that the ownership and control of this
railroad had passed out of the hands
of Georgians, and that it was now
the property of aliens.
Now comes the Atlanta Constitu
tion, another of the Georgia trinity
of railroad organs, and says that:
‘ ’ Among the many questions depend
ing for their answer upon the out
come of the postponed meeting of the
Illinois Central stockholders on De
cember 18 will be the ultimate control
of the Central of Georgia railway.’ ’
Don’t tell this to The Telegraph,
which swears that the Central of Geor
gia is still owned by Georgians. The
Constitution explains further:
“Having an outlet to New Orleans
through the Illinois Central, and pros
pective entrance to Birmingham,
through the near completion of the
Illinois Central’s extension to that
city, it was but natural that Mr.
Harriman should appreciate the strat
egic value of the Central of Georgia
and desire to protect it for the future
purpose of the Illinois Central rail
road in gaining access to Atlanta and
Savannah.
‘‘ It was not politic at that time, of
course, for the Illinois Central or the
Union Pacific to make such a pur
chase, and Mr. Harriman, therefore,
Look it upon himself personally. He
now assumes the full responsibility
which the action bears. The announce
ment that the sale had been con
summated only recently was due pure
ly to the fact that it was considered
good policy to announce it at that
time, in order that the nominal
ownership of the stock on the part
of Messrs. Thorne and Perry might
not create a misunderstanding as to
their actual status in the matter.”
Keep, it hid from the Telegraph or
it will hire somebody to kick it to
death for asserting that the Central
of Georgia was still owned by Geor
gians. The Constitution tells still
more:
“Echoes of the war which is be
ing waged in Europe over the con
trol of the Illinois Central railroad
between Stuyvesant Fish and the
Harriman interests are beginning to
reach America, and they show that
the campaign is being waged with
even more fierceness in England than
it was here.”
For goodness sake, don’t let The
Telegraph get an inkling of this.
Scarcely had it finished asserting, vo
ciferating and swearing that the Cen
tral of Georgia was still the property
of Georgians, before here comes its
railroad organ colleague and gives it
away how not only are the Illinois
directors fighting over the Central
and which clique of them shall con
trol it, but that even in England their
ownership is claimed!
Who owns the Central of Georgia?
is a question which nobody can an
swer. The only thing certain about
its ownership is that it is not held by
the people who built the railroad and
their successors. —Augusta Herald.
IN KENTUCKY.
(Commercial Appeal.)
The election results in Kentucky
are really not very surprising when
we recall the history of the state.
The true and tried leaders of the
party have been gradually eliminated,
and the small fry have been on top.
There was bound to be an end of
this sort of a thing at some time, and
the end is in sight.
Kentucky is normally a Democaatie
State. With men like Carlisle, Wm.
Lindsey, Henry Watterson, the late
Col. Breckenridge and others side
tracked, it is no wonder that the
Democratic ascendancy in Kentucky
has been tottering recently. When
Wm. Goebel was assassinated several
years ago, the republican part was se
riously damaged and the democratic
assendancy was continued by that
deed. Goebel became a martyr, and
a certain set of small fry politicians
have been thriving on that martyrdom
ever since. Had Goebel not been
murdered, he would long ago have
been relegated to private life with the
disapproval of the people of Ken
tucky.
Goebel was able, unamiable and
entirely unscrupulous. He canvass
ed the State of Kentucky for gover
nor with the result that he had only
a trifle over 100 votes in a convention
of over 1,000 delegates. Hardin and
Stone together had eight or nine
votes to Goebel’s one. Yet by de
ceiving and betraying Stone, getting
control of the organization and nei’vi
ly unseating several hundred dele
gates, Goebel managed to secure the
Democratic nomination. It was the
most artistic piece of highway rob
bery ever perpetrated against the
Democracy of Kentucky.
In the election that ensued Goebel
was defeated, and the state election
commissioners, who were Democrats,
issued a certificate of election to the
Republican candidate, Taylor. But
Goebel, who was still a state senater,
THE JEFFERSONIAN.
held on to his purpose and got up a
contest before the legislature in order
to pluck the governorship as he had
plucked the nomination. In short,
he was planning a cold steal. It is
hardly necessary to say that both
parties lost their heads, and in the
midst of the general excitement some
fool Republican shot Goebel.
It was only natural that this
murder should react against the Re
publican party and make people for
get the political sins of William
Goebel.
But the small fry collected around
Goebel and have lived on his murder
ever since. They have let the real
murderer —Henry Youtsey—go in a
measure, and have concentrated their
efforts to bring about the hanging of
Caleb Powers, who wasn’t in Frank
fort when Goebel was killed and who
has been connected with the murder
only by transparent perjurers. The
Powers case has been a greater stain
on Kentucky than the Dreyfus case
was on France, but France had the
courage to correct her mistake.
Kentucky, however, has evidently
grown tired of a steady diet of Goe
bel. The Democrats have made
so many tactical mistakes in prepetu
ating the memory of that dastardly
crime that the people have elected a
Republican governor. It is likely
that Governor Wil&on will pardon
Powers and right what seems to be a
great wrong. We trust he will do
this, not only in the interest of jus
tice, but in the interest of the people
of Kentucky. It is time to put the
Goebel case to sleep and resume nor
mal ways.
Kentucky can not afford to live
upon a memory.
FEAR.
Surprise has been expressed by a
number of our readers that nothing
I 1 ad been seen by them in the daily
press about the death of Sheriff Har
vey K. Brown, ex-sheriff of Baker
County, Oregon. Their bewilderment
s equaled by our own. The event,
momentous, overwhelming, as it was,
was in most newspapers mentioned
barely, if at all. To the request that
we narrate the facts to which here
tofore we have referred, we can say
no more than this: On September 30
Sheriff Brown was lacerated by a
bomb set near his gate. On October
Ihe died. In the course of his offi
cial duty he had taken Steve Adams
to Boise City, had disappointed the
miners in his testimony, and, most
fatal of all, had made a secret report
to McParland, which fell into the
hands of the Federation. Dying, he
is reported to have said he had ex
pected death and had been shadowed
for weeks. That is all. On this
topic we quote the following from an
Idaho letter:
“Truer and more timely words
were never written than those found
in your editorial paragraph of this
date entitled: ‘Wanted: Courage.’
The great need of the mining States
of the Northwest today is indeed
courageous men. It is a most regret
able fact that in a section of the na
tion popularly supposed to be the
home of the most fearless and ven
turesome men, there is a scarcity of
that class ready to risk political or
commercial advantages or even life
for the name and welfare of the
State.
‘ ‘ Outspoken declarations against
the dynamite outrages are as rare in
those parts of this State, for in
stance, as contrary declarations are
general. The dynamiter and his
friends have a ‘valuable commercial
patronage to offer, and it goes to
the store, the office, or the shop
wheresoever in his vicinity he finds
most favor for his policies and opin
ions.
“The lawless element fully under
stands the importance of fear, or, in
other words, of making moral and
physical cowards of men. It is the
standard safeguard against adverse
testimony. Until we have m re mon
of courage—not only in the jury
box. on the bench, and in executive
offices, but in the homes, the shops,
the churches and the schools —we
shall have these appalling crimes.”
We notice a dispatch from Wal-
Idaho, that important witnesses
wanted in the Adams case have left
the State. It is much to ask that
citizens should not run away from
duty through the fear of bombs—-
much, yes, but without courage
enough to face outrage and speak
truth, what is the Worth of man’s
existence ? —Collier’s Weekly.
THE HEART OF THE HOME.
I know a home where plenty is—
A stately palace grand;
Rich draperies and furnishings
From many a distant strand,
And all that glittering gold can buy
Selected with great care,
And yet, ’tis not a paradise—
No heart abideth there.
No baby fingers press the cheek
Or thurm the window pane;
No childish laugh rings through the
halls
To break the silent reign.
No guileless elf, with dimpled hands,
Strews playthings everywhere.
This palace is not quite a home—-
There is no mother there.
A queenly woman, proud and cold,
With matchless form and face,
Presides within thesecastle walls
With dignity and grace.
The lord and master of the home
Provides the richest fare,
And yet, it is a cheerless place—
No love abideth there.
No tenderness, no sacred ties,
No mutual joys
One strives for social 7
The other lives for
No golden threads entw .. ”7 bp- x
Os those this grandeur shafe;
No mutual yearnings of the soul—
No sympathy is there.
Oh. give me but some humble cot
Where pattering baby feet
And childish laugh and mother’s
smiles ,L
Aty coming over greet,
Where heart is home and love is life —
Though coarse and scant the fare —
N l ' loveless, childless palace can
With such a cot compare.
—Beecher W. Waitermire.
LIFE’S TRUE RHYTHM.
There were many coming and go
ing, and they had no leisure so much
as to seat. * * * And after he had
taken leave of them He departed in
to the mountain to pray.—Mark 6:
31, 46.
, Plato, in one of his speculations,