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UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA LIBRARY
VOLUME II.
ATHENS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING. MAY 31, 1855.
NUMBER 9
PUBLISHED WEEKLY,
BY JOHN H. CHRISTY,
EDITOR ISO rROraiSTOR.
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SMITH’S SPEECH.
SPEECH OF MR. SMITH,
(Democratic Representative from Ala.)
Deli cored in the U. S. Hou»« of Representa
tives, on the 15/A of January, 1855.
Mr. SMITH, of Alabama, said:
Mr. Chairman: Propositions have been
already made iu this Hall, and at the other
end of the Capitol, to repeal or modify the na
turalization laws. That question is assuming
proportions of considerable magnitude. In
fact, sir, it is Incoming the great question of
the agj. The time has come when American
legislators will be forced, by the voice of the
people, to take a stand upon this subject;
and before this question, which in itself em
bodies the grand idea of American nationali
ty, all mere party organisations will have to
land upon onr shores in merchant ships, in
the form of emigrants any number of sol
diers, from one hundred to a million. How
easy wonld it be for the Czar to send one
hundred thousand Russians to this country
as emigrants.
One hundred thousand immigrants arriv
ing in New York a month would create no
excitement. Their promenading Broadway
would not so swell the tide of that immense
population as to be perceivable. They could
S o and equip themselves with American ri-
es, furnish themselves with American pow
der, and American bullets, and go in Ameri
can cars to any portion-of the country, and
be ready at any time, to exhibit themselvep
an armed force, in the heart of the country.
This may never occur, but we know that the
landing of an army in an enemy’s country, in
case of war,is a most ioportant matter, and
onr laws enable an enemy to flo >d the conn
try with his soldiers in the form of emigrants.
I ask now, of American statesmen, if this
thing ought to exist I . Will any -man say
that it is his duty to live alone for this pres
ent dav. Will any statesman say bis duty
stops this honr. Will any statesman say he
lives alone for his own age and bis own gen
eration ! There may be no danger now, but
we should look ahead, far into the future, and
for that future supply, at this day, the la
mentable deficiencies of onr laws.
My second proposition, connected with the
first, is, that no immigrant shall be allowed
to land until he produces a passport from the
proper authority of the United States, rest
dent in the country from which the en igrant
comes; which passport shall contain upon
its face the requirements which I have read.
My third proposition is : our consuls, and
such other officers as may be appointed for
such purpose, shall be instructed to give pass
ports to no persons except those who are of
sound health, both in mind and body, of good
character for sobriety and honesty : and up-
seem to authorize
fore in that State,
been accustomed to vote.
ing audiences with his eloquent speeches, and
plausible plans; and raising fifteen and t wen-
ty thousand dollars & uight from the pockets
cits of the naturalization laws. property in the name of ecclesiastics." D f the sage inhabitants of the western States
Let us now take another branch of this. Reform in the Social Condition. —all to be used either in aid ot the American
subject. Mr. Wise, who has examined this “I. Abolition of land monopolv. 2. Ad Revolutionary League, or for some kindred
subject with much ingenuity, says: valorem taxation of property. S.'Ameliora- nurnose. And these monev orators a ip nfiloH
“ The statistics of immigration t
The statistics of immigration show that tion of the condition of the working class—a.
from 1820 to 1st January, 1853, inclusive, for By lessening the time of work to eight hours
thirty-two years and more, 3,204,848 for- for grown persons, and to five hours for chU-
eigners arrived in the United States,; at the dren; b. By incorporation of mechanics’ as-
average rate of 100,151 per annum.” sociationa and protective societies; c. By
Is it not fair to say that, from the founda- gianting a preference to mechanics before all
tion of the government up to this time, there other creditors; d. By establishing an asylum
has been an average of 100,151 emigrants for superannuated mechauics without means
coming to this country every year. We are at the public expense. 4. Education of poor
bound to look on the master in another light, children by the State. 6. Taking possession
We must look on it in the increased ratio of of the railroads by the State. 6. The pro
immigration. We know that, in the last year, motion of education—a. By the introduction
very nearly half a million of foreigners ar- 1 offree schools, with the powejofenforcins the
rived in this country. 1 have here a state- parents to send their children to school,**and
meat, which I presume is correct, showing: j prohibition of all clerical influence ; h. By in-
Immigbatiox von 1854.—There arrived at struction in the German language; c. By es-
the port of New York, during the year just' tablishing a German University. 7. The snp-
closcd, 307,639 emigrants, of whom 168,723 ! porting of the slave-emancipation exertions
were Germans, and 80,200 Irish. The immi- of Cassius M. Clay by Congressional laws 8-
gration at the same port last year was 284,- ’ Abolition of the Christian system of punish.
945. The following is a comparative table 1 ment and introduction of the human amelior-
of immigration from the year 1847 to 1S54, i ation system. 9. Abolition >f capital punish-
inclusive. In the year 1854 the German im- ment.”
Let every American read tins carefully and
candidly. It is but a fair sample of the for-
53,180 52,946 eigner’s ideas of liberty. Ought these men be
51,973 98,061 allowed to vote! No President, no Senate,
55,705 112,691 no Sabbath, no swearing upon the Bible,-no
45,536 117,138 permanent constitution, no Neutrality, no
60,883 163,256 Christian punishment. Is it 4veil probable
118,011 llb,l3l that the second generation of silch insane fa-
110.644 113,161 natics should so be improved asi to be capable
168J2S 80,200 of voting with discretion ? These are the
migration has been double that of the Irish:
German. Irish.
