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, n .IOHN H. CHRISTY.
DEVOTED TO NEWS, POLITICS, AGRICULTURE, EDUCATION AND GENERAL PROGRESS.
$3.00 pei* Annum, in advance.
VOLUME XXL
ATHENS, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY, FEB’Y 24, 1875.
NUMBER 46.
the SOUThERN WATCHMAN
IT IU.ISUKI* EVERY WEDNESDAY.
r. i
FALL ANDWINTER STOCK OF
Millinery
AND fancy goods
MRS. T. A. ADAMS
TERMS.
TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
I N VARIABLY IN ADVANCE.
advertising.
lirartiJomeuL' will bo inserted at ONE DOLLAR
pii i V CENTS por !*tiuare for the firstinaer-
i SEVENTY-FIVE CENTS per square for
1 * utiauanee, for Any time under one month. Pot
' rf | >r rtoilai. » iibcral deduction will bo made.
V \ liberal l« Inction >n yearly Advertisements.
LEGAL ADVERTISING .
s ilos per levy of 10 lines $500
S **.. :r» irtj*a^o sales, 00 days... 5.00
. i .« pi *vs, by Administrators, Executors, or
dairdisns 6.50
’ ition* ■: Vdmiuiftration or Guardianship 4.00
, ; . Debt.trs <*ud Creditors 5.00
« a j #> Vi.i. n«-r square, each insertion 1.50
l • sell Real Estate 4.00
(V,iti<»nf'*r iistniision of Administrator 5.00
• i •• Guardian 5.25
T > ascertain the uuinber of squares in an adrertise-
a .at if ilnti.iry. count the words—one hundred being
• laaltoten lines. Allfraetions are counted as full
yroftssioial anl ^Business CatK
0
■ UQ. | A. 8. F.RWIN. | IIOWBLL COBB,JR
imill, EltWIX & COBB,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW.
ATHENS, GEORGIA.
>«upree liilil4*i>g. I»ec21
\. EDGE,
IT, SHOE AND HARNESS MAKER,
Watkihsvii-lk, Ga.
A
B
WKKITTOY.—Samuel P. Thurmond,
Attorncy-at-Law. Athens, Ga.
•f .»» flrontl ntrtrt,over the etore of Barry A Son,
jjive special attention to canes in Rankruptcy. Al
iy the collectior »f all claims entrusted i-. bis care.
MliiKY ,Sl'EEB,
J LAWYER. ATHENS, GA.
. > ili it-ir General of We»t«<rn Circuit, will attend
I' ,ur:s <>f Clarke, Walton. Gwinnett, Hall, Banks,
v s• in. llah, : r?ham, Franklin., Rahun and White,
iivc attention to collecting and other claims in
e.-..unties. March 10, 1873.
MBYAItl) It. HARDEN,
j v l.,ic.lu Itfe II. S. Hour!., Nohraska and Utah,
and now .lu l K e nf lir.mki County Court)
Attorney at Ljiw,
i!;2:i lv Quitman, Rrook* County, Ga.
A NNOUNCES to the public that she ia now roceir-
"• l“I * larco and ritried atock of Lsdio.* Bonnot,.
Hnt, Lace,. Ribbon,, Trimming*, to., which ahe i»
offering at low prieo*. Call, examine and b«convinced.
N.xt door to Rank nf the Unircriity, Athini. ,tp30
E. A. WILLIAMSON,
Practical fatcUer ani Mr.
A T Dr. King’, Drug Store, Broad Street, will »xe-
CX ento all work sntrosted lo bin in tbo boat atjD
upd at reasonable prices.
T.rm. po.itircly CASH. f*b4
dr. whither:
Sa 617 St. Charles Street, St Louli, tie.,
5L T ‘l!T. > *l”‘ l .l‘ tXnnmt In U. IMHI111.
™; n ' noaded u>4 hu beet uiibiei^ u
”**-?*■?*&.. yjeMaMt rtUef. Bala* a graSaau *t
mwSnSSutS, 1 *«ai>w,M«M. XUpatlsmis
^TZZfSLr?. r. TStu, StS*
MARRIAGE GUIDE,
*-*£**&• a»nn Mir, or an
arn amro i. do wttkMrttT It MtluiLT^T.
‘iL* “•woISSiw STw.?
lpTKS ,t BELL, Attorneys at Law,
lj GAINESVILLE, GA.
L'OR »»J Sowing - Machine, ta “CLARK’S
A 0. N. T./* especially that made for and bearing
the name of the Singer Manufacturing Co. A word
to the wise should bo sufficient. XSflf* Price, 75c. pei
doaen Spool., at tbo office of tbo SINGER MAND
FACTURING CO. G. H. HOPE, Agent,
julyl—1 y Bishop’, Corner, AtLena, Ga.
''I.iiYD & SI I,MAX,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW.
oil I r.fii.e in tbo Counties of Wnllon and Jacket
iJ.n • 1 Y l>. J. U. BILK 4
effer
, Gn
J.
F. (FivELLEY’S
iiioroi
RAPII GALLERY,
rc. Broad, street, Athens,
*c)i3.
li ;Y
il. lit liltIXS,
i .Icsilo a id Retail Dealer in
)l»'. GKOCEitlES, HARDWARE, Ae.
Ilr«»ad Street. Athens, Ga.
JOHN II. CHRISTY,
U Plain and Fauey BOOK AND JOB PRINTER,
Rroad St., Athens, Ga.
Office corner Broad acd Wall streets, over the store
Junes D. Pittarii. tf
Wagon Yard in Athens.
T HE subseriberhas fitted up and opaned a safe, com
fortable and commodious Wagon Yard, op Rivet
street, in the neighborhood of the Upper Bridge, where
CORN. FODDBR, and all other neeessery supplies an
b«* purchased on reasonable terms. Charges moderate.
