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HOI'S i ■ OF REP R ES K$TATI V ICS- D S
. ri.\is« 'tuieuposijrwss. t
4 VVash13>»iToR, January fSS
After Bingham. of-Ohio, ami
Boyd;. Sontti Carolina. had Submitted
list * of questions l.> 4ie answered by each
of i he candidal's fur 1 '‘Speaker; - .. . \ ■;
Mr. Richardson; of Illinois, st-nmp
llie Clerk 1 * de.«k; ihe questions’ that liar,
been iirojiimnded tohiml.y Mr: Zohicol-
f. r.nrnt r.-qaesied iliai the first interroga
tory "be read 5 and it wa* uccurdingjy
tv«d. a» fntlow# t * ' . -
• Am l rightin supposing that the
gentleman from Illinois, (Mr. Richard
son) regards the Kansas Nebraska bill
as promotive of the formation of free
States in the Territories of Kansas and
Nebraska.’ 1
Mr. R chardson—In reply, to the first
question of the gentleman front ''-Tennes
see (Mr.ZoHicoffer,) I have to say I vetted
for the bills organizing. the Territories
of Nebraska and Kansas because I
thought them just -to all, and I defend
ed that vote before my constituents up
on that ground. I intended then, and
intend non', that the people who go tliere.
or who have gone there, shall decide
the question of slavery for themselves
and, so far as I could, to admit them a:
States, with or without slavery, as the
people should decide. In common with
Northern end Southern gentlemen, I
have sqjd that, in my opinion, slavery
would never go there ; but I have never
here or elswhere, urged that as a reason
why I voted for that bill. I voted for
the bill because it was just, right and
proper, and wanted nothing more to de
fend myself. I repeat here an argument
I have made over and over again before
iny constituents, and it is this : if a ma
jority of the people of Kansas or Nebras
ka are in favor of slavery, they will have
it; if a majority are opposed to it, then
* bey will not have it. This is the prac-
'ical result of every theory advocated by
the friends of the Nebraska and Kansas
bill. I gave my sanction to this princi
ple in supporting the Territorial bills of
185.0, aud have'uniformly supported the
same principles since, whenever pre
sented for my action, and shall continue
to do so all future cases that may arise.
It is a principle lying at the foundation
of all popular Governments that the
people of each separate or dUtiitpt com
munity shall decide for themselves the
nature and character of the institutions
under which they shall live; and by
this principle I am prepared to live and
die. I therefore voted for the Nebras
ka and Kansas bill, neither as a pro-sla
very nor anti-slavery measure, but as a
measure of equal right and justice to
the people of all sections of our com
mon country. Will the Clerk now read
the next question ?
“Ami right in supposing that he ad
vocates the Constitutionality of the ' Wil-
mot Proviso ? that in 1850 he oppose
Its application to the territory acquire"
from Mexico, only upon the ground ilia*
it wa» unnecessary, inasmuch as Musi-
can local laws in (hose territories already
abolished slavery* which ought to he
sufficient for all Freesoii men ? and that
he committed himself to the position that
if territorial bills silent upon the sub
ject of slavery (and leaving the Mexi
can laws to operate) were defeated, he
would rote for bills with the Wilmot Pro-
vifo in them."
Mr. Richardson—This question
quires a more extensive reply. In 1803
we nquirel Louisiana; it was slavery ter
ritory. In 18211 we divided, by line of
3d deg. 30 min., that territory ; north
of the line it was to be freo. In 1845
we annexed Texas ; that w as slave ter
ritory ; we divided flint by extending
the line of 36 deg. 30 minthrough that;
worth to be free. I voted repeatedly to
extend the same line w est to the Pacific
ocean. I voted fur that line, wiib afi.w
Representatives from the North,-and
the whole ImhIj- of Southern Represen
tatives. When I gave those votes, 1 did
not believe then, nor do I believe now,
that I violattd the’constitution of lie
United States. If you have power un
dev the constitution to exclude slavery
from half of a Territory, I think you
have power to exclude from all, though
such an exercise would be nnju<t and
wrong. I have never, therefore, voted
to exercise that poweif,-except tij*in the
principle of compromise.