1847
1848
1849
1850
1851
1852
1853
1854
give way and retire. ^
Intimately connected with the ndvAnt o! i on satisfactory proot of the applicant that he
this question is the rise and progress of a I ha« never been convicted for any crime; and
new order of *vifen, whose name aud dcsig- 1 the consul shall refuse passports to all noto-
hation, up to this period, are as yet unknown. I riously rebellious and seditious persons and
but whose existence, however shadowy and I to all persons, who, in their opinion, shall be
mysterious, is a fixed fact; and whose pow-1 liable to become a charge upon any of the
er in this country, for good or evil, as made I United States as paupers. I will not pause
itself felt from one end of the Union to the I to enforce this proposition with argument,
other. The necessity of it must be palpable to every
Against this party th • vituperations of the I American statesman,
press have been levelled. Many of our hon- fourth proposition is as radical as all
orablc friend* here have entered into the ^ i Jould provide that the natural!-
discussion of the subjects an«mg upon 11 LiUon laws shall be^so repealed and modified
with intense exc eiuent. 7 ‘ ey behold m prcVent a u foreigneVfrom voting who
tlus new order nolhrag shall not have become naturalized, or -ho
shadowy Rtant-some fabulous Hercules- ^ ^ ^ „ to natural .
some rate head and bloody bones—some mys- ^ date of the £ „ of ^ t
tenous destroyer—some lion, endowed with I ., . ,. , . J™
voracious appetite, going about seeking whom v,ded a11 boj* ^ho come to this country as
it may devour For my part, I have not immigrants with the.r parents, and may fee at
been "able to discover any of these dangers; the t,m ? u “ de . r fj* a S e « f *»• ° r , fifteen
I feel none of these app/ehensions; and it. is
my purpose, on this occasion, to inquire into 1 slt JJiJ eu a ? c,uzen9 ln . e T e, 7 res pect.
theexistcnceot these d»*cr. ml epprehen- “h^Jnlt eril.
Sir.»hoeempo,.thi,newp.rtyl Sofer.,Uhieh prevail “pen this .object,
the public know, and so far as we all know. , 1 uow P" 8 on . t f °/ the c ^ 9 °f ^ese
and so far as it is admitted, the party consists 1 |? W8 > they exist at this time. Our nature
of native American', not aboriginal., not ex- ,uat,on la 7 s «? ^"oimded with such d.ffi-
actlv cannibal., but free-born American cit- cult.es and such deficiencies that they have
izens. And how can an American behold in beenmaladm.nist«red—administered in fraud,
an orKaniiation of hi* countrymen such I neghgencc.nnd corruption, from the founda-
travagaut terror. I Who will say that an tion of the government. This has been so
association of native Americans is less worthy P al pable that the Congress of the United
of confidence than an association of mixed States, in 1824,had to pass a law by which
American, and foreigners ? a * one 8WO ®P- ? as cured the illegalities of
I assume that the admitted elements of the naturalization papers of, perhaps, thou-
this organization, being native American, ** n d* offoreigners whose papers had been
absolutely exclude the idea that, as a parly, obtained in fraud and violation of the laws
they can have anything at heart but the glo-1 The law of 1824 says:
rv, honor, and welfare of the country. And “ certificate of n
what do they propose to do f With all their ship,heretofore obtained from any court of
dangerous appearance, their mysterious or-1 record within the United States, shall be
gauization; with all their test oaths of ae- deemed invalid in consequence of an omis-
crecy, as alleged, what do they proposo to | sion to comply with the first section of the
do I They have but one simple proposition I net entitled an act relative to the evidence in
to submit to the country, and that is, purif - cases of naturalization, passed 22d March
cation of the ballot box. The idea embodies the
whole doctrine of the organisation of the
party. In order to bring alout that result,
what do they propose to do! They pro-
1816.”
[5/a/. at Large, vol. 4, j>. 69.]
Here you will see that the Congress of the
United States admitted that for eight years
pose to exclude unnaturalized foreigners I (from 1816 to ’24) the naturalization laws had
from the ballot-box, and to check immigra-1 been corruptly and negligently administered;
lion, by wholesome laws for that purpose I that for eight years men had been 6ent to
That is the utmost exteut to which they pro I Congress, men had been elected governors
pose to go. and Presidents by illegal votes and spurious
Intimately connected, however, with this I voters : and the Congress, in their blind libe-
question, is one of a very delicate character I rality, passed a law curing the evil, healing
—the question of Catholicism in this country. I the sores, and covering the frauds, by looking
It is said that it is the policy of this new back and making these naturalization papers
party to exclude Catholics from office. I perfect which had been improperly granted
have no doubt that such a policy is a part of A distinguished judge in New York recent
their policy not only because of the Catholic ly discovered that for years and years, and
religion, but because the Roman Catholic perhaps from the very foundation of the go-
Church in this country is so intimately con- vernment, the clerks of the courts of'hat
nected with foreign influence in all its bran- State had been in the habit of taking upon
ches, that it is impossible to separate the I themselves the duties of the judges in grant-
two—and they have to take the whole or ex- ing naturalization papers. Judge Dean, of
elude the whole. I the supreme court of the itatc of New York,
1 do not pretend that I have, upon this has published an elaborate opinion, and I will
occasion, any well-arranged plan in reference I read a small portion of it:
io the repeal or modification of the naturali-1 In the matter of the Application of John
zation laws. I have, howerer, some distinct Clark to become a citizen of the U. S.
