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& SOUTHE CONFEDERACY. £ (iitliMo ««i(r4e*acg "“"’f WtONBSDA?, SPIUL tra Stall* 0*11 > Ct>ov**tiou, to ouadder Ibolr •aadido* a *»>»! link* 1* the Vaina, ip<i oft ftkiag any eteps looking to further guar antee! or new security for our right*. The CinroltUM differed ^rUh Gov. McDonald, •off did bo4 peril oh the letter, it fe hear for the Cr*t time laid before the public. If U)/ thing were lacking to prove that he was oae of the wisest, most far seoiog end cor- reut thinking men of the ege, this letter would supply that laek. Ever/ reader will be struck with the exactness in which he leys down the prioctpleeef the DreJ Bcott decision—almost to the very language of Chief Justice Taney— 1( ng before that case was thought of by anyone, let alone being before the Court. The territory eouaprieing New Mexico and California had Just been acquired, and the queetion of wheth er it should be free or slave—whether the South should have fair chance to settle it, or bo excluded by Congress—was agitating the country. The electiou of Taylor and Filltnoro were viewed by many in the South, as boding no good to Southern interests in these territo ries. McDonald's correct views of the decla im the Supreme Court would give in each a c%se, ii most remarkable; and he was further in fnvor of giving Taylor a fair trial, as he was not elected on principles of kuowu hostility to our interests. But we have no space for fur thercomments. Let all read and carefully study this master (reduction of one of the clearest and soundest intellects of which it has been the proud privilege of Georgia to boast. Mahiktta, Georgia, Dec. 26, 1S48. Ge.muumbx : 1 have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your circular, enclosing a pream ble and resolutions, adopted at a public meet lag of the Democratic Taylor party of Charles ton. The timo has arrived when the subject to which your circular relates, must command the deliberate consideration of the American people. Disappointed ambition, combining with a mad fanaticism, have marshaled their united forces to assail the Constitutional rights cf a Urge portion of the citizens of this, hith erto, happy country; and the assault is made in ibo hails of Legislation. If they succeed there, the Constitution and the Union are bu ri«*d in a common grave, unless the Judioisry, which I have considered the bulwark of Lib erty, standing firmly between a reckless or cor rupt Congress having the cooperation of a weak, arbitrary or perverse Executive and the peo ple, shall come to the rescue. My forebodings may be too gloomy. I trust they are Angry clouds have heretofore arisen in our political horizon, which seemed to menace the fair fab ric which G»d has constructed for us; but they passed away and lett a beautiful calm. The e*mo Groat Being, who protected us in those times, may spread His mantle overus now, ard shield us from the threatening evil. It has always been my creed, that the people ought to await the action of all the constituted authorities of the country, before they resort to revolutionary measures. If one of the De partments of Government meditate an evil, an other may arrest it. Our political system is most admirable, and perhaps no case has oc curred since the organization of the Govern ment, which so strikingly illustrates its value, as that which is now likely to present itself.— An immense territory has * cen acquired by the Government. It is the property oi no State, but of all the States. It is proposed to organize Governments in this Territory, aud it is insisted by sectional Representatives, that the Government shall be so organized, as t> exclude slavery from them, whi.oitia contended by the Representatives of other soctious, that Congress has no power to enact this exclusion. If Congress should en act it, the President may arrest it; aud if he approve it, the Judiciary may aunul it. As un promising as the prospect is, it may, perhaps, not yet come to this. A similar difficulty oc curred on the application of the State of Mis souri for admission into the Union, and it was adjusted by the adoption of a compromise line, on one side of which slavery was prohibited, while on the other, by the silence of the Leg islative authority which assumed to aet on tbe subject, it was left to tbe States, which might be formed there, to