He believed that the O .iisVlniiou of
tl.c United States was intended lo do
justice between the different sections of
the country, to the South 'as well as lo
the North. lie was for that to day, and
believed that justice should he done to
both North and South, and in no speech
or declaration that Irad ever, fallen from
his lips, so far as he couid remember,
had he expressed sentiments different
from.these. But he believed that the
Constitution was contemplated by its
framers rs an instrument of ultimate
universal freedom, and that it was looked
to as such by the world at large; mid
that the flag which >-ymbolized, which
represented it. ni.d made the territory
over which it waved, in whatever quarter
«.ft be globe, so long as it covered Amen
can citzens, American territoiy was the
symbol of that ultimate uuhersal free
dom. He trusted that it should ever
W verticil, and nothing else.
As to the latter part of the Iasi ques
tion, respecting the t yrlitory acquired
from Fruu.ee,. it is but a repetition of
the first interrogatory, w ith the addi
tion of a statement In regard in that
statement of fact* lie I tad t. say that it
had been doubt, d whet In r the institu
tion of slavery existed in that territory
at the time of its a-.qiiisrioii. Without
.going into the subject of the doubt rest
ing upon the question wlv-ther. France,
by the deorbe of 1794, did abolish the
institution of slavery there, bethought
(bat Congress was ri^ht in interdicting
the institution over that territory if such
legislation was necessary tmmakeIt tree.
Ifit was necessary in order to gain to the
South the right to carry lh<* institution
of slavery there, thit'tlie inter diction 'of
1820 should be repeali d, he thought that
tho Congress of I853wne wrong in enact
ngth't ropeal pSyH %-eMgbut KiV
vMi the light that had come to,hirrfon
tlii- question, that the interdiction «f
1S2T hiving forbidden and abolished
the ihs'it'ition ofjshivery.r if it exfstedt
there, its repeal itf 1854, inasmuch isi
allowed slavery.-to go there; unless
under impossible circumstances, was
in act n.it promotive of the formation of
free Stales. -" •; - *’ »*./?' .SgfcTHgi
Mr Fuller of Pvnaylvanitrremarked
that he cordially approved ihe resi lutioii
:id .ptod yesterday on motion ofthegen-
iletnun front Tennessee.
In answer to the Specific interroga
tories that had betn presented, he would
say, as to 1 he.first, that he did not regard
the.Kansaa-Nebroska. bill as promotive
olyheformation-of free States; and be
would further sa/ that he did not believe
it wag promotive of the formation of
slave States.
In, reply.to the second inquiry, lie
would state that be had never, and did
not how advocate the constitutionality of
the Wilmot Proviso. He had never
committed himself Jo the position “that
tint he desired tint tl
on-Jlln*- institution of slavoi
ptdbibiiiou
y in
of rask
tori If of Kansas and,
by Southern States, should
g.-dtf to'thc people of tbecourttry a
Ms great hereafter. As to the rnt
in which, it yshoold Jbe dbne-^-tvhi
by restoration of t
by any other methods, ‘a;
'or principles that- should give to the
American States the prohibitlog fer
which Southern men compacted.cgreed,' (Mr. Bai
and took aconsidera'ion—he had noth- stitutior
ing to say.' He was for the substantial United
restoration of the prohibition of the in- there,
stitution of slavery, as prohibited in
1820.
He would teply to the other question
by saying that he stood here ready,
willing, desirous and determined to co
operate with* the men of ih§ United
States who were for the substantial re
storation of the interdict of the institu-
Kansas and Nebraska, He was ready
to act with men of any party, : of any
principles, of any .views who would co
if territorial bi’Is silent upon the subject, operate with him in regard to-this great
of slavery ( and leaving the . Mexican
laws to operate) were defeated, he would
vote for hills .with the' Wilmot Proviso
in them.” -This question related to the
legislation of the distinguished gentle;
man from Ilinois. What he (Mr. F.)
had to say-upon.fhat subject was, that he
was not. a member of that Congress,
and had never taken any position upon
that subject heretofore; but he was wil
ling, iu all frankness and candor, to do
so now, and would do so with great
deference to the. opinions of wiser and
better men. Slavery existed before ,he
Constitution, and, in hisjudgment, now
existed independent of that instrument.
When the people of the confederated
States met by their representatives. in
Convention to form the Constitution,
slavery existed in all but one of the
States The people, having an existing
and acknowledged right to hold slaves,
conceded, tlnough their represenrotives
the right to prohibit the importation of
them after the year-1808. They made
no concession so far as regarded the
existence of domestic slavery. They
claimed—^and it was granted—the right
to recla.m slaves in cases of escape; they
c (aimed—and it was grained—the right
of slave representation as an element of
political power.