propositions to make, which are radical ini “ The petitioner, a native of Scotland, ap
their character. I propose to strike at the I plied to the clerk of this court for admission
root of the evil. 1 do not briog forward my I as a citizen. A number of aliens made a
proposition in the form of a bill, because no-1 Him application The clerk was proceeding
body can suppose that this Congress will fa- to admmister the formal oath to the respec-
vor this reformation. It cannot be expected I tive applicants, when the subject was brought
that au administration which is so distinctly to my notice, and, on inquiry, I learned that
committed in favor of foreigners and foreign the practice had, for many years, been for the
influence as this, should take the back track r Jerk to receive and pass upon all applications
I do not suppose that during the present \for naturalization and grant certificates with-
session of Congress any bill of the kind will out consulting the court, and that the proof
receive any serious attention I will lay be- ^ which ^iens were admitted to citizenship,
fore the committee, however, the proposi- did not ordinarily meet any of the require•
tions which must, in the main, meet the de- menU a f the statute. On this state of (acts,I
wre of the Nativc American party ; but 11 deemed it my duty to forbid the clerk from
do not wish to commit any person but myself entertaining any applications of this nature,
» .?** P r °P°* ltl0U ®'. directing that all should be made to the court.
In the first place, it is welllcuown that we <jq, e application was then made to the court,
,w have no law by which a foreigner can be ^ on examination, I found that neither Clark
excluded. If there ts any law requiring aL^ any one of the other candidates for eiti-
foreigner to bring a passport, it is so loosely ^ furnish f of ^ lnuoM
administered as to amoun t to nothing. For - \ r ciae2x, within the United SUUes, to exceed
CJMSSSt? £ STu
whatovL i*'NonT “ y re?tr,Ct,0n I tence of this e*ror-to show that the clerks
_* „ * rm , °f the courts have taken upon themselves,
the ship in which he coi
fjJciJn powers* 3 unril he sweats that it"ii I “ e “ ,,rt bavc “ d noth,n &
bis bona fide intention to become an inhabi-1
tant of the Uuited States. The necessity of I have now shown that the Congress of the
this requsition shall be made known to him United States had to intervene, by an act, to
by the captain of the ship before he takes pas- perfect spurious naturalization papers. 1
sage, and his passport shall contain in ita have shown that a judge of the New York
face this requisition. 1 supreme court discovered that the clerks of
A word,sir, upon this proposition. I stated 'he court hod been in the habit, from time
that we bad no law, and no clause of a law, immemorial, perhaps, ofgrantingnaturaliza-
by which to exclude foreigners io any num- tion papers contrary to law. I conclude, of
bers., England. France, aud Russia, and all course, and legitimately, that the persons
govern meats in the East, require every man elected to office in that State have been elect-
wbo puts his foot upon ilieir shores, to exhi- ed by spurious votes; for it is no consequence
bit a passport. Thereby they con regulate how many votes of this port ore given, so far
immigration, aud say who ts*to come, and I as principle is concerned, for a few are often
who isto remain. Suppose, *ir, that Eog-1 sufficient to turn and control an election. And
laodi France, or Russia, or any other govern-11 see, sir, f. am a recent act of the Senate of
meat have a dcrirc and an intention to make North Cartlina—called the free suffrage law
>...„ i .. s—. " - Ji J ''That
sena-
ould
izo the conclusion that, hereto-1 tion of oath upon the Bible; d. Repeal of
ite, unnaturalized citizens have laws exacting a religious test before taking an
en accustomed to vote. {office. 2. Taxation of church property. 3.
So much, sir, for the lamentable deficien-' A prohibition of incorporations of all church
bsofthe naturalization laws. property in the name of ecclesiastics.”
We see the accomplished Kinkle, delight-1 pouring out every morning, his boiling caul-
s jiS_— _:,u _i 1 —i .i (j ron of lies and slanders upon this new party,
is the special organ of Abolitionism—and in
the same print that denounces the Know-
Nothings—he parades hid slanders against
the South, in the form of an array of adver
tisements for runaway slaves. I have no
684,654 853,484
684,654
Total,
1,538,138
I have to call the attention of the commit
tee tu the important fact that, during the last
year, while three hundred and fifty thousand
emigrants landed in the single city of New
York, only about tive thousand, during the
same period, made application for naturaliza
tion. Here you see, then, vast portions of
these foreigners spread throughout the coun
try without making any application whatever
to become naturalized, and without swearing
allegiance to the country. This ought to be
corrected. We may safely calculate, Mr.
Chairman, according to the increase of im
migration for the last two or three years, that
in five years more, unless some check be
made to it, there will be an advent of a mil
lion I he year. This ought to present some
serious apprehensions to an American legis
lator. This tide of immigration has hereto
fore been confined to our eastern coast; but
we have now to look to our western coast
The golden sands of California glitter in the
face of Japan and China 1 See Hie stream of
emigration from the Celestial Empire to Cali
formal What are we to do with these dis
ciples of Confucius ? Forget even if you
choose, for a moment, the German and Irish,
and look alone to the West, and seo if there
is not an appalling picture already displaying
itself. What patriot can fail to be inspired
with the gloomiest apprehensions in behold
ing the almost untold millions of Pagans,
whose array of eyes, more terrible than an
army of bay one: s, are sparkling with the re
flection of the gleaming waters of California ?