tolerate it or not. All the territory then owned, by the Government of the United States, West of the Mississippi riv er, was embraced by this compromise. Is it not possible that there msy be sufficient wis dom among the Representatives of the people, to give such a direction to this irritating ques tion^ as shall restore fraternal feelings to dif ferent ••ctions of the Union, end establish a harmony that can never be disturbed by the ambitious, tbo designing or the fanatical f— There are many reasons to hope fer it, The want of Constitutional power over the subject; the gross iojustice of the exclusive appropria tion of all the territory of the Union by one section of tbe country; the former settlement of this qpeslfoq, in such a manner as to em brace wuhin its spirit, all future territorial ac quisitions by tbe Government, are reasaus, one would think, sufficiently cegent to control the nation of wise men, who have patriotism enough to desire the happiness of the people and the prosperity of the country. But should Congress pass an act so excep tionable, the President, who, being chosen by the people, is the Representative of the whole people, is armed by tbe Constitution, an emaoa- lien from the people, with authority sufficient to prevent the mischief, uolose Be should be over powered by majorities ef two-thirds of bosh Houses of Ceugreee. Member* of Congress represent sections, sot inflect the feelings end ‘ J the exereien of their of their Immediate >hg oft other S*- “clefttly Otooeg* oppressive per represents A Posthumous Letter of Gov. McDonald. UU with greet pleasure, we this morning lay before our readers e letter written by Ctiee. J. McDonald, in December, 18)8, to a Commit tee of neutlemen In Charleston, who had naked , _ —oxoopt at wU larltoto la a wbola. H. aarvant MR tomotliati ripr***ateUk*«f Wkola pooptecteto II ka ba aa apright Bto lotpl*#** *to aft Obtain kt, V* 0111 tot ptaiiftk •tong* btooue lo on* ofki. eoodliutak bjTao tojmtl- ,!«.»«« ot p*r.r.'*ha *bj«t of t» I «!>>»- mmt I. Hi. aUaiamMt rad lolbraWtaink of justice, and he is an lodiffereot minister who does not use his power to accomplish its ends. It was oae of tho wise men of Greece, I believe, wh said that "that Government is beet, in which an injury to tbe mcdi|ss|j^i|lsS^» \ nsult upon tbe whole community"— a senti- people; and if tbe President recognises it, be Will certainly interpose hie authority to pre vent the flagrantly unjust disfranchisement of one half of his constituents, whenever the case comes before him. I insist that the President, to the extent of his power, is bound to prevent the passage of such a lew. But it is impera tively hie duly to veto such aa aet, should ii be passed, because cf the want of Constitutional power over the subject. Should Congress pass the act, and the Presi dent approve it, the Judiciary may declare it unconstitutional aud therefore void. I cannot believe, that if there be a mots provided for carry iDg a case before tbe Supreme Court, that tribunal will not so decide. The people of the South assert that Congress has no power over tbe subject of slavery in the territories, and that its acts respecting it, are void. The dis tinguished men who fill the Bench of tbe Su preme Court, were selected for their wisdom, integrity end legal learning; nod to distrust their judgment in the matter, would throw a suspicion on the sincerity of the opinions ex pressed by us. Let us trust them. They may save the Union; for the question once settled in a manner which shall place the rights of the people beyoud the reach of Congressional usurpation, and peace is restored to our great Confederacy ; and we shall march on, harmo niously together, to the fulfillment of our great destiny. But what are the grounds for supposing the Supreme Court will decide the law unconstitu tional ? Congress has no power over tbo sub ject; ncr can it delegate a power which it does not possess, to the people of a territory. It is said, however, that Congress has already exercised the power, and it has b en approve! by the President. But it has never been satis fled by the Supreme Judiciary. The usurpa tion of the power, cannot establish the authori ty. Repeated usurpations can confer no power. Our Constitution is written. It is not made up of usages, and usurpations and old charters, like the boasted Constitution