The highest market price paid for Country Produce,
an Rank hills r«e«ived in exebangefor Goods.
t* WTLRV P HOOP
THE8REAT REMEDY
for
Burns, Scalds, Cams, Poison Oat, Sits
of Insects aoJ Cutaneous Inflammations Cm rail;,
DISCOVERED BY URS. L. E. DISH,
JUG TAVERN, WALTON CO., GA.,
\\J AS eutered against the World, at the late State
’ » Fair at Macon, and isdaily effecting THE MOST
ONDEKFUL CURES, and has become an indis-
nsahle household necessity. No family should be
tbou: it!
If, after trial, a family is willing to live witbontthia
preparation for Ten Dollars, agents are authorised to
refund the money.
FOB SALE,
In Athens—At Dr Wm King's Drug Store and at
the Store of Judge J D Pittard.
In Watkinsville—At the Store of Booth A Durham.
In Monroe—At Dr Galloway's Drag Store.
At Princeton—By Mr Russell.
Address all orders to WJLEY H. BUSH,
novlD Jug Tavern, Walton co., Ga.
j
AMES
LYLE,
Attohxkv at Law,
WATKINSVILLE, GA.
JOHN M. MATTHEWS.
O Attorsey at Law,
Ranieluviilc, Ga.
Prompt mention will bo given to »ny business on-
•»>!ol lo his care. Marcb14.
JAMES L. LONG, M. D.
O SCKGEOX, ACCOUCHEUR A PHYSICIAN,
(Ojfice at Mr. Thomae Shente* Store,)
Goml Hope District, Walton county, Ga.
Offcr> hu professional services to the eitisens of the
lurrounding Ci»untry. sug27
Use the Great
i
For all Diaex.e, of the Bowel,, such a,
CHOLERA, DYSENTERY,
Diarrhoea, Colie,
FAINS IN BACK, SIDE & JOINTS,
Toothache and Neuralgia.
TV LI-1 AS, Attorney at Law,
J v. FRANKLIN. N. C.
Hrnctii'cs in all the Courts of Western North Caro
lina. and in the Federal Courts. Claims collected In
all part- of the State. aplfi—ly
f IVERY, Feel and Sale Stable,
AJ ATHENS, GA.
GASSX REAVES, HroprUtar*.
kt-'Viil be found at tbeir old stand, rear Frank-
uo Uon,e building, Tbotnoo street. Keep always
ea hand tjuod Turn-out, and careful drivers.
Mook well eared for when entrusted to our care.
»t6ck on hood for sale at all time,. d«c25—ti
Tbe
efore
ill enre ail tbe above diseases it il raeommendad to
ura. All we aak is a fair trial,
iftbi, MEDICINE doee not perform wbat waclaim
for it after a fair trial, according to tba directions
then
M
W.
RIDES,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
U. S. Claim Agent and Notary Public,
(Jainkhvili.k, Ga.
’4^ on WiUon street, below King A Bro’s.
«t*ru*r> 1 y, 1 s>73.
•PRrPLr
K. P. BO WELL.
Peeples & howell,
X ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
20 ami 22, Kimball House, Atlanta. Ga.
URACT1CE in the Staieaml Federal Courts, and
^ sitead regularly nil the Courts in Atlanta, includ
the Supreme Court of the State, and will argue
***** u P" n briefs for absent parties, on reasonable
Tbej also practice in the Courts of the counties con
juou* or ac<*ea«ible to Atlanta by Railroad, sepl 1
R IL
ADA IK, I). 1). S.
Gaixrsvillr, Ga.
ithcm
li
ADAMS, M. D„
^tkC.KON, ACCOUI HBPR AWn PhTSICIAW.
e •t refidence. Mountain District, Walton coun
8 T^i* offer# his protesaiooal services to t
*** tbe surrounding country aug2R—ly
ft C. DullliS,
Wholesale nat
t.id Retail Dealer in
at)<! Fancy DRY GOODS, GROCERIES. Ac
No. 12 Hroad Street, Athena, Ga
pl-AIN and Fancy Job Printing,
Southern Watchman Office.
^POOL. SILK!
(Jj I HE BEST U„d CHEAPEST! Gittbatmrn
‘O Mach
F r ,, 1#
**.'TFAC1
pe-ialiy adapted for use on all kinds of Sew
lvsale and retail, by the SINGER
Af'TURING COMPANY.
JU *y»—ly G. H. HOPE, Age<it, Athens, Ga
p - G. THOMPSON,
attorney at law,
Afftpw a THENS, a A.
U , lLho . ver Carry’s More. Spacitil attention given
Go, ij mn *> 1 >‘ , l practice. For reference, -;>ply to Ex-
«6iB.I? 0 ?, M ®’"^* U8 * n AHon. David Clopton, Mont
Alabama. fabS
CLOSE HOTEL,
AUGUSTA, CiA.
Corner of Broad and Jackson streets.
1 Hotel baa juat bean refnrniabad and r*.
Taoi«,. ’ W1,n *h» modern improvemantaandeon
'ogetber with the addition of a naw varan.
“ °M of tbe moat eomplate liotala In tba
lit ?.■" '• “»* ready for tba accommodation al
Cnpaid Taxes for 187"
Jjl ^by the 25th instent at furthest. I
4« |a * T * r *«sued executions—I do not Irish tu
Tax Colleetor.
SPEECH OF BON. H. P. BELL,
On the Louisiana Question, in the House of Re
presentatives, United States, Feb. \ lth, 1875.
Mr. Speaker : Tbe people of this coun
try were startled at the announcement of tbe
events that transpired on tbe 4tb day of Jan
uary, 1875, at tbe capital of tbe State of Louis
iana. On that day, at that place, in a time of
peace, tbe soldiers of tbe Uoited States Army,
with fixed bayonets, entered tbe sovereign
State of Louisiana and broke up and dispersed
by armed force the representative branch of
her General Assembly. This outrageous act
of tyranny and military despotism was com
mitted upon tbe order of tbe person who
claimed to be tbe governor of tbe State, and
was approved by tbe President of the United
States and bis Cabinet ministers.