How loug, sir, will it be before a million of
Pagans, with their disgusting idolatries, will
claim the privilege of votiug for American
Christiaus, or against American Christians?
How loug before a Pagan shall present his
credentials in this Hall, with power to mingle
iu the councils of this government ? There
is now no law to prevent it. The American
party demands a law to prevent it
In five years more, according to the ratio
of increase of emigration, there will be a mil
lion coming to the country annually; aud
there is no law requiring them either to re
nounce their allogiauce to their own country
or to swear allegiance to this one. But will
they come in such numbers I Who can doubt
it ? The world is looking anxiously to this
country. Our fair fields; our golden sands;
our salubrious climes, from the animating
theme of all the nations of the earth. They
will come—come in increasing swarms—and,
whatever may have been the liberal policy
of the Government heretofore on this subject,
the time has arrived when the interest of
the American citizen, as paramount to all
mere ideas of liberality, should be protected.
Id behalf of Americans, I claim laws to pro
tect them in the eujoyment of that heritage
which was bought fey the blood of their sires.
We have seen, sir, that the laws of the laud
not only invite foreigners to come, but they
also place it in the power of Princes and
Kings to 6end their armies here, in the dis
guise of emigrants, with money in their pock
ets to pm chase American rifles of American
merchants.
FOREIGNERS INCAPABLE OF APPRECIATING LIBER
TY.
Mr. Chairman, I contend that the mass of
foreigners who come to this country are in
capable of appreciating the policiy of our go
vernment; they do not sufficiently understand
our institutions. Patriotism is natural with
native—but it must be cultivated in a for
eigner. Their minds are filled with a vague
and indefinite idea of liberty. Liberty to
them is a sort of chaotic idea. It is not the
liberty of law, but of unrestrained license.
Their oppressions at home have cultivated
and nourished treasonable inclinations, and
they come here too often to indulge them.
The foreigner believes that America is the
natural rendezvous lor all the exiled patriots,
and disaffected and turbulent persons of .the
earth, and that here they are to meet to form
purpose. Aud these money orators are aided
in tlicif schemes, and the people kept excited,
by such appeals as this:
“ To the Germans in America 1—The news
brought to these shores by each successive
steamer from Europe, proves that the hour of
insurrection is near; therefore, the refugees
must organize and ho'd themselves in readi
ness
“At a mass meeting, held November 9,
1853, a commission was elected for the pur-
pose of organization, and that commission,
linding unoccupied that difficult position
which it was requested to take, now calls upon
the German emigration in America to acknowl
edge them as the centre in all matters regard
ing that affair.
“The commission Las adopted the following
platform as the basis of its operations:
“ We recognize the solidarity of all revolu
tionary interests; our first object being, how
ever, the deliverance of Germany from its po
litical thraldom, without our presuming to
decide by anticipation other secondary objects.
We expect that the people of Germany will
themselves decide upon their future political
system, and we place ourselves at the dispo
sition of the revolutionary Government.”
* * * * »
“ To our former revolutionary companions
we say, Be prepared! The approaching
struggle between despotism will be severe,
but it will be the last; for it will only termi'
fundamental principles of rclorm, of the So
cial Democratic Society of Germans,” aud are
not confined to Virginia; but are ramified
throughout the whole Union, wherever the
Germans go.
In proof of which, and as kindred to their
previous resolutions, I here present a part of
the address and regulations of the American
Revolutionary League, adopted at the Revo
lutionary Congress held at Philadelphia from
January 29 to February 1, 1852:
" Fellow Citizens : The Congress of the
American Revolutionary League for Europe*
herewith submit the result of their delibera
tious to the judgment of the people, all par
ties of which wero represented in that body.
“ Earnestly resolved to find the means of
terminating the desperate condition of the
libsrty-thirsting people of Europe, firmly
conviuced that the first great step to the at
tainment of this goal is the cordial co-opera
tion of all who seek it, it was for us to ex
plore the middle ground upon which all par
ties could honorably and cbeorfully unite their
iorces.
“ The conscious determination to achieve a
revolution thorough and complete was the
warrant for our actions; and of you, sover
eign people, we ask the i atification of this
warrant in the readiness with which yon shall
erect upon the foundation we have laid the
superstructure of an extensive, yea, auniver
sal, fusion of all revolutionary elements.
Let us. then, be up aniTdomg? Our cause
is noble, is sacred. The barriers that cramp
the growth of active, intelligent, and high
souled nations are to be stricken down; man
kind to be restored to its humanity. Let the
motto for the strife be, union in the American
Revolutionary League.”
Here are the objects of the league, avowed
in a regular form:
“ The object of the league shall be th^ rad
ical liberalization of the European continent,
for which are required:
“ 1. The overthrew of monarchy and the
establishment of the Republic, because iu the
Republic alone cai> all the horrors of tyranny
be prevented.
“ 2. Direct and universal suffrage, and the
recall of representatives by a majority oi their
constituents; because this alone secures the
supremacy of the popular will in the work
ings of popular institutions.
“ 3. The abolition of standing armies, and
inviolability of the right of the people to bear
arms; because the last resource of forcible
resistance U tlie only protection against the
last device of forcible usurpation.