of England. It is written, and the government and its several dep&rtineute are limited by the writing, to the powers granted. It is a grant; and a grant, too, which is uot to be construed most strongly •gainst the grantors, but in their favor, by the terms of the instrument itself; for the powers not delegated, are reserved to tbe States or to the people. The power to legialute for territories, is not to be found in the Constitution, while the'pow- er of legislation over tbe District embracing the seat of government, i9 expressly granted. It could never have been within the contem plation of the framers of the Constitution, that the power of exclusive legislation conferred on Congress, should authorize that body, to to exercise it, ai to effect the interest of tbe States making the cession ; or to adopt, and fix, on an unrepresented people, any political regulations whatever. The power of making all needful rules and regulations, respecting the territory and other property of the United Slates, is not a grant of legislation over the people inhabiting territories. Before the adoption of the amend ment of the Constitution, restrictive of tbe (tow er of Congress, a greater latitude of construction ight have been contended for, with more pro priety. But that restriction is positive, abso lute; and when Congress attempts the enact ment ef a law, the first thing to be looked to, is its power. If it cannot be found, there is an eu.1 of it. It excludes all considerations of expediency. The great mind of Chief Justice Marshall could notdeterraine satisfactorily the source of the power, while he declared the pos session of it by Congress unquestioned. He declared that Florida was governed by that clause in the Constitution, which empowers Congress to make all needful rules and regula tions, respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States. But be pro ceeds to say, that “perhaps the power of gov erning a territory, belonging to the United States, which has not, by becoming a State, acquired tbe means of self-government, may result necessarily from tbe fact, that it is not within the jurisdiction of any particular State, and is within the power and jurisdiction of the United States. The right to govern may be the inevitable consequence of the right to acquire territory. Whichever may be tbe source, whence the power is derived, the possession of it is unquestioned." The very difficulty of so powerful a mind, to establish its source, is evi dence of its non-existence. The power was, doubtless, assumed from the necessity of the case, that the people might have law for their protection, until they were capable of self- government. It was a power usurped, (the least exceptionable kind of usurpation,) to prevent anarchy, aud the people would not ob ject, because it was exercised for their benefit. But how far did the exercise of this tx ntcetni- tate power extend, sod how fer can it extend, supposing the assumption of it, in the first instance, to bare bees legitimate for tbe pur pose intended ? Not beyond the portion of the Inhabitants in the enjoyment of their civil rights. Congress cannot enact a political law for the territories of the Union, nor heve the people of the territory any sneh authority prior to their organisation into a State. Such a law U not necessary to the protection of the life, liberty,health,reputation or property cf the pe>- ple ; and it affeote the people of the States. The law that prohibited the condition of slavery is political, not municipal; end when enacted for a territory belonging to the United States, the rights of the people of the States, who heve the right of removal (here, with their property, are affected by it* These rights cannot be ab rogated by the ascampMoa of a power to Init iate for territories, a grant for whloh cannot be found in the Conotilatteo. That thi, power kulMiumM kjr Qaagvm. la BO argo- vory ftabla onvla iupport of It. aaaaa of 1TI7. <* roiaitea to grM*. a prooodoat for Ikalr sattea m stkar ter- m (tefteUJy aa day aaaaaaia nlfkii a at I (worth. Ualoo. ItitaoprMatoah that qaraaw, tae, vkiak meattadd.a th. baart of tew, which contain, a tiattoniiaa of po- rlfhta, wai adapted atoar ika oldCoabd and pimlto far tat Ik* OaaaHtallao. iciat of UuU Ordlaaaoa man daatarwd k* artiolat ot woywt. hotowoa tbo *rigtaat Stain,, and tko pa.pl. aad Ika State* ia tbo territory, bio, unless by common consent; sad all en gage men ts entered Into, before the adoption of (he Constitution, were declared to be as valid against the United Btitot finder tbs CogftUfe lion, as andar tbe poo federation. The <&nsii- which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be lbs Supreme law of the land. The aet of Congress, passed after tbe adoption of the Constitution, on tho sub jeot of that territory, was not protended to bo tbo exercise of an original power ever It; tut was intended merely te adapt the Ordinance to the Conetitation. Henoe, neither that Ordi nance, nor the action of Congress on it, can be referred to as a precedent for its action on tbs other territories. In what light is the Mistou ri Compromise to be regarded f It grew out of agitation which preoeded the admission of that Bute into the Union. New States may be ad milled by tbe Congress into the Union. Us action on the application of a State for admis sion into the Union is arbitrary, and a msjori ty of tbe members may reject the applicant at its pleasure. It was insisted that the State of Missouri should not be admitted with a Const! tution tolerating slavery. It was contended on tbe other hand that Congress should impose no such terms, and the contest between the parties on each side of this question was heated and violent, and menaced the integrity of the Union. Great, wise and patriotic men, co-ope- raiei in an effort to adjust the difficulty, and it resulted in tbe well-known Missouri Com promise. The language used by Congress in its resolution on that occasion, is strong; rii: that “slavery and involuntary servitude other wise, Ac., shall be and is hereby forever pro hibited," and was applied to that part of the United States Territory which lay North of thirty-six degrees, and thirty minutes of North latitude. But this language, strong as it is, could not have prevented the people residing on that territory, from adopting n Constitution toleratiug slavery, when they organized them selves into a State Government; nor did it im pair the power of a future Congress to admit n State North of that parallel of latitute, which tted of the institution of slavery. One Congress could not tie the hands of another. It was simply what it purported to be—a com promise, and a compromise too, the observance of which, depended entirely on the good faith of the people, who should remove to the terri tory, aud the future Representatives of the poople in Congress; for there is no power known to the Constitution by which its execu tion could be enforced. What did the Compromise amount to, then, if it was not authoritative and could not be en forced ? Simply to this: that if the people of the territory should organise themselves into a State, and present themselves for admis sion inU the Union, with a Constitution not prohibiting slavery, their application should be rejected ; not because of tbe operation of any constraining power; but for the respect due to the compromise of a disturbing ques tion. Suppose a new State, organized in the territory north of the parallel of latitude specified in the act of Congress, were admitted into the Union, having • Constitution prohib iting slavery, that State would certainly pos sess the power, in virtue of its sovereignty, to annul the clause containing tbe prohibition— there being nothing in the Constitution of the United 8tates prohibiting the exercise of such a (tower. The act might be regarded as a vio lation of the terms of Emission, and perhaps a secession from the Union ; but nothing more. It would not relapse into the condition of a de pendent or a colony. Suppose a State, organ ized with a Constitution without the prohibition and rejected on an application for admission into the Union, what would bo its condition 7 It would be a State out of the Union, capable of exerting all the functions of an independ ent sovereignty ; for new States may be formed without the consent of Congress, provided they are not formed within the jurisdiction of any other State, or by the junction of two or more 8tates or parts of States. The power to admit States into the Union, implies or prs-supposes the power of tbe people to erect themselves in to States—and that without the consent of Con gress, exoept in the eases stated. Hence, it seems clear to me that Congress hss no juris diction of the question of slavey, and can only exercise the arbitrary power of refusing to a State tolerating it admission into the Union.— The rejected State has to make its election be tween an acquiescence in tbe demand of Con gress, and the consequences of erecting and maintaining a sovereignty, on territorv which bad belonged to tbe United States. Entertain ing tbe opinion, then, that Congress—however it may yield to the pressing necessity of estab lishing aGovernment for a people without law —cannot assume the authority, under tbe pica of that necessity, to make political regulations affecting the rights of the people of tbe States ; and that there is a want of constitution si au thority for any kind of action on the subject* I cannot believe tbet tbe Supreme Court will otherwise decide. Should the Supreme Court, however, sustelu Congress in tbe usurpation of this power, and sanction the erroneous and dangerous principle that Congress may, by aaers usage, acquire a power never delegated to it by tbe people or the States, those States whose political rights are Infringed by the un constitutional legislation, must convene and adoptiuch measures as their interest and safety demand. “ Our glorious Union was built upon an equality among tbe States, and upon that foundation alone it ean stand." But, gentlemen, independent of the consid erations already stated, against the immediate call of a Convention of States, it seems to pie that It weald not be treating General Taylor with the respect dee to the Chief Magistrate elect, to adopt eo important a step, on the as sumption that he will tolerate the aggression on Southern rights which we fear. I cast my vote for hU very distinguished opponent, hut I am willing te M let hie Administration ba Judged by hie nets." We aaet hope that he wall not allow hie Administration to he eigne*- leed by the demefug injustice, and He fetal every pbiltetbrepistaad patriot. !• it too late tobope that the «peratior of the States may he prevented fry the rntwe of “Wisdom, Jos tles and Moderation »to our national counci Is f M it is, these who heve hitherto been united uu IU pWJMto ... .. ... | la Ika koto* at p 'lltisal krotbarbood, will , mod man te ruaaia faWY.r b« qoof.rted lute *traa(*r* aad all.a.: fur among*! Ika Bral ibbbmn* ot a B«w (tented- ereey, would be tbe enforcement of non inter course with the other American States, as ths oily measure of eleqfttqesmirity V> the inter, est which they have so perseveringly assailed. I tea*, lb* kwir teter m*y*ftokl pour*, c. j. McDonald. To H. W. CoteB.r, t«q .**d «Hi«r (*aU«u)*a of th. CnmmiMw i ■’ i < RtetefjT Ml Bn. NeDauU. W* aUtto lo our r**d«r* in our I, 21*i, ibat *• kspad i* ba abl* I* Of ^ Ma< rat to .Itidf* Jk*fc*o*> 0* Marl |rdap la*l W.r*»*l.tol**ao J'.batltotU.Mftdtoif T»«o l*a vie badnarg* of Ibl* maltar, bar* thought proper te have it appear first ia pnmphlet form* end therefore we eaanot, at present, publish the address—which we very much desired, 'iffidnieda'Nvfnr effbrt io our power to do.— The public wehnow, will anxiously await its Telegraphic Rejra. Mxssus. ISniTopeVit ii vsry desirable at such a time as this te have full, reliable and late newi of the great events now transpiring in our country ; and, reason as we may about it, it is hard aud unfair for one, two, or a half a doseo men ia awleepr hke Atlanta IS bear all the heavy expend* of otitainidT ■tfeli'ftewe at such a time; and, I kcow, for one, that the Daily Tapers of Atlanta cannot long stand snob a drain on their funds. I have no inter est in either paper, but i know enough of them to know list none of them, witbAbe pat ronage they heve, oan long stand the expense of the present times. I propose, therefore, for the sake of justice ’o our papers, and for the sake of having and keeping up the news as they have been given to us for tbe pest ten days, that each person who is able to do eo, oontribule from 25 cents to $1 per month for a netca/und, tbe same to be divided out mouth ly to tbe Daily papers of the city, provided they give tbe latest telegraphic news. Aad in order that this proposition may be carried out without further trouble or ceremony, I propose that all who are willing to eonfrioute to such a purpose, leave their money at opoe with Mr. W. L. High, Merchant, in the Con cert Hell Block. FAIR PLAT "REMARKS. We feel very grateful to our correspondent for his kind proposition on behslf of ourselves and the other daily papers. For this, we re turn our thanks most sincerely ; and did we, as our friend supposes, stand in need of the assistance he so generously proffers, we would certainly sccept it. We are, however, happy to be able to say that the income of our paper is fully sufficient to meet all our expenses— including telegraphic, as we have been giving for ten days and more—sod leave us a resvon- able profit besides. We have no desire lo say this boastingly, but simply because it is the truth, and we deem it our duty to say so muoh in reply to the generous proposition of our friend “ Fair Play.” Our telegraphic arrangements nroperm inent —not for a season, and to be abandoned, when tbe excitement wears off—but to oontinue.— We have now—even in tbe short time that hi elapsed since we commenced the publication of the *‘Confederacy”—nearly one thousand bona jide subscribers to our daily paper—the mouey for every one already paid in. Our list ia increasing daily at a rate far beyond our most sanguine expectations. Every day we receive from ten to seventy five new sub oeribers—the cash in all cases accompanying —for we will not enter a name on our books in any case, unlesa the money is first paid for tho paper. Our daily ediliou, for the purpose of supplying the news boys and our exebauges in addition to our list of subscribers, often ex csede twelve hundred. Our success thus far* ie most flattering ; and we assure all our ren dere that no pains nor expense will be spared te make ours tbe best paper in the State. We ■hall always have the latest telegrephio news, and have aa much ot it as any paper in the South. For • few days past the news from the East and North has been meagre; but the wires are understood to be in tbe serviee and under oontrol of the Government. As toon no this state of affaire ceases, we eball again have our usual amount of telegraphic news. The ooaaaqeaaoea wftl follow. »UMnt fist The Confederate Flag* In Covington. On Saturday morning a number of tbe young ladies attending the 8outbem Masonic Female College, assembled to make a Confed erate States Flag, wbioh wee completed end raised over the College at balf-paat two o'clock on that day. The flag was a most beautiful one, and highly creditable to the good taste and skill of tbe ladies who made it. The military and a large coneourse of people were out to witness our glorious flag asoeud over the College. It was saluted with eight guns, at Ite “bart and etan” were unfolded to the Southern breeze. Mr. Clark and Mr. Wood- eon made etirriog speeohto, and tbe whole paased off pleasantly end amidst much enthu eiasm. These faots we learn from a letter written by one ef th* young ladies of the College, now before in. Newton County Military AfTalra. We are indebted to the Covington “ Times" for an extra issued on Monday, from which we levrn that the “ Voung Guard," Capt. A. H. Lee, of that place, has been notified to be in readiness to mareb in twenty-four hour's no* tic*. Early on Monday a subscript ion, amount- lag to $2100, was raised to provide tbe com pany with knapeaoka; also, a large fund to be held aod disbursed by a Relief Committee to aid the families of any of tho Company that may noed assistance during their abeeoce. We alee notiee that Prof. G. J. Orr, ef Em- Emory College, has organized a company of tbo atodenta—numbering sixty—and tender ed their services. W* notiee alee, that fonr other companies are being formed ia the county nador Cepte. J. M. Lamar, Geo. J. Anderson, J. A. Stow art aad Alfred Zaehry, respectively. fljff* Two persons, indicted by tbo Grand Jury for flfbtiag* were reseat ly brought be- for* Judge Harris ef the Oemeigee ChreaU for (Hal. He discharged them both and ordered tbe ladl—went tw he that they enlist Ip | | flght limftakrie W Hetaldfetm Tennessee. We have before us a letter, dated 21st efl te a gentleman in this eity, of a moot cheer log character. He says that Old Rutherford aad Jill Tenafeeee will be oovered with glory il the efiming struggle. The Flag of 'the State now proudly floats on tbe top of tbe Court House fn Murfreesboro'. It was hoistbd on Saturday amidst the wildest enthusiasm of an immense gathering. Lincoln's cell on them to euhjngais the Sooth had fiUed them with a blaze ef indignation. Six military compan ies are rapidly organising in tbe county, and the “Volunteer State" is pledged to do her share in driving beck tbe blaek hordes of tho Northern Goths. We thank our friend iu this oily who has laid before ua this cheering letter, rffhn Governor of Teandesso has edited ths Legislature to meet to-morrow. Hou. James B. Clay. This distinguished too of “ Harry of the West," arrived at Nashville on Saturday night last, and the citizens gate him a handsome re* caption; He made a tpeeeh, to whfob h* said that the rural (fistriots of Kentucky (in Which he bad been speaking for tbe last week,) upon the reception of Lincoln's proclamation, with one voice declared their determination not on ly not lo give Mr. Lincoln any assistance, but to resist hts base mercenaries to tbe death, if they attempted to pollute the soil of Kentucky in their march to subjugate our airier States of tbe South. He also said that the report wbieb has of late been circulated that two na tive born Kentuckians had tendered regiments Mr. Lincoln, was a base lie. Capt. Doubleday, Of the United States Army, who was in Fort Sumter, on arriving at New York with Ander son’s command, makes publio tbe following sobeme they had concocted to reinforce and provision the Fort: “ The day that Anderson evacuated, prepa rations lo reinforce him bad been made for that night. A schooner was seised, and an agreement made to pay the pilot and Captain $500 to put men Into the Fort, but tbe Fort was evacuated before tbe attempt could be made. Captain Fox had iostmotions to at tempt to provision the Fort vitboot troops.— If fired on, he was to rush in the best be oould; but the gale prevented the arrival of tuge and transports.” The following is Maj. Anderson's dispatch to the Seoretary of War: 8m: Having defended Fort Sumter thirty- four hours, until quarters were entirely burnt, main gates destroyed by fire, tbe gorge wall seriously iijured, magazine surrounded by flames, and its doors closed from the effect of beat, four barrels and three cartridges Of pow der only being available, and no provisions but pork remaining, I accepted terms of evac uation offered by Gen. Ber.uregard, being the same offered by him on tbe 11th instant, pri or to the commencement of hostilities, and marched out of the Fort Sunday afternoon, 14th instant, with colors flying, drums beat ing, bringing away company and private prop erty, and saluting my flag with fifty guns. [Signed,] ROBERT ANDER80N, “Major First Artillery." ifoajr The Georgia Forester, published al Wareeboro,’ comes lo us on a half sheet, and makes the following announcement: Tux “Forbstek” Subfbndbd.—After this issue the “Forester" will not make ite appear ance till the close of the war. The Proprie tors and Jours are all “ Wiregrass Minute Men,” and the company having been called into service by his (Excellency Gov. Brown. They lay aside the pen, preei and type, and respond to the call by taking up the muskft. The editor further nays the paper io for sale. lie tch'j rnna away / May live loftyht another day. GAVE LEG BAIL AND DEPARTED ! Special Dispatch to tho Baltimore Sun. evacuation of Harper's Ferry. Hanna's Firm. April 19, 12 P. M. — At a quarter past ten o’clock te night the United Statea soldiers at Harper's Perry fled flrem the Government buildings after setting them on fire. This was done wheo no Virginia troops were here, and none are here now. Most of the shops are now burning. The United States soldiers crossed the bridges into Maryland in great haste. Railroad bridges all safe. fldr Hon. John C. Breckinridge i* active)/ canvassing the Slat* of Kentucky. H* spok* *t Lexington on Thursdty last, and at Louie- villa on Sotnrday. Ho eo/o that “ Kentucky ahonld call a Convention I muted lately, aad (but Treeidenl Lioeoln’a extra aataiun of Congreaa •bould ba confronted by fifteen State-. Tbio alona oan prevent s civil war.'' Mp-The No* York Pay Book, tn (peaking of tho) mob ,in Ibat city that oam* in frost of ite olloe sad denuded the baagisg oat of the C. 8. Flog, (aye t '•Al regard! tbo glorious More Bad stripes, *• hove perilled ur Kte aider them, vrheu Ike n. leer able poltroeo* aa* kypoerirically pretending to uphold that vacred hauler verve if Metlao lo traa- __________ _ ftooke* ikoee «bc ter* Koitt "teloogy k*ado and te valaamo ika* te koepliaUo gravoo." for tko root, no WMU tovieelkoeo no* oeokiag Is fffNktl *be iaatiMtivo pat notion of Ik* poepteto lk« bau ■MB of AkoUtioaiaui, to. bonare, tat if tko ■ok aptrit it tko* to thrust a*M* naasa to •rea toaeaotete, Ike lias oil! laaoreetty ee.e vktra tko? (Ttevuety repent It." Tra* Kio,uence. Ia that Ira, quiet and atoeet *,, kin awa, Oea. W. 0. Hardiog fob* Overton mi to tbo doveroer V tap of my ( y estate, t*a^bey. tom* to tbe *fela_. honor of Teonotoee." John McOarock, of WilliamooB. [r ,,„ Wm. Kwiog, tho Krpreeenlatlre frooWna *oo ooooty. io ibo Logi.laiure, tod bo* roinag a company f„ r rett.t.nc. ,.i oolo, a flue blooded horse. Tboot arc tbo moo who ore ot once i ntmoato of Tenoeoseo end her relii timooef thick tkmgiag peril .odd Oao of thorn io vorth a million of tea politietene, who tori** toglorieu. aad J oraki* dtlay. aotil tbo onomy has i 1 our territory. John Ovorton io worth fit* mill! lore. • *?“' *? ,dlD * ■* hundreds - •aod* of dollars, and Is the largest u wl _ mar in Tenneteao, and t here ie no hetterl.* ,8l*tea of America, Hio personal Hrria , the State will ateo ba invaluable. When Teuneaeoe ha* such devoird meal tb*ee e»n eoetnieiever lutjugei, htrl-wl adle Union d' Amtiieon. Littus or Muqo* «IU Repatiii._g,| have Ik* boot ontbority for uyiag t tel tel Ooveroment ot Montgomery have del a ■ * to i*aur no oommisoione authorizing rr until nfler tko anembliag or C'oegrtu (g inotant). In ordar to obtain precedence, te aver, U ie important that partiet ibooU t, their application* tnd bond* immediai*U, 1 can be don* with th* Collectors of the v * port* of entry.__.Vota/teo4 ktpablitm. medicalTI DR. JOHN G. WEMTMORBUd^l O FFICE on Alabama street, opposite fo House. Cen be found either at ki$d or next door above. UutM D IHt«k ALEXANDER A MU RUT, I OJftca on Marietta Street^ North tUU. R. AuiiiDi*'i residence on Mai South tide. DH. W. F. WESTaMORELAM O/Kce and Residence >Yorlh Side al 4 Hetta Street. March 21. DR. H. W. BROW N. O FFICE—Marietta Street over J. D. Store. Residence— Calhoun 8treet. mareb 20. Collector’s Notice. C USTOM Duties will be required od dutieMi 1 Goods received by the Western l AtUitkl Railroad from this date. Importers willnMtf the arrival of such goods to 1 FRANC18 R. 8HACKELF0RD, April 1, 1861. Collector at Attala B. F. BOMAR, Agent, BROCER A PROVISION MERCUI) | 2d Door West of the Fulton Bank, - Alabama Street ATLANTA, flKOMIA. T7"EEP8 constantly on hand a choice leln-l -IV. tion of Fresh FAMILY SUPPLIES, vkll I have been bought, and will be zuld, exclaiiiy I It for Cash, thereby enabling roe to offer li j auoements to cash buyers. In store—25 kegs choice Goshen Butter. 20 Barrels choice N. 0. Syrup. 8 Hogsheads choice If. 0. Sugar. I A complete stock of fine Sugars, Coffee, Mart-1 erel, Flour, Candles, Tex, and everything u* I oily found in a first class Grocery Store. April 10. Negroes for Sale. subscriber offers for sale Six Likely fo I . groes—a Woman, 37 years old. a goedogfl, I washer aud ironer, and nurse; a Boy, 12yeati I old ; a Boy, 10 years old ; a Girl, 8 yetn aid; I a Girl, 6 yeate old, and a Man about 177ml I lod, a good hand in a Tannery. Apply tr 1 ■ March 18-tf. WM. 11. McMlLLAV. MRU AND LIFE —AND- MAUNE INSURANCE AUNT. T HE subscriber represents four First Che I Southern Companies, and eight Fee Tsfl I Companiee, with an aggregate Cash CspiUTa I SEVEN MILLIONS. Tbe honorable rij* I ment and payment of losses without Mj I necessary delay, words here need not be Mi I to prove. The proof cen be found with tbq> f who heve suffered lose, and were so forteipl as to procure Policies et this Agency. Muni Risks, both Atlantic and River, taken se OMp | LIFE INSURANC The attention of both eexes cure for themselves aa important ben«li*M| they live, and also provide for their hnupl and loved onea in the event of Tiled to examine .the superior adraDUtnVI EQUITABLE LIFE IN8URANC* 80Cl«l| •fiords over other Life Insurance Compasml Information relating to the principle •'INI Insurance will be cheerfully given atnyM flee, in the second story of Connollys ing, corner of Whitehall and Alabaieev LtlantaGeorgia. SAMUEL 8M1TL^ march 30. General Inturane* Ag—w|.| j. hTlovejotm WHOLESALE & RETAIL GR» AMD DBAl.cn RI ToktMO, Wise, Liqior, tii«f , > ** • OMrokae Block, Peach-Tree 8WS G. K. & J. L. HAMILl acccaaeoae to amra a m»a*», DRUGGIS PHABMACBUTItiT* , xx* DUI.XB1 nr fCM Nil Cliutic* runli wixdo* FANCY *NJJ