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SOUTHERN EDERACY. fouthmi ®0n(e4e«atg Nearly all our arallable apace la occupied to-day with Mr. Hlll’a apeech, whleh aaaWea our uauai variety. Thla however, our reader* will not regret. All who did not have the pleasure of lirtleeipg to tin* great ipeech, will be Inter- sjSitxaitaitti here of all parties, to correct oar report 6f rai -l+mtk, fox LUe .purpose M pui>U»bU»X it )b * ^SMSSAmOi agreed 110 Map. H. H. Last uight, at au aariy hour, the A*besc*uin wii esowffed to il* utmost capaeityv-oo^with- "landtag the eeld*. wfctah rendered the hell ▼ary uncomfiwtable. A eery large number of Udies Were oat .tkdtV mere to enjoy the pleasure of listening to the tdgie end eloquence of this public favorite, who. has s mighty hoft of personal friends here, and who h*s the regards of ell persons in our vicinity—1 o matter what party they may heretofore have beloi to. Hts entrance Into the hell Wes greeted with applause. He was accompanied on the plat form by Cols. J. M. f'alhoup, W. W. Clark and Geo. W. Adair. When quiet was restored, Gol Calhoun introduced Mr. Hill to tbe audience, who delivered e speech of over two hours in length, which was well received by the veal audience, and frequently was rapturously ap plauded. His speeoh was substantially as fol lows—though we are coQScioos of the feet that no report of the speeoh can do Mr- Hill justioe, and therefore, that oure falls short; but tbe leading features of his great speech will be comprehended by our readers from whst fol lows: Ladikh abu Fellow Citizbhs : It is proper that you should understand that 1 appear be fore you under great disadvantage. For three days, I have been engaged in an exciting case in Court. I have stopped in the midst of it to come here and address you to-night on the sub ject of our new Government I feel intensely the importance of the crisis that you and I art now in. It is no holiday business. The revolution is not past—we are in the midst of it. Dangers have been passed, but difficulties are in the future which we must Appreciate, and, if we are successful, we must deal wisely and cautiously with them. I shall speak candidly with you to-night I shall speak the truth as I understand it This is a time for truth to be spoken, and not for character-making. Your lives, your fortunes —tbe happiness of your children and mine, all depend on the future. I should be untrue to you and all that is dear to posterity, did 1 not deal candidly with the subject now under con sideration. Government is a subject that everybody is deeply interested in. To some extent, it is as practical as a farmer’s plow—a merchant’s yard stiek or a sailor’s rope and canvas. In other respects it is complicated and intricate; therefore, Statesmanship is both practical and complicated. A man is not fit to be a states man, unless he understands the practicability and the philosophy of Government, and the cheracter and wants of the people for whom he is to legislate. Passion and prejudice often enter into legislation: these, Government is intended to restraih. National characteristics must be considered in making a Government and laws for any people. The French need a different Government from the Bussians, tbe Puritan from the Hugenot, and eo of all others. A Government which seeks to adapt itself to all these various shades and subdivisions, will find It complicated; and if it be successful, it must be conlroled by real statesmen. Tbe world hex been laboring for six thousand years to solve the problem ol Government, and yet it is unsolved. No man understands it tal ly, and no one should pretend to. He who does, is like a quack doctor who professes to have discovered a panacea for all tbe ills of life, when, in truth, he Is an impostor. I give you my opinions—tba best I have; I cannot say, nor ssn any other man say of his opinions, that thsy are absolutely correct. But let us consider our new Government. Just here I wish to say that all peat issues should be forgotten. M Let the dead past bury their dead.” Waka op to the praotical and important issues of the living present and tbe momentous tature. The Government is form cd ; and because it is formed, it is my Govern- mtint. I shall say it is right, and support it most heartily. I believe it is the best Govern- meat the sdn ever shined on, and I will give yon my reasons for so thinking. • In all its essential features, its original char acter, and instinctive purposes, it is the same ms that under which we were born and brought up. We have net abandoned the provisions of the Old Constitution, nor set at noegbt the wit- •lorn of its framers. The framers of tbe New, do not claim to be more wise than thosa of the Old; but they do claim to be equal in patriotism to any body of men ever assem bled on earth. They have improved Upon the Old—not because they were wiser—but because they had the light of seventy-three years’ ex perience to guide them. That time ought to have taught us some lessons: it has done so, and we have profiled thereby. The Old Gov ernment was an experiment, and was made by human hands. They did more in their day, than any other people ever did iA any day or, time. They, when assembled, represented the colonies from Massachusetts te Georgia. All, at that time, were slaveholding, but it «m k nowa they would not lniiAjfwwajw; it was necessary for them to adopt many com promises to meet the thrious Wants of the pro- pi. and prejudices from ill parts. When we a«*- sembled et Montgomery, there was but one feeling, one internet, and one common view, among ue aU, from South Carolina to the »oj Grande, on the great qeeeUel that bad 0*ueed the disruption of the nation. There wee eneeng us s dUftil—flews Aft seme non-essential points. These were eeglTyj Constitution was, that'll had not been able to maintain iteelf and keep the country together. It had its defects—a tact of which, the events ws sre uow in the midst of, is the strongest ev idence. It was weak at sotQffj|4i£t^Jq£ tfri Government made under it is now dismember- iirtimnramtt dismemberment. It was, in my opinion, one of jjieproximate causes, end not the real one. Nor Wei there a detect in the Constitution ■mhish mads this.a csuso. flUvsry became a cause of dismemberment by reason of the ex eitfog issues which had been made on it. It was a mtans, used by a power behind it. Its introduction into polices pas not originally on Its merits ; it • M tl>,inatr.wmt i, the hands Of e party, vdsfc which they foughV^br power. Why was *Slavery invoked by them for this pur pose? Because there edu something in the party which made it interesting. In the Wr ings tit, t be Government, party became the means If^rhjch power was to be spedred.— They were striving f#r th# reward jwhich pow- ei alone could confer. The Constitution gave an immense patronage to the Executive, and to Congress. 'The President could dismiss all in office at hi* will, and appoint his friend*.— There, was always a eon lest between “the ins and the outsand success was not simply that of tbe President, but brought into power thou- saajl* througeut the oountry. The Prs»*4«*t dispensed hie patronage in selecting*C*bra#t, they to members of Congress, and Congress men to their friends, in every corner of each District. It became a historical fact, that when a man wanted to go to Congress, he promised offices to his constituent!! to get them to work, to secure his eleotion. One case was brought to our notice et Montgomery, of four hundred unredeemed promises made by one Congress man, to give offices to his constituents, in or der to secure their support in tbe election !— More wefe promised Office than there were of fices to occupy, and ft became necessary to create new ones to meet these corrupt engage ments. I never fully comprehended tbe enor mity of this source of corruption, which found a lodging plica in the frame-work of the old Con stitution and Government, till I was present at Montgomery, where tbe machinery was taken to pieces. When these unnecessary offices were made, money bed to be appropriated to pay their useless encumbents; and millions on millions of the people’s money was voted away to feed these blood sucking leeches upon the body politic. Tbe Government cost twice m much money to administer it, as it ought. The distinguished Vice-President of the Con federate States never uttered a more notable truth, than when he said the Government ought to have been administered on $40,000,- 000, when it oost $80,000,000 ; and on $80,000,- 000, when it cost $60,000,000. This was a loose screw, which we had remedied. Now, the President can remove his Cabinet officers and Foreign Ministers at will; but all subordinates for cause only. Another improvement is, that no money can be appropriated, except when estimated and asked for by tbe head of a De partment, and approved by the President, un less it be done by a two thirds vote of both Houses of Congress, voting by yeas and nays. In the old Government, the appropriations were often staved off till the last night of the seesion, when all sorts of corrupt jobs and lob by schemes ware thrust into, then voted upon, and passed, with no record made of how the vote stood, or who voted for or against them. Now, every man must come up and makw his mark. After we shall hqve been everywhere recog nised, and we are at peace with the world, I think thq|Government’s whole expense will not exceed $1*.OSS,000 annually, and many par sons think $5,000,010 will be amply sufficient. There are several other very important amend ments to which I will not now refer. If peace can be assured, which I hope for, the amend ments which we have adopted are worth the experiment of Secession. They make the Gov ernment more conservative—not in a party •anae, but secures its wall-working, the more general and hearty approval of the people, and render it mere certainly durable. If these cheeks and balances had been ia the old Con stitution, the Government wonld never have been . broken up. No State could have exoited its people to oppose slavery, if such had been its provisions. But what are some of the amendments on the Slavery question ? One is, that no law shall be passed denying or impairing tbe right of property in slevee. No State laws can say that property in slaves does not exist, or shall not be respected. The Fugitive Slave law is improved. Whether | slere weeps# fuff an other State, or is carried there, and then escapes, he is to be delivered up; in short, the Gener al Government, th aH’Its Jurisdtctfnn, is re quired to protect Slavery. Under the old Constitntion, Congress had the power to lay and collect duties on imports.— This gave rise to disagreement, whether duties cpsdd be so laid as if fbeter and girf specie! en couragement to any particular branch of in dustry, or merely fort^ie support of the Gov ernment. The different views of this provis ion of the Constitution, growing out of con flicting sectional interests, once came well nigh severing this Government and Inaugurating civil war. Uqder the peg! Constitution, a quietus was given lo till, question'. lYVit preeily .a,. tb«t “no dutte. or tex«. on im portation. from fbroign bOuntrmrMull be laid, to promote n foitar any branch pf Ixduntry." Another important chang. U, that no in ternal impro.ara.nl .hall ba c.rri.d .« it tha «ip«ni« of tha Moral flown fa.ill' M- •ry locality 1. nndcr th. UeoteiHy of failing It, awq iwpro,«m,nta k* f»r «* am needed; yah an thla paint, oq. of tha object, of Ih. old WMg part* l.uUoorapt raked, though to a better Way; ihr'VktN gbugtete i. prohibited from Braking Us*u impror.m.hU, III State, biro Ufa puratr te'lay tmtna#a dufl* an tha “■Ei£urtr‘-— fa oar U— 8nufiflimlHte < Ufa am Sen*. fc&wsttx*rijs£ yn Ini'. Bbe broltutc. now, but ' She la trying to bring lier chll- but If (be fall., aa fall .be will, »0a If Virginia, the Old Mother cornu, then North Carolina, Ken- 1 Ten ii coo. atwat coin a. It), raid flint decuman 1ft her .lave popnlaUon, and J become a free State. Thla la not »o. alnrea have largely ineneaed In the leaf ten Jem, and they will continue te do m> to the pid. I want th. border State, for another reaeon ; We will have to be more nearly balanced *4=H£g»»tiaaaas^a great a. <ii»poriijr. Xbo border Stilt. will qualize our power with the North. When we at tha lima of tha Re with one man. al so did all athgff ai i bava uoIoAl '* ' atiou hrefi poopi* Ninety of our Whit* pepelirtfaa, interest In mnintniniaglketl ing order. Iie.l*MtWe have non* of the In oentivos to riots ahdviofcneo that tba paopW of other nations have. Wo will navar have any bread riots nor pauper mob violence.— country make every man among us a law-abiding man We h.ve ndjj^lfeer populaljc^WDd no i«lM4J classes anlbng ttf. This stratum, wbich-is found in society in all other countries, is filled by our negroes, who qre pot 4ogfad*d K butelevated by being assigned that position; and who are com pelled to work and maintain themselves from being pa opera, whether they Will oriel Another great advantage we sot out with, is our staple production. It is not, as many sup pose, the soil and climate alone, which we have, that produces Oureettoa. It requires for our cotton, a particular kind of soil, a peculiar tomperatere, a certain amount of rein and sun shine, in a certain latitude, and a special amount and kind of tillage, all of which this country alone can furnish, to make cotton. All these things must be precisely adapted to.its production. The long staple cotton of the trop ics cannot be grown here hs tbit latitude.— When the seed are brought here they quickly degenerate and produce the fchort staple cotton of this latitude. Nearer the tropics, they have just the soil, temperature, raiu and sunshine to produce that kind of lint, wbioh no other portion of the world will prodace; and no other country in the world hilt ours generally, will produce tha kipd of lint that the world want* must have; aid csu’tdo with out. No competition with us can ever take place. Experiments have been msde in vari ous parte of the world, end have failed. They have come and got our cotton seed and experi enced cultivators to go to other countries—to India and Africa; but all have failed utterly. It is only in the great Southern Slope, now oceupied by our Confederacy, that cottou grows ■o as to make its cultivation profitable. Some think it cannot be grown beyond the Bio Grande. This is an important subject, which is to be tried, and will come up for consideration when we acquire Mexico, which we have not done yet. Then it requires a peculiar kind of labor to produce Cotton. The enslaved African alone can do this, and we alone of tbh whole civili sed world have that institution in its perfect condition. It exists in one or two other coun tries, bnt nowhere else does it flourish, exhibit ing, at every point, its usefulness end its bles sings to all, both white and black, as with us. The world must be elotbed, and we alone are every way firepan d to furnish the necessary material. No tropical couutry ever thrived without slavery—none ever can or will. Look at Ja maica and Hayti! Once the most prosperous and thrifty—when they had slavee—now goi ng to destruction—civilization dying out and bar barism laying its desolating hand upon them ! Look at Cuba, flourishing, in spite of Spanish misrule! Look at Brasil, thriving and growing powerful, because she hts slaves and manages them well! With these views, you see what is before us in the future, if we, with steadfast purpose move on, end act our part wisely. The “ land is before us—we are able to go up end possess it.” Shail we do so; or shall we abandon this movement and go back ? Borne talk of recon struction. I don’t know what that word means. If it is to go back to the Old Constitution, Into a confederation with the States we have left, I am UTTBRIaV, UTTBRLT, A 3D KORKVBR opposed to it! To this, I will not consent. If we were unable to live in peace while with them, we cannot go baok and do so. My observation is, that if a husband and wife part, it is best for them to stay apart It may have been unfor tunate and wrong to separate; but they had better never try to live together again. So with us now. Another consideration is, that we have left them, and it would be dishonorable in us to offer to go back. Before we go back, let us wait till we are invited, and then look careful ly into the terms offered. But what it to be our destiny ? An idea is abroad that we are going to become a manufac turing people—to take this work out of the hands of the North and Of England. My opin ions are not'fqrmed from my inclinations, but from C0.iTi«ti»s. We are to be agreat apjcul- tural people, and not manufacturing. Suppose you bring tbi. bu.ineis from England. There are jiuodted. of thousand, of rspftaii.ta there whose money is ia.asted in it; and there ere actually S,000,000 of people engaged in the labor of rannufularing Cotton. Now, If you bring this bu.ia... here, where are the opera- tire.ia the f.otori.. tooom. from ? Fisa mil lion. is all th. population we he.., both white* and negro**. If w* all go to manufacturing Cotton, we will hare no on. to in.lie it for us, and make broad for ui to eat. If we go to man ufacturing. sin must import more laborers than we now have. You can't gat them from Africa - -tha Constitution prohibits you, and I am ep- peeed to it any way; beside., th* Cotton jMd and not th. Cotton factory, t> th. pine* for th. negro. Then I am opposed to importing th. laborer, ef England into this aountry. It would reduce the wage, of our own peopl* and injur* our eoci.ty. Our OoTernni.nt ii oonrorrattee. Import S,0*0,»oe of Cotton mill oporatlre. from Engl.nd, and an mtn'anMd ffi.a a guaranty for the conservative character of it te hem a Uinil'. Lot oil oero. here that dtei to aaatalltyte themrol ve. te end Usage. *ud hMosadal eh) no influx of that closaai which cotton factory oparatinaa araaompoiod. It ia un.uitefllo th* ganina of our inetitaUbM. Tha troth ia, wacfail not b# a groat agricultural and manufacturing Pfopl* at lb* lam, JImd . God never made on* nation ted. everything. You who want to'he groat in every respect, will ha apt to (ail In ovary roapeet. It li infinitely better thattl nho*l4'mnk» Cotton,, and i«t ingtand doiMt manufacturing for *0v Wa h*»P »« l the capi tal to do everythtog> teallhar ban any oth.r hteOllWWt Wkt. ♦ur odpiyi tnhfaMbh iovested frrd..d.Hwr^^v:* wl pfecturiDg modeled and loon rooonellad. Th# fltffhjwnt and ov.r of population. No'naWoo and Coram.rc. rau.t ha limited te .ur actu. I vfewi'of IhefroMite it 1ft «MS * fl out of It. ftetilliit 1 W.noq.htuve them; ajl .Uroaitvo fUte. with *., the North aunts, il m tuifaice. flint whi.A th, world must have, ami cauuot do without, we shall be mom Independent than *ny other nathm wa earth. It is trail that %vfe shoul4 Dot b* alto gether iodepe.ideut of other nations : uo nation should be thus situated, and we should not as pire to be. But what should be our policy towards the States of the old Union t It should be that of kindness aDd the most friendly relations.— Kinduees is the law of Heaven, and we cannot Ignore it, or get along without it If they will fight us, wo must fight them—otherwise we should have no fighting. We should not fight a yielding foe, nor yield to a fighting one. 1 want, too, the other slaveholdiog States Ui come with us. f rant them. I Will talk lovingly and woolngly with them, to get them to do so.— There may bo some good reason in their not coming uow, and perhaps some good may grow will go to pieces with its reduudant population. Nothing hut the oonserveti9m of the South has heretofore saved them from anarchy. lam sorry Unit the question of admitUng no Ihore flare States hue been raised. I am sorry that the question of admitting none of the nun slave States has been raised. It is prema ture, and no good can come of it. No application for admission, by a non slave State has been made, and is not likely to be made. The raas- k.ht is euough to fill our hands and bring into exercise all our bparc power Leave the future to determine its own questions. I am perfectly willing to trust this question to the future and to posterity. Its agitation is unnecessary, and no good over namo of discussing an unnecessary quostion. We are getting along too last in this respect—not only counting our chickens before they arc hatched, but before the eggs arc laid. Our business in this lino is uow with the bor der States. We have in teroste with them: and to be debating tbe question as lo the admission or non-admission of them, or any other States, will be dilelerious to thpso interests, and do no good any way. It becomes ns, while we are seeking and needing power, not to discuss questions which, not only can do no possible good, but which wilt cause our enemies to make false issutsagsinstf us to our damage. There are many reasons showing it to bo hurjfql to discuss this questiou, and I hope it will not be done. One thing 1 will say : l will never agree, while I live, to let a State come into eur Con federacy, that docs not reoogniro and protest slavery, as property, never—.never—NEVER 1 My opinion is, that the two-thirds requirement for the admission of new States, which our Constitution contains, will always he ample protection to our people. We should not lay down a rule by which we wonld prevent Tex as from forming a slock raising State out of her present limits—or that would exclude euoh State if formed. It may be that Cotton ‘will not grow iu a large portion of Texas, and that slave labor iu that section would be uin profitable. The people in that section are true to ue, and it would be folly, to cut them off by an arbitrary and unwise rule. One more matter, and 1 leave the subject. I have made all these calculations on the idea that we are lo have peace. I believe we shall have it. The mi n we have seut to Europe will procure it; but here we b&ve questions to set tie at home, of the utmost importance. Etch Government claims jurisdiction over us— we yield obedience lo our own ; but the other still claims it, and this question must be set tled. The dcbtB and the assets of the old are to be divided upon some equitable plan. The border Suits—the looaticn of our Cspitel— the putting into successful operation of all our Government machinery—these are qnes lions that ought to be settled soon. It is our interests to have peace, and more so to the old Government to have il. There is in no good war, and I rejoice lo observe a growing moder ation in the North. If war does come, however, let us not be to blame for it. If it eomee we are better prepared for it than the North, or than any other nation on earth. We can keep our negroes at work to support us while we send our young men to war, and not miss them— so far as making our bread is concerned. The old men and women can stay at home, take oare of the country and keep the negroes at work. Another tbiug is, all the wars wt have ever had, were for the benefit of the North.— The Tax on account of which the Revolution was fought, was more for the benefit of Mas saohusetts than’any other of the — Thai of 181# was on account of the impress- raent of Northern tfewman, and the Mhaieaa war was )prj;elj oq aecount of the debts due to Northern min, or their claims. The North furmalreU mere roldiers lu the Revolution than we, because the Soulk had a very small popu latino; but in an tha wars sines, 11# have furnished a large majority of tbe men. But I hopq,we shell have no war. I trust in God thdk dark day wlU never pome. that an overruling Providenoe may save os from the lepfere er a bloody contest! ‘ ■ i :or the hi re are r eat. We sh.U be a be.efu to all the • alien# ofthf |#»tb end beefcrtelves The radical element, which h‘ung as a weight Ss impede oof pry grew, w4 MW 4d$ efr all j We shell have lire greatest improvemW of ew race, eed constitute the meet elegant •otfiety be ekrth -11n£ ;«Aff of ArfslbcjNRs* Qi /elss’: but there u an rase and auatil^of dMMn«r which ehareetevieee Sautter* men Tety th*v$ritf aberiAjhc »o#tt by ibf oUflWWe —all our while popolulioo educated end intel ligent, with peace and plenty smiling i happy land. Njta|t.hrfl4»tbe« efitUpJ, hs measurably ant^JIsiMple; but the Africa will react** t lagfHt flpnefit MStng us. 6«r Wn^h-o progress, aud^ood government will carry con viction lo the whole world, that slavery is right. Five years will not have rolled around, before the Northern people will consent for ifteq to ^ejlo^eptoada line, if by it, they could get us back into the Union They do CHINA DEPOT & WYAJK i ’('JflWr, ,* _ „ VlafarWo,., V.M. . FigMiee. Heroslne Lamps, Caodl#' Ik TraWmie Met., BeikrtToiM. Shades, Table Cutlery, Ac., A , ** CHEAP F«H l’A8H. ' White Granite and comroio Crockery I wholesale, at Charleston prices, nearly odd* site Beach A Root’s, Whitehall street. rr ^ | Atlanta, Georgia. example, brush away the cloud of ignoranoe which now so befog them. They will soon find it to their interest lo protect tbe right of sieve properly la all. 1 believe that end that, if left to its own coarse, the world will be oonvinced of this trei b. Its ;#es^ifode. is uudeulat>te,|and Its duration Is (ba'l or 7iu«' < man want. As long as men must be fed and clothed, negroes must be slaves Theso are truth# that are of God’s decree, and wilt stand as long #s time endures. Sletsry will inti mately be Us own logio to the mind, its own power lo thejearth, and iis own bayonet to 1$ foes. This day will come. It may be delay ed by wars or commotions, but it will oo«»e. I said ws should benefit the African. Sew' him in his native Htaie 1 abject—his J*ud dark—no hope beyond tbe giavo— end bis habits bestial. Here, with the superingjprep* of the white man’s intelligence, hy *Rin his best condition in life. Poor and infirterln intellect, he is the eepeeiel beneficiary of hie own bondage. He is fed and ololhed, and has no care for bis earthly wants. He know* his bread is sure—though scarcity aud hard times prevail in the land. He knows that when he gets eld and unable to work, his master must still feed him. He knows that when he dies, his children after him will be fed end clothed from his master’s bounty. How different from tbe savages of Africa! How different from the free negroes ef (he North—free in theory, but slaves in fact, to abject went and vice of every description—who do not koow one day where their food for the next is to come from ; and who have no master to remove their tat (era and put good clothing ou their backs ! 1 was born near a negro cabin. I waa brought up among negroes, and 1 have worked beside them in the field day after day, and year after year. Often with them in the night, I have hunted the wily Raccoon and the greedy o’possum. I never knew one wanders t» tar away in the darkness and gloom of di*' tant and unknown forests, but what he oonld find hie way home, if he could lift bis-eyee to the blue vault of Heaven and see the ''Seven Stars.” Long has the negro wandered ;n darkness, the outcast of the earth ! May not these si- ven ’stars composing our bright constelht lion, safely guide him from his nail-re dark ness lo tbe most glorious light his mind is ca pable of enjoying and improving! 1801. 1801. SALMONS k SIMMONS, IVlMlfMl. and Ret,ill I>«ikr. In Corner of Whitehall and Alabama Sts., Atlanta, Georgia. NEW SPRING STOCK f O NE of our firm having returned from Mar ket, where he hee just completed an exten sive purchase of our Bpriug Stock of DRY GOODS, STAPLE th FAXCY HOODS were never more ettraetive. The enpply of BLEACHED AND BROWN SHEETINOS AND SHIRTING#, foe., is ample. Crepe JPJnflaii, Barege Jlngtmis, French i hints, Jtioiambique% Bhine, aud a splendid assortment of rimin A Fancy Silks, Silk mWantlrs. Busters, Ft., may be found among our assortment; also, Ladies’ ALEXANDER KID O LOVES, SILK MI IS, the. Every variety of Ladies’ and Misses’ SHOES, manufactured In Philadelphia expressly for our trade. A more beautiful lot of CARPETINMr.QN» CLOTHS AND MATTINGS we have never displayed in this market All of which we will sell low for CASH. Orders promptly attended to. SALMONS A SIMMONS, Atleute, March 2$, 1891. Collector’s Notice. C USTOM Duties will be required on dutiable Goods received by tbe Woe tat# 4 Atlantic Railroad from thisdat#. Importer* wiiireport the arrival of such good! to FRANCifi SL. SHACKELFORD, April 1, 1861. Collector at Atlanta. Negroes for Sale. T HE subscribe;- offer, lb, .ate Six'Lfkety Kfl- m» . a Wool**, 37 year, old, a *-»d .yah, washer and ironer, and nun*; . Boy, Ixyakra old i t Bar, Mya.ro oldi aWri, 8 yuan old, . Cllrt, 5 y.ai. old, ana a Man .book IT ytara .Id, a good head 1a * T»u»«r». AMI? to M.rob 18-lf. IH. IT. MctelbLAN. COKE! COKE!! OOKEH u r AT THE GAB W08K8. |J<j ■ F.b. Jl-dtf. J.r, HTATK AGRICULTURAL MOdKTY Amins, March 14th. 1861. THE txecetfre OMsultABe df thwfrUfc'ig April next, at 1 o’clock, P. ¥., tor tba purpoe. of arranging flte Trfanfate AW, fan. A*., far th. n.xl Pair, By order of Horn. V. W. Lew -jfir.woaa.^Hiuvy. .OQ A RORitAHToM .1 H ft J». k BEAUMOiNLj 1 * M.iiuftcilmd end tesfm in — ft BOY’S CtOTHlHtA OINTt-eUBN * fuhniching <noobH £ | *CLOTHS, ('ASSIMERES AND VESTIS<;.\ MsurkUaxt'e Ireu-Vront UuUdi#^, VYkUf ,1 hall, Street, ■ t. x. BRTSON, I ATLANTA, GEORGIA, r.jjf. beavxobt J April 2d, 1861. JJOBT. L. CRAWLEY, " Wholexlc ud lfUil Staler U PRODUCE AND PROVISIONS, I dWD-f.Ur ] 1 General Bfl*iness Agent, W ILL attend promptly to nay bunnmw. I tru.lrd to him. Store in Connelly',Blwti I "D Aiabatua street. ui|.|j“ I JOHN F. HUGHES & CO., I A'omVom' Building, MnrMtUa Strut, Atlanta. Os4 I O FFER for sale, at the lowest meh prices-', I 140 Barrels Extra and Superfine Flour. I 16 Barrels common Whisky. 25 Sacks of Rio Coffee. 10 Hogsheads of Sugar. 21 Casas ol Bacon. 10 Barrels of Molasses. 2,04)0 Bushels rime White Corn—to a m38-lw. * RANDAL 6z GEORGE, ATTORNEYS AT LAW* ATLANTA, GEORGIA. W ILL attend pnnotuelly to any snJ all 4 incss entrusted to their care. Office corner Marietta and Preach-!, streels. March 28-dax. v 4AMEM II. ALEXANDER, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Washington, Georgia. P RACTICES in Wilkes and adjoining cos ties. Refers to George O. Hull, Kiq., if I Atlanta. 1 TIIOMAS ii ABBOTT ATTORNEYS AT LAW;| A.tlanta, Georgia. Office in Smith’s Building, Whitehall if red. I G. S. Thomas, jaf6tf Bxs. F. Aimw?| MflAUqRT, BEARD <fc CO. Commission and FsrtcardfngJtenk*sl9,\ BAY STREET, Nariunah, ------ CeorgU'/ I Wm. K. Biasm| i Jons Davgii. Wm. McNAcanr, .Tanks Ormond, j mar20 STEWART & MOORE, MANl’FACTCKIBI OF FLOUR AMD ME At.. H AVE constantly on betid fresh Familyasd I Superfine Flour of their own stale; also, I Corn Meal. For. sale et their Depot, Dm tar I atreei, Atlanta, Georgia. m22.2m«u P. E. MoDANIEL, WHOLESALE GBOCEll AND COMMISSION MERCHANT, AMD DKALKR l!» ALL KINDS OF PRODUCT, 1 Hunter Street, between Whitehall and Prior,j Atlanta, Georgia. March $6. DAN JELL jT MtiEaNTIRE, Wholesale Dealers lo BB06BHIES, FlOMCi, Feaek- Tree Street, Atlanta Georgia. ! A FIKE —spply .f Coro, Bwou aud LudM ways on hand. ,c.9x^ BUiA k£Sd WHOLESALE GROCERS, AMD Diancv IMVORTKRS Of WfKEI, I.IQUOI*, CIGARS, TOBACCO, BC, Pertch. Tr*e Nrrrt, Altonta, firrrtf*- March 13. G. LAUBANT A C0„ I TO, Buy Street, Buyanaak, Auction, Qvmmution Mtrchunle, ref I pcrlers •/ Winu, BrteeJm, tV*". I 1 DVANCES mud* au Cau»id«p»H*i A kiuJa Auation Suite ThuxWuy*. F PATTTKN & MILLER” oVW*aALeOMMl3«*S —AID— FOftWAROING MERCHI Savannah, Georgia* oaoMK FATTtx. a,nup« J. uii.Lt* wilt*, t. isiLLku, ’ March IB-3m. 1 f utxxr J. j | Byaclal V* N. A . McLpNPO^-. WHOLESALE GROT AMD DVAtll li -rt j FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC LIGW®*^ Tobaoco, Ctgsrt, to., IAOOM, LA BO. COBB A fLB *** < ^ 4 8. cturcto JBfart, reeKtnT AU.ute, Otergi*- _E attention of elate **2Jte apteOdnlly in-teed tete. *