“4. The union for these ends, of all persons,
associations, parties, and nations, for the anni
hilation of oppression; because without such
concerted efforts the organized power of the
tyrants is invincible.
Art. III.—Means.
“Sec. 1. Agitation as well in Europe as in
America.
“ Sec. 2. Accumulation of a revolutionary
fund.
“Sec. 3. Formation of armed organisations
desirous of entering personally into the strug
gle, and of preparing for it by military exer
cise.
And this is not the mere idle resolves of a
club at a town meeting. You will see that
they so arranged this league as to extend it to
every principal town in the esuntry. As thus
appears:
“1. In the principal towns »» every. State,
there shall be established a Stale committee, to
consist of the executive board of the revolu
tionary association there located. If there are
several revolutionary association! in such prin
cipal town, they elect the State committee be
tween them.
“ 2. The duty of the State committee shall
be to receive tfee communications of the board,
and transmit the proposals of associations to
the board, to establish new associations, and
generally to make all possible exertions in
furtherance of the cause in the State assigned
to its care.”
Here, sir, is a brief outline of a most exten
sive association, formed and organized upon
American soil, by foreign agitators, the avow-
creation, “ and the rest of mankind.” Well,
nato with the annihilation of one of the two op
posing and irreconcilable principles.”
Add to this the sage reflections of Mazzini.
In writing to some friend, some member of
this revolutionary league, perhaps, he says:
“ Twenty-four millions of emancipated Ital
ians will be twenty-four millions of Abolition
ists to aid their brothers in America 1”
Nor am I permitted to pause here 1 These
disoiganizing sentiments hare suread with
fearful srccees ! Read the following extract
ot a speech of Mr. Roedel to the German por
tion of the audience,made in New York a few
days ago:
“ Brethren : For the first time I speak in
an assembly like this. We have not all the
same language, but our feelings arc the same;
they unite us h«re with the American people.
For the advancement of these sentiments we
must not only unite with them in speeches,
but also in acts. In our country we have
fought for liberty, and many of ns have lost,
in battle, our fathers, brothers, or sons. Here
we are free, but not free enough ; we want
the liberty of liviug. [Applause.] We have
fought in Germany for liberty of speech and
the liberty of the press. The German press
is against ns in this movement; but we need
not care for what those papers say; we must
act cn our owu hook. Here we have social
liberty, liberty of speech, and liberty of the
press; and when we want anything that is
just, we are bound to obtain it. [Applause.]
If you don’t know your rights yet, hunger will
teach them to you. You don't get bread nor
wood, and there is plenty of them. At our
revolution iu June, wu obtained three months
credit, because we were two hundred thou
sand strong. I have nothing further to say
than to advise you to put in practice the prin
ciples of the social Republic. The Tribune
said, to day, that the rich would give us a
million, if they were forced to it; but now
they will hold their money in their pockets
and refuse to give it up. When the wolf is
hungry he has no consideration, be takes his
food fearlessly where he finds it; it must be
the same witfe the masses. Help yourselves,
and then God will help you. We roust act as
the wolf, and we do not want any auxiliaries 1
Let us act Ly ourselves.” [Applause.]
Mr. BARRY. If the gentleman from Ala
baraa will allow me, I should like to kn. w
whether the meeting in New York, of which
he speaks, was a meeting of native Americans
or foreigners I
Mr. SMITH. I will not presume to say
whether it was a Dative or foreign meeting.
Mr. BARRY. The gentleman spoke of the
meeting as composed of the same persons
who were concerned in a European revolu
tionary league, and I presumed therefore,
that the gentlemen knew who were the men
who composed it. I do not know, and, there
fore, I asked for information.
Mr. SMITH. I do not know. If the speak
cr was an American, so much the more shame
ful for him.
Mr. BARRY. To to sure; to be.sure; so
it is.
Mr. SMITH. The speech is reported
very plain English. If it was an American
speaker, he must have been corrupted by for
eign influence. [Laughter.] Ah, sir, there
is a smile 1 Are we so far above the reach of
foreign influence as to be secure against it!
Sir, are wc so securely encased in the armour
of self-wisdom as not to be begui ed by for
eign influence ? Sir, the beginoing of wisdom
is the conviction of our ignorauce; the begin
ning of knowledge is the confession of our
weakness; and the sooner we acknowledge
the power of foreign influence over the man
ners and habit9 of onr people the better. The
sooner our children aro taught that the Jesu
its and priests have been raised from their
cradles to seduce us, the better for us. It has
been but a short time, sir, since all America
was turned upside down by an eloquent for
eigner. But to return to the question of the
honorable gentleman from Mississippi, [Mr.
Barry;] upon a further reading of the speech
referred to, I find that the speaker speaks as
German.
Hunger is the excuse for these sentiments,
plans and concoct schemes to revolutionize all *ed object of which is: “ Agitation as well in
*lm VADt nf mnnl'inil !1 Wnll EurOpC CLS JlWfiCS.” Are tllCSC llOt blOOtiS
war upon the United States. In the absence I—that thq singular proviso is added,
of tbo law to which 1 refer, before any act I no unnaturalized foreigner shall vote for e
of hostility should be committed, they could ] for or inciltber of the House.” This w
let us see if there is any truth in these sug- \ capable of voting and mingling in the.govern-
■’— TT * u " — 1 ' mental affairs of this nation) No, sir. The
liberty our fathers fought for, and winch we
enjoy, is not the privilege to sit and hatch
treasons; to disturb, with unhallowed plot
tings, the princes of other realms; to break
constitutions at pleasure, to raise arnues with
out authority of law, nor to take from our
neighbor his goods, because be has most; but
it is the privilege to be protected by laws from
the evils of anarchy and oppression. There
gestions. Here are the solemn resolutions
of the German Social Democratic Association,
of Richmond, Virginia—an association exist
ing in the centre of the Old Dominion, in the
heart of “ the home of the Presidents:”
Reform in the laws of the general government,
at well as in those of the States.