He held that Congress had no right
to legislate upon the subject of slavery ;
that the Territories were the common
property ,.f all the Slates, and that tlie
people of all the States had the right
to cuter upon and occupy these Territo
ries, $and were protected by the flag of
the country, that Congress had no
right to legislate slavery into nor exclude
it from the Territories. Neither had a
Territorial Legislature, in hisjudgment,
any right to legislate upon that subject,
except so far as it might become necessa
ry to protect the citizens of Territory in
the enjoyment of their property.— He
believed that he had answered all the
intern ga tores.
Mr. Richardson had examined the.
inquiries propounded by the gentleman
from Ohio. (Mr. Bingham.) and thought
that he had answered uli of them suli-
stantially, with the exception of the first
and fifth.
In reply to t’ e first question, he would
state that in his opinion the Con-titution
of the United States did extend over the
Territories, so far as it was applicable
to their condition.
In reply to the fifth question, he ltad
to say that by the express terms of the
bills organizing the Territories that had
been established subsequently to the
passage of the fugitive slave law, tha*
law was in operation in such Territories.
As to the inquiries of the gentleman
from Mississippi, (Mr. Barksdale,) he
would state that lie belonged "to no
American or Know-Nothing party, nor
to any secret political organization.' He
was opposed to the Abolition of or inter
ference with slavery in the District of
Columbia, and. to any interference with
it by Congress in the dock-yards or any
other place. He believ, d that the
Almighty had made the negro inferior
to the white man, and he did not think
that ih'-y con'd be placed on an equably,
unless the while should he dragged-
down to a level with the other.
In answer to the jocular question of
bis friend from Missouri, (Mr Kennett,)
he must confess that he sometimes
feared that in that state, in which he be
lieved, he and some of his associates
would not be free. [Laughter.]
Mr. Kennett was glad to hear that
his friend: was a little anxious about his
own cond.ttou as well as that of other
members of the House, and thought he
had great cause. [Laughter.
Mr. Richardson was mit only anxious
about himself, but his friends. [Laugh
ter.] He had overlooked one of the
que-tions of the gentleman from Missis
sippi—that in relation to Catholics and
foreigners. He did .not care what a
man’s religious opinions might be. He
would as soon support a Catholic for
ffice us a member of any other deno
mination, provided he was qualified for
the place and his political sentiments*
corresponded with.his own. He.thnuglit
that the only safety in a Government
like ours, was to keep religion out of
politics, and that we should never carry
our religion to the polls or our politick
to church.
Mr. Bingham, of Ohio, desired to
know whether the gentleman from Illi
nois had affirmed or denied the .right of
the people of the Territories to tqakc
any law depriving any person therein of
life or liberty, t- except as punishment
for crime, upon due conviction V’ .
Mr. Richurdson desired to conceal
nothing. He had, in the remarks he
bad submitted this morning, expressed
the belief that thepeople.of the Terri
tories of Kansas and Nebraska l»d the
right* either to establish or prohibit
African slavery.
Mr. Bunks said : Iu regard to the
first clause of this interrogatory, as to
whether was in favor of restoring the
.Missouri Compromise be had to reply
that he should have
question, he- did riot
Constitution carried the
slavery into the Territories
tates. ? His understand-
n'was based upon the
, Webster, that even
n of the United States
to the Territories until
by act of Congress. JHe
did not believethat the Con-
to any Territory of the
e right to hold slaves
ignised the right tp pro
tection of all property, on the part of the
South as well a* onihe part of the North,
in. ihe Territories of ihe United Stales;
btit when be spol^e of property, he
ifieaht tiint which.was considered as
such by ihe universaVlaws of the world,
He meanVnot that which was. property
only'while held in particular States of
tion of - slavery in the Territories of ►this country, and which lost its character
question.
Mr. Fuller, of Pennsylvania, remark
ed, that as he was laboring under severe
indisposition, he could' not pretend-to
any eloquence on the present occasion.
He would, therefore, answer the ques
tions specifically and" directly. He re
plied to the first question, *“ Are you in
favor of restoring the Missouri restric
tion, or do you go for the entire proi
hibitiou of slavery in all the Territories
of the United States ?” I am not. To
the second, “Are you in favor of abolish
ing slavery in the District of Columbia,
in the Uuited States forts, dockyards,
&c ?” I am not. To the third, “ Do
you believe in the equality of the white
and.black races in the United State?,
and wish to promote that equality by
legislation ?” I do not.
As lo.being in favor of the entire ex
clusion of adopted* citizens and Roman
Catholics from office, he thought with
General Washington, that it would com-
comport best with the policy of this
country to appoint native-born citizens
in preference to those of foreign birth.
.[Applause iu the galleries] He would
proscribe no man because of liis reli
gion, and would denounce no man be
cause of his politics, but would accord
to all the largest liberty of opinion' and
of expression, of conscience and of # or
ehip. He eared not what religion a
man might profess, nor to what deno
mination he tnig'-t belong. Be he Ma-
homedan. Jew, or Gentfe, he would
accord him the right to worship accord
ing to the dictates of his own judgment.
As to foreigh-boi n citizens, he did
iiotdesire to exclude them. He would
invite them to come here and eofer upon
the public land, to occupy the public
territory, ami to build up for themselves
homes, and teach tbeir children to love
the Constitution and laws which pro
tected them; but he would say that in
all matters of legislation and of adminis
tration Americans should govern Ameri
ca. [Great appljgise iu the galleries ]
The C erk then read the second and
third interrogatories, as follows :
“Am I right in supposing that his
heory is that the Constitution of the
United Stales does not carry slavery
to, and protect it in the Territories of
the United States ? that in ihe territory-
acquired from Mexico and France (in
cluding Kansas and Nebraska) the
Missouri restriction was necessary to
make the territory free, because slavery
existed tliere under France at the time
of the acquisition, but that the Kansas
and Nebraska bill, which repeals that
restriction, hut neither legislates slavery
into those Territories nor excludes it
therefrom, -in his opinion, leaves those
Territories without either local or Con
stitutional law protecting slavery ; and
that, therefore, the Kansas-Nebraska
bill promotes the formation of free Slates
in Kansas and Nebraska?’
Mr. Richardson—The Constitution
does not, in my opinion, carry the in
stitutions of any of the States into the
Territories ;-bnt it affords the same pro-
ten ion there to the institutions of one
State as of another. The citizen of
Virgina is as much entitled in the com
mon territory to t.'.e protection of his
properly under the Constitution as the
citizen ot Ilinois; but both are denend-
enl upon the legislation of the Territo
rial Government for laws to protect
their property, of whatever kind' it may
be. -
Mr. Banks, of Massachusetts, then
rose to address the House. lie yester
day voted with pleasure for the resulu-
ns such the moment it went beyond the
limits of those States. '•Property in man,
which the universal laws of the world
condemned, and which was property
only' when held under the local laws of
certain sections of the country, where
he had no disposition to disturb it. was
not such property, as was protected by
the Constitution of the United Spates.—
But h& tod nothing to say upon this
very delidfte question in regard lo the
protection of property..
DEBATE ON JUDGE CONES
RESOLUTIONS.
On Thursday last, Judge CoNEqalled
up bis Resolutions in tlie Senate, in re
gard to our Federal Relations. They
are ns follows, viz :
Resolved, I. That we have witnessed
with regret the repeated and continued
failures of the House of Representatives
of the U.'States to electa Speaker.'
2. That it is the duty of the members
of that l«ody, who are opposed to the
election of the sectional Freesoii candi
date, to forget past differences, to unite,
to meet, to nominte, and to elect a Speak-
"iiiu innw j|. j ji ■„
Mr. McMillan wished to preserve
the harmony tfiat sefemed to exist in
regard to those Resolutions ^ but thefe
were some objections -tp them and, he
moved that they be referred to a select
Committee, to report to-morrow.
Mr Gibson seconded the motion of
the Senator from Habersham, He wished
to examine and weigh well these jmpor-
tatu Resdfntions. He doubted the
necessity of instructing our - Represen
tatives. He wanted the Resolutions
presented in such shape that they would
unite all the members oft he Senate and
House'of Representatives in their sup
port.
Mr. Mubpht said it was vary unusual
to pass such Reflations and send them
to our Representatives in Congress from
one braneli of the Legislature only.' He
thought they should be joint Resolutions
Heohservcd that they were directed to
all our Representatives. He wished to
know which of them were to'be instruc
ted ? If the instructions’ were intended
for those of them who were voting for
Richardson, he wished it to be distinctly
stated, and Senators would then know
how to vote.
Mr. Lawton of Burke, Chairman of
the Committee on the State of the Re
public, called for the previous question.
The Senate relused to second the call
Yeas 40, Nays 52.
Mr. McMillan then renewed his ino-
jgi to refer the Resolutions to a select
committee, when the President stated
that under the rules.of the Senate, that
body having refused to sustain the call
for the previous question, the Resolu
tions would lie over for one day.— So.
Carder.
LATER FROM EUROPE.
ARRIVAL OF THE STEAMER
BALTIC.
lion piesented by the honorable gentle
man from Tennessee, (Mr. Zollicoffer.)
It embodied a principle which he be
lieved to be a sound one—the right of
every gentleman to inquire into and un
derstand the principles maintained by
the candidate for whom he chose to give
his, vote.
In reply to the first question propound
ed by the gentleman from Tennessee,
he would distinctly say that he did not
regard the Kansas and Nebraska b II as
promotive of the formation offree States,
inasmuch as it repealed ihe prohibition
of the institution of slavery over the
section of country to which that .measure
applied.
In regard-to-the second question, he
should give a general reply in the affir
mative. He believed in the constitu
tionality of the Wilmot proviso, and that
it was within the power of Congress to
prohibit ihe institution of slavery in ail
the Territories belonging to the United
States, As- to whether or not he
should advocate the passage of . such an
aefin regard to Territory where it was
clearly unnecessary in consequence of
its prohibition by pre-existing local laws,
he had nothing to say. Very likely, if
he thought it hnneeessary, he should be
willing to vote for a hill without th.it
prohibition; but with' regard to the
Territory covered by-the measure? of
1850, bad ho at that time held b seat
here, and believed it necessary to pro
hibit slavery therein, that' the Wilmot
proviso should be passed, he wished it
3. That the construction of the Clay
ton Bujwer treaty by the President is
right v and according to its plain obvious
meaning; We love'peace, and earnest
ly desire its continuance. We will no{
avoid war, if the protection of the rights
and honor of the nation demand it.
4. That the abili'y with which the
President, in his late Menage, lias set
forth the true constitutional theory of
•the government—the rights of the South
in relation to the institution of slavery
—and the aggressions of the North, and
the forbearance and endurance of the
South upon that subject, is worthy of the
Chief Megistrate of the nation. His
lews arc sound and constitutional. They
command our assent and receive our
approbation.
5. That the Secretary of the Senate
make a copy of these resolutions to be
transmitted to the President and to eacli
of opr Senators and Representatives at
Wa.-hingtim, 1
He briefly addressed the Senate in
iheirsujjfiorl.
lie considered the failure to organise
the House of Reresentatives, a great
public evil. He thought no one would
object to that positon. He said this was
a world of compromises. In the present
instance, when a great question which
involved the interests of the whole coun
try, was before Congress, it was impor
tant that all the friends of the Constitu
tion should unite to elect a Speaker. If
lie hud been in Congress, notwithstand
ing the objectionable Resolution of the
Democratic Caucus, he would, after so
many trials, have voted for Richardson.
But the right'way was, that they should
meet, nominate and elect a Speaker.
They should lay aside party differences.
He alsa sustained the President in his
construction of the Clayton-Bulwer
Treaty, and commended his able exposi
lion of the Constitutional relations ofsla-
very in his message to Congress.
Mr. Hcna'gan hoped the Resolutions
would be adopted without alteration and
without consuming the time of the
Senate.
Mr. Pbeples concurred with the S n-
atpr from Greene in the most of his view;
and although he would like to examine
the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty before voting
for the resclnnons, stiii i)e*would lie
willing, like the Senator from Hall, to
vote for them without crossing at or
dotting an i,
Mr. Wales proposed -to amend by
adding to the fourth Resolution the
words “ and we trust they will be carried
out in adininistcring the Government.”
Mr. RucUanan said he thought tbe
conservative portion of the American
Party, nf jbe North should come up to
the support of the President aud the De
mocratic nominee for Speaker. He
read from the speech of Mr. Allison of
Pennsylvania, showing that the controll
ing question in Lite Pennsylvania elec-
tions was the Kansas-Nebraska act, and
that the American members of Congress
front that State were elected on-the
ground of their opposition to that act.
Ho could not consent to instruct or re
quest our Democratic members to give
up their nominee and go into a new no
mination. Should the majority be ex
pected logo over to the minority?
Should Richardson’s friends abandon
.him logo over to Fuller? If members
of Congress approve the Principles of
the President’s Message, why could they
not support Richardson, who had carri
ed out those principles i He. thought
Messrs. Trippe and, Foster should go
over to Richardson. The Senator from
Greene, who had been equally as prom
inent'a member of bis party as either Mr.
Foster or Mr. Trippe, bad said he would
have voted for him, and he vfns right,
The American Party woldd probably
say that with their party no point of
honor ’ was involved—He -called upon
them to throw aside such flimsy pretexts
and come up to the support of the sound
and Constitutional nominee of the De
mocratic party—Richardson.-
He proposed lo strike out the words
‘•to-meet and- nominate” from iltu 1st
Resolution. *
The Law of NewsrAPEas.—I. Sub
scribers who do not give express notice
lo the contrary, are considered as wish
ing to continue their subscription.
2. If subscribers order the discon
tinuance of their newspapers, the pub
lisiier may continue to send them until
all arrearages are paid.
3. If subscribers neglect or refuse to
take their newspapers from the office
to which they are directed, they are held
responsible until they have settled the
bills aud ordered them discontinuued.
4. If subscribers remove to other
places without informing the publishers,
and the newspapers are sent to the
former direction, they are held responsi
ble.
5. The courts have decided that re
fusing to take newspapers fr.<m the
office, or removing and leaving them
uncalled for, is prima facie evidence of
intentional fraud.
6. The United States Courts have
also i repeatedly decided, that a postmas
ter who neglects to perforin his duty of
giving reasonable notice, as required
by the Post Office Department, of the
neglect of a person to take from the
ojpee newspapers addressed to him, ren
ders the Postmaster liable to the pub
lisher for the subscription price.
Liutljun l^atrfninn.
. QW»».
and thi coiwrrrOTios.
To Business Men—As some
men who are engaged in business, seem
to think that advertising does but little
good, we copy, for their especial benefit,
the following from the Toledo Blade.
‘•Some ten years since, when Detroit
was very little if any larger than Tolado.
two young men from the East, where
the true principle of advertising is better
understood than at the AVest, having
taken a store centrally situated: they
opened with the determination of ex
pending their entire profiits, except
rent nnd clerk hire: for the first year,
in advertising nnd printing.—They did
so, expending about §1,400. The next
year they set apart half their piofits
for .the same purpose, but long before
the year expired the senior partner
told the’ writer of this article that they
could not expend as much as they anti
cipated. for the oniy reason they could
find no place to put it.
Every paper in*the State almost
contained their business notice, while
their handbills, circulars, and cards
were scattered broadcast In this way
they have gone on, expending annually
about four'thousand dollars, until their
business has s-j increased that they
occupy ten Sale rooms, each 100 feet in
depth by 25 in wid h, and giving em
ployment to one hundred clerks. Qnc
°f*h? partners told usthat their business
the past year amounted to a trifle over
a million and a half of dollars, leaving
them a net profit over all expenses, of
over fifty thousand dollars.”
The following are some particulars
about the enormous iron steamship now
in’eourse of construction on the Thames.
Her whole length Is 684 feet; breadth
of beam 86 feet; diameter cf paddle
wheels 121 feet; depth of bold 70 feet;
depth ofpaiidle wheel 58 feet; diameter
of screw 41 feet. There will be, 5
funnels and 7 masts—two of .the latter
being square-rigged. The- nominal
horsepower will be 2.600, but it will
work up to from 6,000 to 10.000. Her
measurement will be 23,640 tons. It is
expected that her crew will number
from 650 to S00 men, including 12
officers. She will have accommoda
tions for 20,000 persons, including
4,000 first class passengers; or, if used
as transport, she can carry 15,000 troops
and 5,000 horses. She is expected to
run at the rate of 16 miles an hour.
NevT York, Jan. 24th.
Tlie Collins steamer Baltic has
arrived, with Liverpool dates to the 12ri»
inst., being three days later.
COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE.
•The week’s decline in the cotton
market is £ a |d. Sales of the week
(from the 5:h to the 12th) 44,000 bales,
of which exporters took 5,000. Brown
& Shipley’s circular gives the following
quotations:
Fair Orleans.
Middling,. ........ •• • .5 7-l6d.
Fair Uplands. 5£d-
Middling. ...5 5-l6d.
For Flour there was an improved de
mand, leading to an advance of Is.
Canal 42s, Ohio 44s.
Corn had improved.* At the'close of
the week, yellow was selling at 42s.
and white at 46s.
Beef and Pork were firm. Lard 68.
Consols 86£ a 86J
general intelligence.
The prospects of peace are unchang
ed.
Expectation is on tiptoe to learn the
issue oj* the'proposition sent to Russia.
The time in which she is to render her
decision has been extended from tbe
12ih to the 18th inst. Nevertheless
Vienna and Berlin letters state that
advices have already reached those
capitals to the effect that the Czar will
make no further concessions, On the
other hand, it i> certain that formal con
ferences are being held daily in St.
Petersburgh, at which the proposition
for peace is discussed. These confer
ences are attended by Nesselrode, Ester-
liazy, Leehack, and riotniner.
The Independence Beige newspaper
publishes the text of the allied proposals.
The general impression is, that Russia
will ueither,accept nor reject them, but
will send Count Stokeberg to Vienna
with counter.proposals.
The latest rumors are more favorable
to peace.
Denmark announces her neutrality,
and says she is. not implicated in the
Swedish alliance with the Western
Powers,
Nothing important has been received
front the Crimea.
Ontar Pasha was at Redoubt Kale,
shut up by the winter and the Russians.
Louis Napoleon again threatens to go
personally to the field, and to place
himself at the head of tie French le
gions.
Rich:rd Cubden has published ano
ther peace pamphlet in England.
FROM WASHINGTON.
WASHINGTON, Jan 25.
In the Senate, yesterday. Lord John
Russell’s letter of the 5th of January in
which he denied that Great Britain had
any intention of assuming sovereignty
over any |joriion of Central America,
was presented by Mr. Clayton. He
characterized tbe tortuous diplomatic
policy of the British Minister as mon
strous and disgraceful. Gen. Cass was
‘oo unwell to speak. Mr. Mason'said
England should be held to a strict per
formance of our treaty obligations. Mr.
Seward thought there should be no un-
neces ary delay in the settlement of the
controversy. The matter was then laid
over until Monday..
In t{ie House, to-d iy, Mr. Fuller with
drew his name and announced he was
no longer a candidate for Speaker. Mr.
Rust’s resolution, requesting all v the
candidate to resign, was tabled by one
majority. A vote was taken in which
Banks received 96—necessary to
choice 162.
ATHENS, GA.
THURSDAY MORNING, JAN. 31 1856
ATTENTION.
We expect to visit the Courts of this
circuit, and some of those of adjoining
circuits, at the spring riding—when we
hope that each and every one indebted
to us will square up, and that all our
friends will make an effort to extend the
circulation of our paper. We have
labored in the cause to the best of our
ability, aud shall continue to do so—•
feeling assured that an intelligent com?
munity will appreciate and properly re«
ward our labors.
TAKE PARTICULAR NOTICE.
Henceforth all obituary notices, mar
riage announcements, and every thing
else in which the public at large are not
interested, will be considered as adver-
tisements and charged accordingly.
In regard to marriage notices, we
would say to our young friends that so
far from intending to lay a tariff on the
“ institution” for the purpose of discour
aging it, as some may think we are at
tempting to do, wa have always been in
favor of domestic manufactures. But
we do think that any young man
who deserves a wife should be able
and willing to pay for tbe announce
ment of his happiness to his friends and
“ the rest of mankind,”
Our charge for marriage notices will
be one doVar ; for deaths the same, ex
cept where they exceed one square,when
one dollar per square will be charged.
-j#
MS#
;
A»'
(gffThe pastoraUettersoftHe Romish
bishops, the sermons of the Jesuits, and
the Papal journals.have proclaimed with
one voice that the taking of Sebastopol
by tlie allied armies is owing to tbe Vir
gin Mary. The Malakoff towef was
taken on the 8th of September—the day
consecrated lothe nativity of (he Virgin;
hence, says a bishop, “Mary remember
ed her people'on the 8th of September,
and exerted herself for us, as she has
always done."
The National Eta, tha Washjngtot
organ of the Abolitionists, speaking of
Mr. Fuller, the candidate of the Na
tional Americans for Speaker, says;
“Ho was formerly in Congress,” but
‘ if he had any anti-slavery seutiinenty
about; lym, we tftevef,,found it.unV’n >j
The question is, Shall the American
party triumph? It cannot triumph, as
a National - party and ought not totri
urnph. if it become either pro-slavery
or onri-slavery in its designs and objects.
It can triumph if it shall exclude from
its platform “all questions calculated
distract the harmony of (he party.”—
Washington Organ.
To this the Savannah Republican
vety pertinently replies:—The Organ
mistak-sjbc true proposition before tlie
country. The question is not. “ shall
the American party triumph?” but,
will it place itself In a position as a
national party in which it will deserve
to triumph? The former is but a ques
tion of spoils—of ends—and has no
referetice to the means by which it is to
be brought about. The Southern branch
of the party do not desire, as implied, to
make tlie American party a pro-slavery
party. They wish it to Sake high na
tional and constitutional grounds on
that subject, allowing the quest on of
slavery to. settle itself—a guaranty by
Congress of equal rights in all the States
to the common property of the Union—
the recognition of the right of eveqy
sovereignty to live under institutions of
its own choice and to reject such as are
not agreeable to its will—these ate the
demands of the Southern Americans—
demands that ate refused by their North
ern brethren of the same party. Very
likely the American party wottld tri
umph were the men who compose it
dastardly enough to compound a differ
ence upon questutns of vital moment,
nnd involving the honor and rights of
the Soutiern people, as the Organ
would wish them to do; but it would be
a triumph of error over truth, of treache
ry and dishonor over the rights of a free
people.
Let the miser have bht gold, and the
man of honor his e t bletns of renown,
but let my portion be the boon of friend
ship, Wured within some faithful heart,,
in which peace, contentment and every
virtue, reign perpetually supreme,
SNOW AND SLEET.
On Saturday last, we were visited by
another storm of snow and sleet At
the time we write, the whole face of the
earth is catered with snow, and the for
est-trees, <tec. encrusted with ice. We
see very little prospect of a thaw—in
deed, the signs look promising for more
r. There has been snow on the
ground here continuously for nearly
three weeks! Such a thing, so far as
we have been able to learn, has never
occurred before since tbe first settlement
of the country. 4 ,,
EPPS AGAIN AT LARGE!
John Epps, convicted at our August
Superior Court of the murder of his
father—and whose frequent escapades
from the jail of this county, we have
from time to time recorded—again made
his escape from Watkinsville on Friday
night last!
He was sentenced at the time of his
trial to be hung in October last. The
case was carried up to the Supreme
Court, which tribunal refused to grant
a new trial. The day set apart for his
execution having elapsed before the
hearing of the case in the Supreme Court,
it was necessary he should be re-sen-
ter.ced; and as this, as we are inform
ed, could not be done legally except in
“term time,’’ he was left in the county
jail for that purpose. Our Superior
Court will meet next Monday. We
are surprised that no reward has been
offered for his apprehension. Let the
public look oui for him—for, certainly
he is around,”
.Dean Swift said with much truth, it
is useless to attempt to reason a- man
out of a thing,he was never reasoned
into. The bertargupieat wijl be thrown
* away upon n fool. ' ..
WAR.
Intelligence from Washington indi
cates th t the relations between our Go
vernment and that of England are be
ginning to assume a threatening, if not
a warlike aspect. In the present un
organized condition of Congress, it is
difficult lo ascertain what is the real
state of the ease. It is confidently as
serted, however,by panics.who profess to
be well informed, that the hitherto friend
ly relations between the two countries
are daily becoming more and more criti
cal, and the probabilities of an open rup
ture constantly increasing.
We sincerely hope that the threaten
ed calamity may be averted—for it would
prove a great calamity to the civiliza
tion of the 19th century. No human
intellect can foresee at this time the evils
which such a struggle would entail upon
the people of boRi countries ami Ihe com
merce and civilization of tlie world in
general.
We feel a confidence that whatever
may be thj result,the “ powers that be” -
at Washington ate not disposed madly
and foolishly to precipitate the country
into the horrors of war needlessly ; nor
at the same lime d» we think they ure-
dtsposed to submit too long to British,
bullying. In other words, ne believe
the President and hfoCabinet want to.
do what is right in the premises. In.
this we mqy bemi taken, byt time tvllli
.toon show,.