Tbe soie pretext for this high handed usur
pation was that in-tho opinion of William Pitt
Kellogg ibe House of Representatives was an
illegal assembly. Tbe members were chosen
by tbe electors of Louisiana at tbe time and
place and in tbe manner prescribed by law
Tbe House of Representatives bad assembled
at tbe time and place fixed by law for tbe meet
ing of tbo Legislature under a written consti
tution, which provides, among other tbings,
that “ Each bouse of tbe General Assembly
shall judge of tbe qualification, election, and
return of its members.”
Tbe returning board failed to pass upon the
election of five persons claiming to bave been
chosen, and expressly referred tbe question of
their election to tbe House of Representatives.
Tbe House, in tbe exercise of a plain Consti
tutional right, adjudged that they were enti-
tied to seats, and adopted a resolution seating
them as members subject of course to any con-
lest tbat might be filed. And this is tbe ground
of alleged illegality upon which Kellogg based
his order or request to the military to disperse
tbe House. What law made Kellogg tbe judge
of the qualification, election, and return nf the
members of the House of Representatives f
Tbe Constitution of Louisiana made the House
itself the judge of that question; and the as
sumption on the part of Kellogg the question
of who were or who were not qualified, elected
and returned as members was a plain and
palpable violation of tbe constitution which
he had sworn to support. Claiming to bo the
chief magistrate of tbe great State, the guar
diaii of her rights and the defender of her
Constitution, he tramples that Constitntion
into the dust at the expense of bis official oath
and saciifices the rights and liberties of the
people to peisonal aggrandisement and party
supremacy, and thus embalms himseir in his
toric infamy as a usurper anti a tyrant. There
are not e so stupid as not to know that Kd
logg invoked the arm of military power to<ii«
perse the House of Representatives, not be
cause it was illegal, hot because the five mem
bets were improperly admitted, but because
that majority of the members were not in po
litical sympathy with him and the party with
which he is allied, and of which he is the fit
representative and exponent ia the South.
The incipient 3tep, therefore, in all this trouble
on the 4th of January was a usurpation. Thp
whole difficulty arose from the claim of that
burlesque upon the idea of a Governor to judge
of tbe qualification, election and return of tho
members of the House of Representatives, a
right which tbe Constitution secured to tho
House itself, and a right about which there
could not possibly be any doubt.
Tbo American people begin to understand
and history will faithfully record, the extent to
which tho irresponsible carpet bagger has ox
hausted Southern patience and fatigued South
ern indignation. And by whom was this
judgment of illegality pronounced 1 By a man
who held the office of Governor by virtue of
an order issued er parte at the dark hour of
midnight by a judge who resigned to avoid
impeachment by bis own party, for granting
that order, upon tbe ground that he had no
jurisdiction in the matter. If Durell had no
right to grant the order, for the want of juris-
diction, that practically kept Kellogg in office,
then tbe judgment was a nullity and Kellogg
took nothing by it. If Kellogg held tbe office
by virtue of a popular election, and in accor
dance with the popular will, why was it ne
cessary for a corrupt judge to draggle the ju
dicial erranie in the mire of party politics to
eustaiD him f
Tbe d6x^ step in this drama of usurpation
and outrage waa tbe invasion and dispersion
of tbe House of Representatives by armed
Beta it aid pt lour Money.
Prepared and put up by J. E. ROSS,
At DR. W. R. D. THOMPSON’S,
2S5 East Fair street, ATLANTA, GA.
9-AND FOR SALE BY ALL DRUGGIST8.-^
PRICE, 50 CENTS.
July 8th, 1874. ?i-.J
ATHENS
MARBLE ANDGRAHiTE YARD.
A. R. Robertson
D EALERio Monument,,HeeiiStonea.CradleTomba,
Marbleand Granite Box Tombs. Alao, Vaaeaand
Marble Tops for Furniture. Persona deairing work of
tbia kind will do well to examine my design, before
purchasing elsewhere. Prieea modera'e.
Work shop adjoining old cemetery. jnly22—ly
HORSES & MULES.
r UE undesigned have established,' in addition to
their Livery, n regular
SALE STABLE,
An«l will, from thin date, keep •* hand, at all time*,
fall suw'lv of
HORSES & MULES.
Those in want 'e 8t«ek can be supplied at
Reasonable Figures.
GANN * REAVES.
Proprietors, in putting this GREAT REMEDY u * »epre«cuu»ivee uy arm™
tbe public, do an wilh the ffrnrhelief that it Federal soldiers, supplied by the Federal Go
• vernment upon the application of Kellogg.
Tho ground upon which this interference is
based is not that there was an invasion of
Louisiana, not that.Democratic violence exist
ed, but.tbat in hi* opinion the House of Re
preseatatives was an illegal assembly. And
the Federal authorities coincided in judgment
with Kellogg.and granted his request, dispers
ed tbe Representatives chosen by tbe people-
according to tbe Constitution and laws of
Loaisiana. and mstalled in power those whom-
the* people bad rejected but whom the return-
ing board, by the most stupendous fraud de
clared to have been elected. But concede tbat
it was an illegal assembly; concede tbat the
five men sworn in as members under the reso
lution of the House were improperly, were il
legally admitted; what law constituted either
Kellogg or the armed military the judge of the
qualification, election, and return of these
members t Wbat Constitution authorized them
or what law. State or Federal, authorized them
to break up and destroy one branch of the
General Assembly or a State of tho American
Union t Whether tbe House of Representa
tives waa an illegal assembly or not ia not the
question. But the question is, by virtue of
wbat authority tbe Federal Government took
it upon itself to judge of tbe legality of tbe
Assembly, and by virtue of what authority of
law tbe Federal Government enforced with
the relentless arm of military power tbe judg
ment which it,pronounced adverse to its le
itality. These are the questions which the
law abiding and liberty-loving people nf tbe
United States, in a thousand tor ms ami through
a thousand instrumentalities, are pressing with
Give us a call.
Athens, Nov. 4—tf
Brackets! Brackets!
B RACKETS. Wall Pockata, Book-Shalvea, Clock-
Sli6lve*,TnHst-Ca*a*. Mateh-Safes. Hanging Bas
kets, lo—the largest anti hxndaomeat assort want ever
brought to Athena. For ante »t ____
n nv25 BURKE’S BOOK STORE.
Notice in Bankruptcy.
I N theDlatriet Conn of tb. Dnlte-l States. Northern
District of Georgia, in the •»M«WD|44 A.Grif-
felh, in.bankruptey. J • .. —
Thi* iato give nolle., one. > w««k for three weeks,
that I bar. been appointed Assign** of the estate of
David A Griffeth, of Clark, county, who has boon ad
judged a bankrupt upon his own petition by tho Dio.
trict Court of said District.
fabS H. N. HARRIS, Assignee.
the earnestness of alarm upon the Chief Mag
istrate and his Constitutional advisers. Fait
iug to show tbo authority demanded, the act
stands a naked usurpation
Is there no cause for alarm when the Chief
Magistrate of the Republic, clothed by law
with vast power and patronage, the chief of
.powerful party distinguished for military pro*
ess anti achievements, destroys by tbe fiat of
power tbe Legislature of a State and strikes
down at one blow tbe Constitutional liberty of
tbe people t
Tbe question still recurs, by what aulhori
ty of law can this interference be justified
Section 4 of article 4 of tbe Constitution is in
vqked
That
Save Your Money!
I HAVE this dny waived • fall stock of .vary kind
of materfe], lo insure » superb Boot or Sboe A11
cdABSE BOOTSW
SHOES, sewed or pegged, mxde or r^nired.^
J»nl7—Jm No. 9 Broad street, Ar
MARTIN INSTITUTE.
Jefferson, Ga.,
T HE Spring Term of thi. institution will open
Monday, Jxo. 25th, 1375, with a f 0 R c °fP\ of
teachers. dee23 J.W. GLENN, Principal,
'U ** oi 4SIHVU- •* V»l lUU VUllflllUUtMl 13 Hi
. in vain for this purposo. It provides
H . ,.„t the United States shall guarantee to
lWO i (every State in this Union a Republican form
Hof Government, and shall protect each of them
against, invasion, aud on application of the
Legislature, or of tho Executive, (when the
Legislature cannot ho convened,) against do
mestic* violence.”
This section neither binds nor authorizes
tho President of tho United States to guaran
tee to each State a Republican form of Gov
eminent. Tbe usurpation of this power by i
Republican President was one of the grounds
of impeachmeut alleged against him by a Re
publican House of Representatives. • fl
Id the case of Luther or. Bonlen Chief Jus
tice Taucy said r’
Mrestij with Congress to decide what gov]
republican form of government. Congress
must necessarily decide wbat government is
established in tbe State before it can deter-
mice whether it is republican or not; and
when tbo Senators aud represeutatives are ad
mitted iDto the councils of the Union, the au
thority of the government under which they
are appointed, as well as its republican char
acter, is recognized t>y tbe proper constitu
tional authority, and its decision is binding on
every other department of tho Government,
and could not be questioned ia a judicial tri
bunal.
But no question is made upon the form of
the government of Louisiana. All concede
tbat her government was republican in form.
If tbe question were involved. Congress aud
not tbe President would be the judge. Does
the provision of the section under considera
tion, which guarantees to each State protec
tion against invasion and domestic violence,
justify tbe dispersion of the House of Represen
tatives by tbe armed military t Unquestion
ably not, because there was no invasion
and no domestio violence, and for the addi
tional reason tbat tbe Lewelatare must make
the call, if it can be convened. The Legisla
ture was convened, and did not make the ap
plication for the interposition of tbe militai?.
The state of facts upon which alone tbe .Gov
ernor was autnorized to call for Federal as
sistance did not exist. This call for Federal
troops was made by Kellogg when the Legis
lature could bave been convened, when it was
actually convened, and for that reason Kel
logg bad do constitutional right to make it,
nor any other power except the Legislature.
Tbe application of Kellogg was itself a viola
tion of tbo Constitution. It was tbe exercise
of power which depended upon the happen-
ing of a contingency, when the contingency
upon which the right attached bad not hap
pened.
Again, domestic violence did not exist in
Now Orleans at tbe time. If it is said that
white men were armed, or that white-leaguers
were armed, tbe reply is tbat tbe Constitu
tion protects white men and white-leaguers
in tbe right to keep and bear arms. And tbe
truth is that they were compelled to bear
them iu New Orleans to prevent tbe armed
police from stealing them.
Tbe exercise of a constitutional right by
the people of Louisiana, or any other State,
cannot justify the dispersion- and destruction
of tbe House of Representatives by armed
power
The American people thoroughly understand
the reason why Kellogg appealed to force, and
the alacrity with which tbo force was supplied,
and the vigor and promptness with which it
was used. It was not to protect tbe State
against domestic violence, because domestic
violence did not exist, in the sense in which
that term is used in tbe Constitution. Tbe
expulsion nf a legal, and the induction of a
fraudulent House of Representatives was not
protection against domestio violence. The
plea of domestic violence is a pretext, a sham.
The aim nf the Federal arm was invoked to
dissolve the House of Representatives because
that House was adverse to Kellogg in politcal
sentiments and party affiliation. It was in-
voketl to maintain a usurpation, in defiance of
the popular will, originating in fraud and up
held by the midnight order in chancery nf a
judge driven to resign by an impending im
peachment, aud a government that is still
maintained by the unconstitutional interfer
ence of armed Federal power.
I have characterized Kellogg as a pretend
ed Governor, and I have tbe very highest of
ficial authority for insisting tbat he is not and
never was the rightful Governor of Louisiana.
The President of tbe United States, in his
special mossago to the Senate upon tbe ques
tion of Kellogg's election, says :
“ It has been bitterly and persistently al
leged that Kellogg was not elected. Wheth
er be was or not is not altogether certain, nor
is it any more certain tbat his competitor. Me-
Eoery, was chosen. Tbe election was a gi
gantic fraud, and there are no reliable returns
of the result.”
Tbe President’s recognition of Kellogg as
tbe Governor is not based upon the fact of bis
election, for the election under which he
claims to have been chosen ia pronounced to
be a gigantic fraud. And it is expressly de
dared tbat there are co reliable returns of
the result of that election.
From these two facts it would seem to be
impossible tbat Kellogg should be the Gorer
nor. If the election was a gigantic fraud.
theD, nobody was elected. Fraud vitiates
elections as well as contracts. No person ev
er did or ever can rightfully exercise tbofunc
lions of an elective office when the election it
self is a gigantic fraud. The President says
bat ” there were no reliable returns of the
result.” Then there is no evidence of bis
election; because tbe only legal evidence of
his election is reliable returns of tbe result,
and tbat evidence the President declares does
not exist. Tbe Presidential recognition is
based upon tbe ground tbat ” Kellogg obtains
possession of tbo office and in bis opinion bad
more right to ittbau McEnery." But hew did
Kellogg obtain possession of tbe office f By
reliable returns of the result of the election,
tbe only way in which he could rightfully ob
tain it f Not at all; but virtually aud prac
tically by tbe midnight ex park order of a Fed
oral Judge, who was compelled to resign to
avoid impeachment by a Republican House
because be granted tbat illegal erder in the
exercise of a usurped jurisdiction. And this
is tbe Governor who appealed to bayoDets to
determine a question tbat tbe Constitution of
Louisiana declares the House of Representa
tives shall decide!
Tbe Constitution of a sovereign State of this
Union has been trampled into tbe dust in tbe
capital of tbat State beneath tbe ruthless
tread of aD armed soldiery, and tbe patriotic
citizens of the Republic, East, West, North
aud South, in alarm demand to know by wbat
authority of law the deed was done, and with
united voice and earnest hearts they press
the question. The leaders of tbe Republican
party bave shrewdly attempted to divert the
public attention from this thrilling inquiry by
tbe oft-repeated and threadbare cry of outrag
es, proscription, murder and insecurity of life
and property iu tbe South. Is this a manly
meeting of the issue t Do they suppose tbat
the American people will accept this old story,
repeated a thousand times and as often rofut
fd. as a justification of this wrens’ done to
Louisiana T Crimes always have been and
always will be perpetrated by all classes in
every form of government and iu every tpye
of civilization. Lawlessness, crime eud blood
*bed exist to a greater or less extent in every
State in the Union. This is to be deplored,
it canuot be prevented; it can only be pun
ished. If crimes are not punished io tbe
States of Louisiana and Mississippi, who are
to blame for it f The Republican party , has
had control of these State governments in all
their departments, Executive, Legislative and
Judicial, ever since they were reconstructed
whether rightfully or by usurpation, they
have had control. Why has orime not been
punished f ..Where is tbe judicial arm of those
States under tbe denomination of tbe colored
Republican officials t ' Why does it not afford
protection t Tbe admission that crime can
not be punished is a confession that tbe Re
publican party is incapable of governing in
those States at least. In every State under
Democratic role and government in the Sonth
crime is punished, rights are 1 protected, law
enforced, and poaoe and order assured. This
difference does not arise, from a difference in
tbp people to be governed, but from the differ
ence in the capabilities and methods of tboso
who govern. , ; u .
Everybody-knows that the lamentable state
of affaire in Loaisiana has resulted from the ef
forts mado to secure power and plunder by
tbe miserable rival factious of tho Republican
party Beaded respectively by Warmouth and
Kellogg. Yet this wretched abortion of a
State Government, brought into being at the
dark hour of midnight by the order in chan-
cerv of a Judge then drunk aud since abhorred,
confessedly unable to protect life or puuiah
■--Ci leWB;:;Z-jL .:■&?/ JiCClit
crime, is the Government which Federal sol
diers overthrew the Constitution of Louisiana
to perpetuate over a people that have the right
to be free. Wbat ageDcy Gen. Sheridan bad
in this affair does not appear. The President
informs ns tbat he ” Requested him to ge to
Louisiana to observe and report the situation
there, and, if in bis opinion necessary, to as
sume tbe command; which be did on the 4th
instant, after tbe legislative disturbance had
occurred, at 9 o'clock, p. m„ a number of
hours after the disturbance.”
Whether he was sent down with the view of
hurting somebody we are left to conjecture.
It is clear be was on tbe ground at the time,
and deemed it necessary to assume command
and “ report.” He reports as follows :
W. W. Belknap, Secretary of War, Washing
ton. D. C.
I think tbat the terrorism now existing in
Loaisiana. Mississippi and Arkansas could be
entirely removed and confidence and fair deal
ing established by the arrest and trial of tbe
ringleaders of the armed White League. If
Congress would pass a bill declaring them
banditti, they could be tried by military com
mission. Tbe ringleaders of this banditti,
who murdered men here on the 14tb of last
September, and also more recently at Vicks-
burg. Miss., should, in justice to law and order
and the peace and prosperity of this Southern
tart of the country, be punished. It is possi
lie that if the President would issue a procla
mation declaring them banditti no further ac
tiou need be taken except tbat which would
devolve upon me. P. H. Sheridan,
Lieutenant-General U. S. Army.
To which report the Secretary of War re-
tlied : “ Your telegrams all received. Tbe
President and all of us hare full confidence
and thoroughly approve your course.”
The simple proposition in this suggestion is
tbat Congress suspend the writ of habeas cor
pus in Louisiana, Mississippi and Arkansas,
and turn tbe destinies, rights, liberties and
life of the citizens of these States, in a time of
peace, over to tbe tender mercies of a military
commission appointed by General Sheridan
But reflecting tbat Congress might not see it
in that light, and might still bave some little
regard for the Constitution and the liberties
of the people, he recommends a shorter and
more summary method of disposing of tbe
white citizens of three States : “ Let tbe
President issue a proclamation declaring them
banditti, and no farther action need be taken
except that which would devolve upon me.”
That would settle the question truly. Tbat
would put a quietus to strife ; that would
protect law and suppress terrorism; that
would give peace to these States ; the peace
that Hastings gave to Hiodostan ; tbe peace
tbat Austria gave to Hungary ; tho peace
that Russia gave Poland—the peace of death.
Yet this advice'is given by tbe second officer
in rank in the United States Army, coolly,
deliberately, in a time of peace, to tbo Repub.
lican President of the United States, and tbe
lightning flashes back the Presidential expres
sion of confidence and approval. And all
this under a Government whose written Con
stitution declares that the privilege of the
writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended
unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion
tbe public safety may require.
Mr. Speaker, it is singular that so much
horror is manifested at tbe White Leagues of
tbe South and none against the black leagues
It is notorious that almost the entire body of
colored voters in tbe South are members of
oath bound leagues, meeting in darkness, and
many of them armed and incited to the most
deadly hostility to white men by bad men of
the republican party for selfish partisan ends.
But no word of complaint or rebuke escapes
Republican lips, no Republican press teems
with denunciations of them, and no arm of
Federal power is bared for their suppression.
Tbe midnight heavens blush in redness
with the flames nf burning dwellings and gin-
houses in South Carolina, and tbe Lieutenant
General of tbe Army advises no suspension of
habeas corpus that he may snmmarily try the
incendiary and punish the arson. Why is
thist Is it because tbe turpitude of crime
consists iu the color of the perpetrator; or is
it because it is done by those who maintain a
negro despotism over the people of that suf
fering State 1 Why is there no condemnation
of tbe black leaguers in the South f Is it be
cause they were organized by adventurers in
the iaterest of the Republican party that they
are not condemned t
Why are not the armed organizations and
hostile demonstrations ef the negroes in the
South denounced f It was this state of affairs
that created the necessity for White League
organizations. It is because the negroes bave
been armed and incited to hostility to the
whites by Republicans to secure power and
plunder iu defiance of tbe popular will. This
denunciation of tbe White Leagues, this cry of
lawlessness and insecurity of life aud property
is raised to evade tbe issue and divert the pub
lic attention from the true, the vital question
involved. That question is by virtue of what
authority of law the armed soldiers of the Uni
ted States dispersed the House of Representa
tives of tbe State of Louisiana. It is no an
swer to this question to say tbat lawlessness,
violence, aod intimidation exist in Loaisiana.
This is the answer of the Lieutenant-General
of tbe Army. Three bishops of different
branches of tbe Christian church, and the
pastor of the synagogue caveat the truth of
tbe allegation in these words:
We, the undersigned, believe it oar duty to
proclaim to the whole American people tbat
these charges are unmerited, unfounded, and
erroneous, and can have no other effect than
that of serving the interest of corrupt politi
clans who are at this moment using the most
extreme efforts to perpetuate their power o^er
the State of Louisiana.
I do not care to discuss the issue of fact
thus joined But I will bo allowed to state
tbat the very able report of the committee of
this House, a majority of wbom are distiu
guisbed republicans, explicitly and unequiv
ncally sustains the bishops and contradicts tbe
general. But admit tbat disorders exist io
Loaisiana; who is responsible for them f If
crime is unpunished ; it life and property are
insecure; if business is deranged and tuined
if property is depreciated in value; if taxation
amounts to confiscation, in tbe language of
your ooromittee, and if the people are disenn
tented, who is responsible for it all f This
deplorable state of affairs is tbe legitimate
result of tbe misrule of rival republican fac
tions utterly unworthy of public csnfideuce
and wholly incapable of securing tbe objects
for which government was instituted. And
it was to sustain those in power, thus unwor
thy, thus incapable, and of whose election
there were no reliable returns, tbat the Fed
erat soldiers broke up the house of represen
tntires.
It is tbe duty of tbe State governments to
pnhish orime, to enforce law, and to protect
right. And that government tbat fails in
these objects, fails to execute the high trusts
with which government Is invested for the
pgblio good* Id the State of Georgia, nndeir
republican rule, crime was not punished; but
it is due to the courts of that State to say that
it was no fault of theirs. A. republican gov
ernor, himself '.a fugitive from justice, par-
doned the most outrageous teases of murder,
both before and after conviction, and in many
cases after convictions bad been affirmed by
the supreme court. The corruption of tbe exec
utive palsied the arm of the judiciary, and the
criminal went free.
It is true, and the peteple of this country
know that it is true, tbat crime is punished,
right protei ted, and order maintained in every
southern State iu which tho democracy are in
authority. Why I Because democrats have
been placed in power by the popular will
The people govern themselves. If disorders
exist in Louisiana, Mississippi, and Arkansas,
fllMH logniMMUNi
they were produced by the struggle for power
by rival republicau factious in Louisiana and
Arkausas, and by a carpet-bag, negro govern
ment in Mississippi tbat was incapable of dis
charging the functions of government.
I cauuot relieve my mind from the convic
tion tbat there is method in all this madness.
think that Kellogg discloses the secret when
in his communication to tbe President at Long
Branch of August the 19th he despondingly-
says tbat Louisiana is now the last State in
the Southwest, except Mississippi, that re
mains true to the republican party. It would
seem, then, that the supremacy of the repot*,
lican party after ail was the great question.
If Loaisiana remains true to tbe republican
party, why is not tbe republican party able
to govern Louisiana 1
A distinguished I eader of that party in
high official position says, speaking of the
southern people:
What they want is to be let alone, and then
they will take possession of Louisiana, and
they will take possession of Mississippi, in the
same way, and they will take possession of
Florida in tbe same way, and they will take
possession of South Carolina in the same way
aod thus tboy intend to secure a solid demo
cratic South.
Can it be possible! Is it credihje tbat
peace, quiet, law, and order in these States
are to be sacrificed to party supremacy; and
still who doubts itf
It is boldly proclaimed by one of tbe first
men iu ability and position iu the republican
party tbat if the white people of tbe South,
are let alone it will secure a solid democratic
South. And tbat is literally true. If let
alone by tbe Federal Government, if left to
exercise the constitutional Tight of local self-
government, there would soon be a solid dem
ocratic South. This is tbe reason why the
Federal soldiers did not let Louisiana alone.
When let alone, tbe people are opposed to
usurpation ; when let alone, they are iu favor
of tbe subordination of the military to the
civil authority; when let alone, they are ca
pable of puDisbing crime, or preserving peace,
and of enforcing law.
Tbe trouble with Louisiana has been that
she was not let alone.
Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania,
Ohio, Indiana, and other States were let alone,
Aud they recently went solidly democratic,
and leave the South alone, and every State
willsoon be solidly democratic. And this is the
reason why the armed soldiery of the United
States did not let tbo house of represeutatives
of Louisana alone. It was if let alone de mo-
cratic. It may soon become necessary to ap
ply the method adopted in Louisiana to Mas
sachusetts and New York. It is a very effec
tive way to convert democratic States ioto
military despotisms. But just now a un iversal
demand comes up from the people to be let
alone. They are honest, they are capable,
they are patriotic, and when let alone they will
maintain public liberty, they will preserve free
institutions, aud transmit unimpaired to pos
terity tbe blood bought heritage ofcostitution-
al government. The complaint they make
is that they are not let alone ; that the armed
soldiers of the United States determined
question by forco which under the constitution
tbe house of representatives alone had the
right to determino. Our fathers intended that
they should be let alone iu tbe Federal Govern
ment ; hence they said in article 9 of amend
ments to tbe Constitution that “ The enumera
tiou in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall
not be construed to deny or disparage others
retained by the people.”
And in article 10 of amendment tbat ” The
powers not delegated to the United States by
tbe Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the
States, are reservod to the States respectively,
or to the people.”
The people of this country have the right to
be let alone in the exercise of all tbe rights and
powers which wore not surrendered by them iu
the Constitution to the Federal Government,
and this is the difference between the creeds
of the democratic and republican parties.
Tbe democratic doctrine is tbe freedom of tbo
people to exercise those rights of local self-
government not surrendered in the Constitu
tion to tbe Federal Government'; while tbe
republican party maintains tbe supremacy ot
the Federal autbority.over tbe local affairs of
the States, even to the installation aud main
tenance in power of a governor never elected
and the dispersion nf a house of represeutatives
duly elected, and tbat this power may be right
fully exercised by tbe executive through tbe
arm of the military. This issue is fairly aud
squarely made. Louisiana is tbe illustration.
It cannot be evaded Tuis usurpation must
be sustained orrepudiated. If sustained, con
stitutioBal liberty in this country is dead; if
repudiated, tbe supremacy of tbe republican
party is ended. It remains for tbe American
people to decide it. No graver question ever
engaged tbe attention of any people or tbe
deliberations of any assembly. The number
of public meetings throughout tbe country
shows with wbat intense anxiety the great
heart of tbe American people throbs at its con
templation.
Tbls question of usurpation cannot be an
ewersd by charges of treason and rebellion in
tbe late deplorable war. Tbat national ca
lamity is past. The issue it involved was sub-
milled to tbe arbitrament of tbe sword, aud
the apard against tbe South. The people of
that section accept tbe situation and abide the
resalt. They pressed their bleeding lips to
tbe oath of allegiance which you preaentod,
and repledged their fidelity to the Constitution
and tjte Union. By that pledge they stand,
aud ia its maintenance they would perish
1 he brave men of tbe South will defend tbe
dag of the Union with tbe same heroism that
bore it on the bloody bill sides of Buena Vista
aud Cerro Gordo. But they want liberty with
the Union. They re-echo the immortal senti
ment of New Eogland's greatest statesman
“ Liberty and Uuion, now and forever, one and
inseparable."
When tbe people of this great Republican
meet at the approaching centennial, they want
no State crushed beneath the iron heel of mili
tary despotism, bound by the cruol chains of
slavery, bleeding in the dust from wounds in
flicted by Federal bayonets. They wish to
meet the people of this country on that occa
sion from tbe East, North, aud West as broth
ren, indentified in interest, sharing tbe same
hopes, animated by the same patriotism, aud
involved in acommon destiny, and in the spirit
of magnanimity and fraternity forget and for
give tbe bitter and uufortunate past; and draw
ing inspiration from the spirit of our fathers,
on that hallowed ground, rekindle on the altar
of a common country the flame of freedom.
The institutions of this country cannot be per
petuated by force. They rest for support
upon the hearts and affections of the American
peoplq. Then let justice be done to safferiug,
down-trodden Louisiana. Let the Federal
soldiers be withdrawn from her soil; leave her
ruined yet patient people ufgovern themselves.
And let os inaugurate an era of equality among
tb»8tatesandofdevotiontothe Constitntion;
an erajof peace, of justice, of friendship. And
let us maintain aud trausmit to posterity unim
paired! the aaored; trust of free hutitutioDS and
constitutional liberty secured to us by the bero
ism and blood of our fathers.
. ES^tbe election^ tbs‘Hob. ! A. S. Paddock
as Uoiteil States senator in Nebraska, is re
garded there as a serious blow ‘to Grantism.
was accomplished by democratic votes, and
affords great satisfaction to the democrats
as well as to moderate republicans, who ar*
disgusted with the corruption and usurpation
of the administration. The new senator !•
represented as an able man, who possesses in
an unusual degree tbe confidence of his con*
stituentsof all shades of political opinion.
The Bate of Intereet**A Word of Financial
Philosophy for Money Lenders.
The usual rate of interest in the west is tea
>er cent., aod it is generally believed tbat this
* tbe correct taeaeure nf the value of money.
If tbe measure of tbe value of a commodity ia
what it will bring, this is true; but if tbe trae
measure of value is what tbe article can be
made to yield, it ie not truo. Experienced
capitalists and business men give it as their
mature opinion that there is on kind of proper
ty as profitable as money loaned at ten per
cent.—which is tantamount to saying tbat tba
average yield of industries, enterprises and
speculations is less than ten per cent, on tho
amount invested, or in other words, tbat money
is not really worth ten per cent There are
several considerations that strengthen this eon
elusion. Money loaned at ten per ceht. will
double itself iu seven and a half years; ten
thousand dollars will grow into twenty thou
sand in tbat time, and twenty thousand will
into forty thousand. Tbat tbe average invest -
ments in bnsiness ventures and industries will
not do this is too well known to need a demon
stration. While a hundred men who loan
money at ten per cent, compounded, will,
with prudent management, double their for
tunes io seven aud a half years, one hundred
men who borrow money at that rate will fail,
in spite of all tbe prudeuoe and foresight they
may exercise, todouble theirs. So far from it,
fifty of them, if not more, will break. There
is nothing more clearly established by tb*
experience of business than the fact that a
man who conducts his enterprises on borrowed
capital—whose only resources, orohief resour
ces, are the products of hills drawn on bis ship
ments will, in four cases out of five, oome to
bankrupey, and a farmer who mortgages bis
farm for half its value to secure money at ten
per cent, in hope that its net yield will pay the
interest and principal, will, in four cases out
of five, be sold oat. These plain and well
known facts appear to prove that the average
annual product of money invested in com
merce, speculative industry and agrioaltnre is
not ten psr cent., and that, while it may bring
that price, it ie really not worth it If all
classes of borrowers in the west oonld be
brought to appreciate this important fact, it
would be worth millions te this region. There
is a world of financial philosophy in it. Noth
ing is more absnrd, and, in tbe long run, mere
disastrous than the delusion that a man caa
get rich by borrowing money to speculate ou;
it is the secret of four-fifths of the cases of bank
ruptcy that occur in busiuess and of the
Sheriffs sales that take place in the country.
—St. Louis Republican.
garded there as a serious blow to Gran
Mr Pailtiock ts a republican of liberal
olivities; indeed, bis independence of parti
san influences wm bS^ well known that the
Grantites distrusted, and refused to support
him. The‘Linteoiu : 8py says that the only
time ho over ran for office before the people,
heran'ou the democratic ticket Air Congress .
aiud was defeated. His eleoticu as senator i kisses among your other lady frreuil*,”
deleft Ipstrllirog.
General James Longstreet.
It is not generally known that this distin
guished officer—distinguished both favorably
and unfavorably—has abandoned the scene of
bis troubles in Louisiana, and become a citi
zen of Georgia. He has recently purchased *
desirable farm in White county, and proposes
to engage largely in ths rearing of sheep, a
bnsiness for which that section of tho State is
admirably adapted. General Longstreet’s res
idence will be in Gainesville. Notwithstand
ing General Longstreet’s sins against the
South are most grievous and never to be for
gotten, we must nsf forget that there is a large
credit side to the account. No man served
tbe South more brilliantly aod wi'th more self-
sacrifice during her strangle for independence
and despite bis blunders—call them sins if
you will—the people of the South can never
wholly forget or cease to respect one who
baa led her armies to glory on many a bloody
field, and willingly offered bis own life in the
purchase of their liberties. We have never
been able to convince ourselves that Long-
street was a bad man, or a traitor at heart to
his people. He made a terrible mistake in his
ignoranoe of politics and aodue appreciation
of Radical power, but one from which some
equally distinguished aud still high in tbe
public esteem, bave been rescued only by the
persistent intervention of frient^ If he has
transgressed, he has deeply suffered for the
fault, and now that he has retired from the
strife of war, and, to him, tho most serious
strife of pnbiio civil life, it wonid be magnani
mous for the entire South, and particularly of
the members—both officers and privates—of
his old army corps to draw the mantle of char
ity over his eareer in Louisiana, which has
cast so mach shame on him; and deal kindly
towards the prodigal who has returned to tbe
home of his father. If we oanuot fall on his
neck and kill the fatted calf to weloome his
return, we can at least bnry in oblivion tbe
past few years of his career, and believe It
was an error of his head aod not of his heart,
of which he is now repentant.—Sac, Adoer.
C?A Washington correspondent of the Au
gusta Constitutionalist reports the following
as the reply of Mr. Stephens to a citizen of
Georgia, who called on him, and in tbe coarse
of conversation remarked:
Mr. Stephens, some of our Georgia people
want to know why yon don't speak on the
Loaisiana question; and whether yon are
going to speak on it f” Said Mr. Stephens:
” Say to them I never attempt to cross a river
nntil 1 come to it. The Loaisiana question
hasn’t reached tho House yet; and when it
does, it will be time enough to speak upon it.
And even then I shall not speak upon it unles*
in my judgment I can see some good to be ac
complished by so doing. If I don’t know
when to speak and what to say for tbo welfar*
of our people, better than they far away flram
the scene of action possibly can. I’ve no busi
ness here. And if my past record and life d*
not give assurance of my integrity as well as
judgment in snob matters, I havo no bnsiness
here." He went on to Say in conversation, in
substance, that he was deeply anxious for the
condition of the country; tbat be regarded
tbe re-election of Graot by the Radioal party
to the Presidency as the greatest possible ca
lamity which could befall tho country; and
that it would be his utmost endeavor now, a*
It had been for two years past, to prevent
that state of things which would bring it
about. Imprudent‘speaking did much mis
chief sometimes. Tboro are occasions in the
life of a great party When silence and master
ly inactivity are its highest policy, because
then the opposition is allowed to develop its
pernicious'schemes and show its hand fully,
and then can find no shelter from the storm
of popular indiguatiou certain to come upon
Uv; : —
..A suspicious Fort Wayne giri *nid to h«r
lov r: " l liavi" no il- ni>> >*>u jpfl-'i • cut my