“ We demand: 1. Universal suffrage. 2.
The election of all officers by the people. 8.
The abolition of the Presidency. 4. The ab
olition of Senates, so that the Legislatures is no tyrant so relentless as anarchy—none
shall consist of only one branch. 6. The right so oppressive.
of the people to reoill their Representatives In these proceedings aud regulations, you
(cashier them) at their pleasure. 6. The have frequent mention of ” the accumulation
right of the people to change the constitution of the Revolutionary Fund," and while these
when they like. 7. All lawsuits to be con- patriots are forming constitutions and laying
ducted without expense. 8. A department plans, we hear of the financial operations of
of the government to beset up for the pur- their allies, Kossuth and Kinkle. Wo see
pose of protecting immigration. 9. A reduc- Kossuth peddling his dollar, of which Jiere is
ed term for acquiring citizenship.” a curious copy:
Reform in the foreign relations of the govern- “ Hungarian Fuxd.—On demand one year
ment. after the establishment in fact of the Ixde-
“ 1. Abolition of all neutrality. 2. Inter- pendent Hungarian Government, the holder
vention in favor of every people struggling hereof shall be entitled to One Dollar, pay
for liberty.” able at tha National Treasury, or at either of
Reform in what, relates to religions. its agencies at London or New York, or to ex-
“ I. A more perfect development of the change the same in stuns of fifty dollars or
principle of personal freedom and liberty of over, for certificates bearing four per cent, in
conscience; consequently—a. Abolition of terest, payable in ten equal annual instalments
laws for tho observance of the Sabbath; b. from one year after said event.
Abolition of prayers in Congress; c. Aboli- 1 ' L. Kossuth.”
sir. I never yet saw an honest, healthy man,
that could not earn his daily bread; who
could not, with the labor of his own right arm,
get food enough for himself, his wife, and chil
dren. It was the pretence of hunger that
brought the Danes and Normans to England.
It was the pretence of hunger that brought
the Goths and Vandals to desolate the fair
est portions of the eastern world. This plea
of hunger may bring millions of immigrant in
vaders to this fair land., to lake from those
who have plenty, without law, without jus
tice, but in the name of liberty, as interpreted
by these plotting, exiled patriots
Mr. BARRY. I desire to ask the gentle
man another question. I desire to know whe
ther Gavazzi, who is getting up these Know-
Nothing organizations, is not a foreigner! I
wish to know whether the editor of the Cru
sader, the great Know-Nothing paper ot the
country, is not a foreigner ? And further, I
desire to know whether James Gordon Ben
nett, the editor of the New York Herald,
which is also an organ of the Know-Nothing
party, is not a foreigner 1
Mr. SMITH. I cannot answer the gentle
man. I know nothing of these men, except
that, if they are foreigners, they are not na
tives—if they are not natives they can have
nothing whatever to do with the Know Noth
ing organization. But one thing is very cer
tain ; the editor of the New York Tribune,
who spends his days and nights in concocting
| slanders against the Native American party;
time to talk about Gavazzi and the Crusader,
Hike Gavazzi for his exposure of the Jesuits,
llut I should hate to take him for a Governor.
So far as James Gordon Bennett is concerned,
I have no respect for him more than I have
for any other Scotch divil. [Laughter.]
Mr. Chairman, I would not exclude tnc for
eigner from our shores; but I want the privi
lege of picking the class that comes. I do
not want the vermin-covered convicts of the
European continent - I do not want the crime-
hardened felons of the European prisons. I
do not want those exiled traitors, who call
themselves patriots, whose oath of Allegiance
to their own kings have beeu broken—for
who can expect faith from the faithless, or
truth from the perjured ? I do not want tlie
propagandist, who comes to interpret the
Constitution of the United States for us and
for onr children, and to prate in unmeaning
jargon about the policy of Washington. I do
not want those swarms of paupers, with pes
tilence in their skins, and famine in their
throats, to consume the bread of the native
joor. Charity begins at home—charity for-
>ids the coming of these groaning, limping
vampires.
AARON BURR in FRANCE.
In reference to my proposition to absolute
ly exclude from the country persons notorious
ly seditious, I cannot forbear to refer to the
French Government.
How admirable was the conduct of the
French government towards tlie United States
on the occasion of the visit of Aaron Burr
He was one of those purturbed spirits of this
world, who, being foiled at home in his nefa-
rous schemes, and prostrated under the weight
of public odium, fled for succor and counte
nance from his own to anothor country. Vis
iting France, where he expected to find,
amongst its combustible elements, ample ma
terials for his genius to mould into any shape,
he was met at once, and promptly, with the
frowns of the court—marked as a public
offender, and an exiled traitor—and we have
reason to know that every step he took iu
France was noted by the authorities. Even
the French people, while willing to treat him
with their characteristic civility, rather avoid
ed thau com'ted his presence; and it was only
in the dark corners of the most mysterious and
gloomy parts of the metropolis of France that
he could hold liis treasonable levees. How
admirable was this conduct of the French gov
ernment. True to her neutrality; true to her
ancient friendship for us; true to her national
dignity, and to international fidelity, 6he ob
served, both in spirit and letter, not only the
obligations of treaties, but followed those high
incentives of reciprocal duty by which princes
and nations command the applause of man
kind.
How striking a contrast, sir, does this case
of the fidelity of Franco present to that which
we exhibited of our duty to Austria, upon the
visit of M. Kossuth to this country I I for
bear, sir, to comment upon the turbulent
scenes which distinguished that extraordinary
adve-t I forgive all, to “ the spirit of liber
ty” and to the too magnanimous generosity
of my deluded countrymen. We will grow
wiser as we grow older. Time and experi
enceis to teach us. that without stability there
can be no true liberty; without the observ
ance of the strictest duty in international re
ciprocities, there is no national respect.
NECESSITY OF OUR ALIEN LAWS.
We have no sufficient law and no power to
banish aliens. We should have such a law.
Recently the Emperor of France has decreed
the banishment of the Russians from die Em
pire. Will any man say that such a power
ought not to exist? Will any man say that
such a power should not be exerted whenev
er the peace and quiet of a country should
demand it! The liberties of the American
people, the homes of tlie American people,
the rights of the American people, are no less
dear to them because they have adopted a
republican government; and a republic is no
less in need of all the attributes of sovereign
power than any other government.
FOREIGNERS WHO FOUGHT FOR US ALREADY RE
WARDED.
But I am told that we were aided in our
revolutionary struggles by foreigners. There
is a shadow of fallacy iu this. This hint is
thrown out that we are ungrateful. Sir, grat
itude is not, and ought not to be, a national
virtue. No generation has a right to burden
another with its gratitude. No government
should be grateful at the expense of its citi
zens. “ Sufficient for the day is the cv il
tlieieof.” But have we beeu ungrateful?
We rewarded the men who fought for us in
giving them the best of homes and liberty.
We have rewarded their relatives by the
most liberal laws of naturalization. That is
euough. Individual gratitude, consulting
alone liis own interest and feelings, might go
further. But a nation should not be required
to do more than we have already done. Sir,
we never promised, nobody expected, that we
would make this country the common rccep
taclc of the filth and rottenness of Europe,
It was never in the minds of our fathers to
fight for liberty, and then surrender it to the
Pope!
But the foreigners who fought for us were
a part of us. They remained with us after
the war. Our victory was theirs. Their
swords made them patriots, and the constitu
tion made them natives. The homes they
won were made comfortable; their fields
blossomed around them, and after the fullest
enjoyment of the blessings of liberty, they
died and were buried in the land which their
valor redeemed. Their children were born
Americans, and arc now e. part of us. Do
they complain ? Mow absurd. Mr. Chairman,
upon reflection, then appears this hackneyed
idea, that gratitude for the foreign aid that
was received during the revolution, should
embrace the unborn generations of Europe 1
that our gratitude should make America a
great alms-house for the pauper patriots of all
creation 1
THE AMERICAN PARTY DEFENDED
I now propose to say something in defence
of the organization of the American party.
A member. Do you know anything about
it ?
Mr. SMITH. I do not profess to know
anything about it. But if there be any such
organization of “ Native Americans,” I am not
ashamed of my countrymen, and I am perfect
ly willing to be considered as one.
The first objection which has been urged—
and by no one with more earnestness and
ability than by my honorable friend from
Mississippi, [Mr. Barry,]—is the 6ecrecy of
the order.
The first reason of defence is, that in all
political movements, secrecy is the great ele
ment of success. I take it for granted that
the American party, called “Know Nothings,”
is in earnest. They intend to finish what
they have commenced. As a matter of party
discipline, they have a right to bo secret in
their meetings, as well as upon the broader
ground of political sagacity. Solomon says
“A fool’s mouth is his destruction- Whoso
keepeth his mouth and liis tongue, keepeth
his soul from trouble.”
Old Polonius advised his son thus:
* * “Give thy thoughts no tongue
Nor any unpropoition'd thought his acV
•»♦***
Give every man thine ear, but few thy voice .-
Take each man's censure, bu: reserve thy
judgment.”
Burns suvs:
“ Ay. free.aff lian’ your story tell,
When wi’ a bosom crony ;
But still keep something to yourseV
Ye scarcely tell to ouy.
Conceal your el' as well's ye can
Free critical dissection;
Bat keek thro’ every other naan
Wi’ sharpen'd, sly inspection."
Lord Bacon tells cs that “ secrecy is the
helmet of Pluto which makelh the politic uian
go invisible.” Now, upon these “wise saws,"
1 say, that, as a matter of political sagacity,
it is not only their right but tbeir duty, if they
want to be successful, to preserve iu their
halls the most inviolable secrecy.
Again, sir, as a matter of party tactics, this
new party has a right to keep its own secret*.
It has the examples of the two old parties.
True, political conventions are usually held
with open doors; speeches are made, an.t
resolutions adopted. But this is a mere pub
lication of the acts of secret committees. The
moving cause and reason fur the resolves
being uukaown and unseen. When the great
elections are pendiug, does not each party
have its secret agents iu Washington—meet-
iug in dark couclave—flooding the country
with scaled packages ? Aud does not tlie
party in power keep tho key of the post office
m his pocket I Is not then the finger pressed
on the lips I “ Say nothing t" “Keep dark!”
These and other cabalistic words, with all the
mysterious inuendos of conspiracy, are utter
ed with low tones and smothered breath; and
11 justified, commended, pra.tised, and ap
plauded. Why tLeu, sir, may not ihe Amer.-
can party keep its own secrets!
But, sir, the great justification of ,the secror-
cy of ibis order is yet to be stated. Th >
American party is not warring with Ameri
cans. It is warring with an enemy sworn to
secrecy, Jesuits and priests ? Are not tive
Roman Catholic priests the keepers of the
secrets of their congregations i Is not the
Jesuit sworn to secrecy ? Does he not go
growling about the country with his tablet
aud pencil, culling all information, looking
into everybody’s business, peeping over eve
rybody’s shoulder; winding himself into eve
ry man’s confidence; lifting the curtain of
every man's window; and, with his meek,
mysterious eyes, smiling like a saint—does he
not hurry away to reveal this information,
whenever it is of sufficient importance! This,
sir, is the fearful and disguised enemy—an
enemy whose name is legion—with which tho
Amerioan party is at war. Here is the Je
suit’s oath:
I, A. B., now in the presence of Almighty
God, the blessed Virgin Mary, the blessed
Michael, the Archangel, the blessed St. John
the Baptist, the holy Apostles St. Peter and
St Paul, and the saints and sacred hosts of
Heaven, and you my ghostly father, do de
clare from my heart without mental reserva
tion, that—(Pope Gregorj, or the present
incumbent)—is Christ’s Vitar, and is the trtiu
and only head of the Universal Church
throughout the world; that by virtue of the
keys and of binding and loosing given to his
Holiness by Jesus Christ, he hath power to
depose heretical Kings, Princes, States, Com
monwealths, and Governments, all being ille
gal without his sacred confirmation, ana that
they may be safely destroyed; therefore, to
the utmost of my power 1 will defend this
doctrine, and his Holiness's rights and cus
toms, against all usurpers, and all heretical
or Protestant authority whatsoever, especially
the new pretended authority and Church of
Englaud, and all adherents, in regard that
thoy be usurped aud heretical, opposing the
f Sacred Mother Church of Rome.
I do depounce aud disown King, Prince,
or State, named Protestants, or obedience to
any of their inferior magistrate* or officers;
I do further declare the doctrines of tho
Church of England, of the Calvanists, Hugue
nots, and other Protestauts to be damnable,
and those to be damned who will not forsake
the same. I do furthet declare that I will
help, assist, and advise all, or any of his Holi
ness's agents, in any place wherever I shall
be, end do n»y utmost to extirpate the hereti
cal Protestants’ doctrine, and to destroy all
their pretended power, legally, or otherwise;
“ I do further promise and declare, tha t
notwithstanding l am dispensed to assume
any religion heretical, for ihe propagation of
the mother church intercuts, to keep secret
and private all her agents' counsel) as they
intrust me, aud not to divulge, directly < r
indirectly, by word, writing, or otherwise,
auy matter or circumstance whatsoever, but
to execute all that shall be propose.!, given
iu charge, or discovered unto me l>y you, my
hostly father, or by any of tins covcu&qt.
'• All of which, 1, A. *B; do swear, by th 9
blessed Trinity, and blessed sacrament, which
1 am now about to receive, to perform, and on
my part, to keep inviolable; and do call the-
heavenly and glorious host to wiincss my real
intentions to keep my oath. In witness
whereof, I take this holy and blessed saeni-
ment of the Eucharist, and witness the same
further, with my hand and seal, in the face of
this holy covenant.”
Sir, the American party, with all its alleged
secrecy, avows to the world th .t one <•: U>
great objects is, as connected with the gvuwiU
of foreign power in this country, to Fitoscanu;
as a party rule, Roman Catholics from office.
With this object in view, and looking upon
this oath ot the Jesuits, I ask if tho American,
party lus uot a right to hold its m ruling* ns
secret, to make its .osolves in secret. Tuern
is an old saying, and never more appropriate
Iv used than now, “ When you fight iho devi.,
you bare a right to fight bun with fire.”
HISTORY OF THE JESUITS.
But who are these Jesuits! wherein ?.ro
they dangerous! Let us inquire. This order
was founded after the reformation by a thwar
ted military aspirant. They were called th.*
“Society of Jesus.” Its name indicates a
purely '“religious” organization, but it* main
end was “political.” Pope Paul 111, eon
finned the order upon condition that, in addi
tion to the three usual vows, of poverty,
chastity, and monastic obedience, tlie order
should take a fourth vow: to be ohedieut to
the Pope, binding themselves to go whereso
ever be should command, for the service of
religion. They bound themselves to implicit
and blind obedience to the Court of Rome,
and also to an implicit »uul uulimitcil alle
giance to the General of their society; this
general, of course, being subordinate to tho
Pope, and knowing no allegiance except to
the Pope. x „ ,
The number of this order was first conuncd
to sixty; but the restriction was removed
year after vear, so that in lest than half a
century after its foundation, the order had
established itself in every country Miiieb au.
hered to the Roman Catholic Churcn, auu ia
the year 1700, the number of Jesuits was
twenty thousand. By this time they had i: