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SOUTHERN f txtbtrn saTurday, _ . ~ - - '-- - — Another Proclamatlou fro* the Baboou Despot. In this morning'* paper will bo found an other blast from the lanky, would be-autocrat, r petui- Ua abate an* oooupo^ Uj Washington. It is evident that all Constitu tional Liberty Mid aU respect for Freedom’s hawl are al an ofcd In the North* Lincoln’# first proclamation commanding ua to “dis perse’' and calling oqI75,000 volunteers where with to forweueto “teilre to otor respeetive abodes” was deaflyUuconltfldtionsl. He is authorised by the Constitution to call out the militia to " suppress fusorreetfcns or repel iu- tasions ;** but the people of the Bonth have not been guilty of either of these crimes. No In surrection among us has taken placs. An in- surrsotion is the uprising of en armed (action to racist, by violence end kkodshed, the exe cution of the lews of the lend, to which the people ere still loyel. Ours is no insurrection : it is revolution. It is thecasting off and ab juring, not simply the laws, but the Govern ment iteelf, by the people in their msjeety. It is the highest—the greatest aet of a people in their sovereign capacity—which right ia inali enable, and as dear to any people as life to an individual, and whioh none but knaves, fools and despots will dtny. . But if the name of insurrection could be apt plied to our late revolution, tbe President has uo authority in the Coustitution and laws to call out the militia of New Tork to suppress an insurrection in Georgia. When an insur rection in one State takes place, the militia of that State- its Judiciary and tbe Federal Courts and other authorities within its limits, must be called upon and resorted to, to put it down.— Lincoln has the same right to call oat the mi litia o! England to suppress an insurrection among us, or to crush out our secession that he his to call upon the militia of New York sod Massachusetts. The truth is, there is no pro vision in tbe Constitution or laws to authorize the Government to take a single step to put down secession. It is a thing that never was contemplated by the framers of the Constitu tion and law-makers—at least, they have made no provision to meet such an exigency; and Lincoln has no authority to move a hand in this direction, until Congress gives him such authority. Every movement he has made for our subjugation is a usurpation, for which he deserves the punishment of a traitorous usur per. But what shall we say of bis last proclama tion ! If it were anything by which our rights were to be affected ; if it were anything to us, we should feel that the despotic hand of a usurping tyrant had seized upon our liberty. In- voluutari'y, wo should grasp the sword to rush agaiust the wretch who would thus dare to as sume power and prerogatives not his own.— The size of the Army and Navy are fixed by law; and Lincoln has no more authority to in crease or diminish either than he has to con fiscate private property and apply it to his own personal use. The President is choseo to exe cute laws already inade, and not to make new laws. But if we kuow not what to say of him who would thus, in high places, dare to assume power not his own, how much more are we lost in astonishment at the besotted and enslav ed subjects who will thus endure the unlawful edicts of a usurping Military Despotism ? Again wo thank God that waare cut loose from them i The Knell of Freedom. We notice that in the investigation of the case of Mr. Greiner in Philadelphia, one of the lawyers employed against him, in trying to sacure a conviction of treason, said that it was no excuse or justification, that he assisted in taking Fort Pulaski under the order of Gov. Brown; that bit duty to the United States as a citizen, was paramount to that due his State. It is well that we have escaped from thoae who seek to fasten upon us a centralizing con solidating despotism to the utter destruction of all State rights. Independent of the negro question, or the tariff, or anything else that wa have urged in our list of grievances, the alarm ing extent to which this doctrino of the su premacy of tbe Federal Government above State rights and independence, has spresd a- mong the minds of the Northern masses, would justify our breaking off from them through ac cession, revolution, or bloodshed to any extent. With them, liberty will soon die out. Tbe es tablishment of a consolidated, crushing mili tary despotism, under which not even the white man will have any liberty, Is what we expect. The foundations of free Government are being uprooted. Soon it will have no baaia, and will be ignored and crushed out. Theae ara our axpactatiooa. We thank God that we are asperated from them. Certainly. Ojr brethren ol the Griflin “Confederate States” “stand excused,” most assuredly. 7 he talented and high minded editors of that well conducted journal are incapable of, intention ally, copying from our paper, or any other pa per, without giving credit. We understand bow such mistakes may occur—they have oc curred ia our paper io a few instances, which we regret. We know that suck things ara not intentional with any editor; bat the frequency with which we see articles copied in a few of our exchanges without observing this just rule, induces us to believe that some of our brethren are lean cartful on this point than they ought to be. This was the cease of our mekiag the remarks wkieh it seems has oalltd oat our friends ef the "Confederate Stales. 1 * The Planter’s Weekly. The proprietors of this Journal, published at Qreaneaborougfa, Georgia, offer it for sale. They aey (bey have other business on their hands whioh pr#roots their giving the time sad at taetioa to the paper whieh is aeeeesary. TIM Maatfemery Advertiser. Oae of the proprietors of this rataabte paper offers his Interest for sal#. f the Goldeu Clnliaa tutionaliat says : Ijf « *il< 4j M have neen my of the Confederate State*. Two regiment# ara now being formed in the State to be held subject to the orders of the Governor. The or der has now seventeen thousand six hundred •nd forty-three men in thi0ffn)$, end tbePran- ident has no hesitation in seeing that tbe num ber can be duplicaled if necessity requires thirty four of w! Mr. Buchanau. The Augusta “Republic,” in an article on the defection of Jaruee Buchanan, aayai “The w|r upon us is dyed ia Infamy. Mr. Buchan** makes it infamoue by kis own well- matured declarations. Recent developments prove beyond the shadow of a doubt, that our former Northern conservative friends, were base hypocrites, or ero now base traitors to their fbr- mcr principles. These facts warn US to pre pare for tbe worst, and to rely upon our cour age, fortitude, and patriotic devotion tp our liberties and rights for protection and safety. When such men have proven so perfidious, what may wo not expect of the fanatical lead ers and their followers? Northern avarice ripened into arrogance, and haa culminated in infamy. God will aid us in defending tbe right —the infamous North will meet with retribu tive vengeance.” From Washington. Tbe intelligence telegraphed to the Northern press, from Washington, on the 4th instant, is as follows: “ It is a-certainod that tbe Committee of the Maryland Legislature, in their interview with the President this morning, admitted both tbe right and power of thegoverment to bring troops through Baltimore or through the Btate, and to take any measures for the public safety which, in the diacretiou of the President, might be demanded by actual or reasonably appre hended exigencies. They expressed their be lief that no immediate effort at secession or insistence of Federal authority would be at tempted by the Legislature or State authorities, and asked that in this view the State should, as long as possible, be spared the evils of a military ocoupition or a mere roveugeful chas tisement for former tranagreaaions. The Pres ident replied that their suggestions and repre sentations should be duly considered, but that he should now say no more thao that tbe pub lie interest and not any spiritof revenge should actuate his measures.” The Baltimore Exchange says : “The above is tbe dispatch of the agent of the Associated Press. It is needless to say that the facts are wilfully distorted. The Hon. K. M. McLane was the spokesman in the inter view with Mr. Lincoln, and we are assured that the dignity and honor of our State were fully sustainod by him." Hellish Suggestion. The Westchester Democrat reminds the Penn sylvania volunteers that Baltimore “has al ways been celobrated for the beauty of its women that “ the fair were ever the reward of the brave’’ and, that “ Boauty and Booty was the watchword at New Orleans.” Hon. John Forsyth. This gent’eman, says the Montgomery “Con federation,’’ left the city on yesterday for Mo bile. As everything connected with his visit has been effected, it will not now be out of place for us to speak of it. The citizens of Mobile being thoroughly aware of tbe unsafe condition of their city a^-inst an attack from the fleet, held a p ivate meeting a few days ago, and appointed a committee to make known to the Secretary of War and the Governor of the State, tbe state of things which existed there. This has been done by Mr. Forsyth, and on yesterday 200 kegs of powder, several oannon and other things in this connection, were forwarded by tbe steamer. Mobile will be hereafter able to defend herself effectively against all hostile comers. High-Handed Measures! Alt Take* the Law-Making Power into hie own Hand*—lie Increase* lhe Army and Navy, Without Authority from Congress—Another Proclamation—Thousandt of Volunteer* and Regular* Called for. Wasiiinotox, May 3, 1861. By tub Pkksidknt or the Uhitkp States: Whereas, existing exigencies demand imme diate and adequate measures, for the protection of the National Constitution and the preserva tion of the National Union, by the suppression of the insurrectionary combinations now ex isting in several States, for opposing the laws of the Union and obstructing tbe execution thereof, to which end a military force, in addi tion to that called forth by my Proclamation of the fifteenth day of April in the present year, appears to be indispensably necessary, now therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States and Commander in Chief of the Army aud Navy thereof, and of the Mi litia of the several States when called into ac tual service, do hereby call into the service of tho United States forty-two thousand and thir ty-four volunteers, tossrvs for a peiiod of three years unless sooner discharged, and to be mus tered into service aa infantry and cavalry — The proportions of aaeh arm and the details of enrollment and organisation will be made through the department of war; and I also di rect that the regular armv of the United States be increased by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one regiment of cavalry and one regiment of artillery, making, altogether, a maximum aggregate iucrease of twenty-two thousand seven hundred and fourteen, offi cers and enlisted men, the details of which increase will also be made known through the department of war; and I further direct the enlistment for not less than one nor more than three years of eighteen thousand seamen, in addition to tbe preeent force, for the naval ser vice of the United States. The detaile of the enlistment and organization will be made known through tbe Department of the Navy. The eall for volunteers, hsreby made, and the direction for tbe increase of the regular army, and for the enlistment of seamen hereby giv en, together with the plan of organisation adop ted for the volunteers and tor the ragalar forces hereby authorized will be submitted to Con- f ress as soon as assembled. In the meantime, earneetly invoke the cooperation of all good citisem t* the measures hereby adopted for the effectual suppression of unlawful violence, for the impartial enforcement of constitutional laws, and for tbs speediest possible restoration of pease and order, and, with thoae, of happi ness aad prosperity throughout the eountry. Ia testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and ceased the seal ef the United States to be affixed. Done at the City af Washington, this third day af May, In the year ef oar Lord one thou sand eight hundred and slxty-oaa, and of the Iedspsndenoe or the United States the eighty- fifth. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. . Bbwaib, Secretary of State. pm- Five dollars will pay fbr th^ Dally Confederacy aa* jeer ^ NFEDERACY. Important Correa pom Our mtlmUmrnt Kit It /•a.llner't *lttrtui « f/ Mmuttr Dtftoa*. lnuruetum—TU t.nd to Won 10 f> i OAffjpmm*. by causing the riTMLi >>rids X Mas a. mperfect statements of Mr. fft terview with Mr. .ThOtitftMVftfr* French istsr for Foreign Affairs, nonenraing (he ap plication of lbs Commissioner* Of the Mont- t gotnery Confederation, having found their way j into the Press, the Department of Stats has dualled that Ik. correlpaadtica ahall/ Jbi | ao io tho aaaertioo of ibalr j The way o«r Cetloi la to bo Driven aet af aaporale •ovw.lgnlj. M. Tbou« ‘be World’. mirbot, the--- - voaai aapraaaad tka opinion that tho otaplo, of ferae Would be unwise, and would of tbs Confederacy j Southern States L Ith tho Stales which dsv u. 0MBBM Jfn la had already I am, j published. [No. 119.] Legatim or thb Uririo 8tat»h, ) Pams, April 16,1801. / 1/on. Win. It. Seward, Secretary of State: Sin > 1 celled to-day upon M. Tkouveaei at tho Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and was promptly adinftted to an interview. Agreea bly to your request, I banded him a copy of the Inaugural Address of President Lincoln, and added that I was instructed by you to say tobim that it embraced the views of the Presi dent of the United States, upon (be difficul ties which now disturb tbe harmony of the American Union, and also an exposition of tbe general policy which it was the purpose of the Government to pursue, with a view to ..be preservation of uouieslio peace and the maintenance of the Federal Union. Here M. Tbouvenel asked if there was not some diversity of opinion in tbe Cabinet of the President as to the proper mode of meeting the difficulties whioh now disturbed the rela tions of the States and General Goverament? I replied, upon that point 1 had no informa tion ; under our system the Cablaet was an advising body ; its opinions were entitled to weight, but did not neossiarily compel tbe actiou of the President. Tbe Executive pew er was, by tbe Constitution, vested exclusive ly in the President. I said that 1 was further instructed to as sure him that tbe President of the United Slates entertains a full confidence in thespee dy restoration of harmony and unity of the Government by a firm, yet just and liberal polic *, co operating with the deliberate and loyal action of the American people. M. Tbouvenel expressed his pleasure at the assurance. I further said that the President regretted the events going on in tbe United Slates might be productive of some possible inconvenience to the people and subjects of France, but he was determined that those inconveniences shall be made as light and transient as possible, and, so far as it may rest with him, that all stran gers who may suffer any injury from them shall be indemnified. I said to him that tbe President thought it not impossible that an appeal would be made before long by the Confederate Slates to for eign Powers, and amongst others to the Gov ernment of France, for the recognition of their independence ; that no such ap peal having yet been made, it was prema ture and out of place to discuss any of tbe points involved in that delicate and important inquiry, but, the Government of the United States desired the fact to be known, that whenever any such supplications shall be made, it will meet with opposition from tbe Minister who shall then represent that Gov ernment at this Court. 1 said to him that my mission at this Court would soon terminate, and I should have uo official connection with the question which it was anticipated might arise upon the demand of the Confederate States for recognition of independence; that my place would soon be supplied by a distinguish ed citizen of New Jersey, a geutlernan who possessed the confidence of the President, who would doubtless come fully instructed as to tbe then wishes and views of the Government of the United States; and that the only request which 1 would uow make, and which would close &U I had to say in the interview, was that no proposition recognizing the permanent dismemberment of the American Union shall be considered by the French Government until after the arrival and reception of tbe new Minister, accredited by the United States to this Court. M. Tbouvenel, io reply, said that no appli cation hud yet been made to him by the Confed erate States in any form for the recognition of their independence; that the French Govern ment wa* not in the habit of acting hastily upon such questions, as might be seen by its tardi ness io recognizing tho new Kingdom of Ita ly ; that he believed the maintenance of the Federal Union in it* integrity tea* to be detired for the benejlt of the people of the North and South, as well as for the interests of France, and the Government of the United States might retl will assured that no hasty nor precipitate action would be taken on that subject by the Emperor. But whilst he gave utterance to these views, he was equally bound to say that the praotice aud usage of the present century had fully c|- tablished (be right of defacto Governments to recognition, when a proper cate was made out, for the decision of Foreign Powers Here the interview ended. The conversation was then further protract ed by an inquiry from M. Tbouvenel when .he new tariff would go into operation, and wbe ther It was to be regarded ns the settled poli cy of the Government. I told him that the first day in the present month had been prescribed as tbe period when the new duties would take effect; that I had not yet examined its provisions with such caro as would justify me in pronouncing an opinion upon its merits ; that it was condemn ed by the commercial classes of tbe coun try ; and that I had no doubt, from the dis content manifested in several quarters, that the subject would engage tbe attention of Con gress at its next meeting, and probably some important modifications would be made in it. The finances of the Government were at this time temporarily embarrassed, and 1 bad no doubt the provisions of the new tariff were adopted with a view, although probably a mis taken one, of sustaining the credit of the Treasury, as much as of reviving the protec tiva policy. 11c then asked my opinion as (o the course sf policy.that would be adopted towards the •eosdiog Slates, and whether 1 thought force would be employed to coerce them into sub* mission to the federal authority. I told hiui that l could only give him my individual opinion, and that f thought farce would not be employed ; that ours was a Gov ernment of publio opinion, and although the Union unquestionably possessed ail lbs ordi nary powers necessary for its preservation, as had been shown in several partial insurrec tions which bad occurred in cur history, yet that tbs extrema powers of tbs Government could only ha used in accordano* with public opinion, and that I was satisfied that the sen liaisnt of the paopla was opposed to the em ployment of fores against tha seceding Staisa. Bo sincere was the daftrsnse felt ia that coua try for Ike great priaaiplee of self govern ment, and so grant tbe respeet for the notion af the people when adopted under the impos ing forms of list* organisation and State sov ereignty, that I did not think tbs employment •f fores would bo teiersted for a moment, aad I (houghs eke only eolation ef oar difficulties would ho found U such modifications of oar cciotftuttasal compact as would invito the at- States back IS to tho Union, sr a poaco- | Death to Slavery 1 Bast I: “ ithegji Confederacy 1 lflon ury givgg a forcible ill as ofT rets tojfnt an end" to Coi Slavery fti the South, as follows : “The 'Cotton Lords’ are men of buslossa, and are * practical man ’ besides, sad will ueo any article that may be rendered profitable aqd from which (he largest revenue can be ob- _ j’—"'" •• 'r-* • turned. Any article of Cotton that ia ebaap Sin: The dispatches of your predecessor, ^ .. ... m; m .oJi2o, Biwtow - •n sn tha snbjeet. servant, J. FAULKNER. SKCMXTABY 0V STATE TO MB No. 7. DKTA WaithA AHTMiNtyFaTATK. 1 AffNnroTbx, March4, ISffl y Nc4, Tbe latter aokpowledgiog tbe receipt of our letter of recall, and announcing big intended return, require* ao special not km. No. lit bears the date of the 5th of April last. It contains only an exposition of Mr. Faulkner's views of lbe policy which ibis Government ought to pursue In regird to the disturbed condition of affairs at home, but at the same time gives us no information concerning tbs state of affairs in France. Tbe instructions heretofore transmitted to you will ebew you tho President’# view on the subject Mr. Faulkner has discussed, and these will be your guide, notwithstanding any dif ferent opinions your predecessor may have expressed, or left on record at Paris. No. 119 bears date of the 16th April last, and oentains a report of an official conversa tion, and also of an unofficial one, held be* tween Mr. Faulkner and M. Tbouvenel. In the former conversation, M. Tbouvenel asked Mr. Faulkner whether there is not some diver sit j of opinion in the Cabinet of the Presi dent as to the proper mode of meeting the dif ficulties which now disturb the relation of tbe States and the General Government. Mr. Faulkner, in reply, said that he had no infor ination on the subject. The matter is of do great moment, yet it is desirable that there be no misapprehension of ths true state of the Government in tbe present emergency. You may, therefore, recall that conversation to M. Thouvenel's memory, and then assure him ex plicity that there is no difference of opinion whatever between the President and his Con stitutional advisers, or ainoug those advisers themselves concerning the policy that has been pursued, and which is now prosecuted by the Administration, in regard to the unhappy dis turbance existing in the country. The path of Executive duty has thus far been loo plainly marked out by stern necessity lobe mistaken, while the solemnity of the great emergency and the responsibility it involves, have extin guished in the public councils every emotion but those of loyality and patriotism. It is not in the hands of this Administration that this Government to come to au end if at all, much less for want of harmony in devotion to the country. M. Thouvenel’s declaration that the United States may rest well assured that no hasty or precipitate notion on the subject of the appre hended application of the insurrectionists for a recogniiiongof the independence of the sj- called Confederate States is entirely satisfac tory, although it was attended by a reserva tion of views concerning general principles, applicable to cases that need not uow be dis cussed. In the unofficial conversation, Mr. Faulkner says that be himself expressed the opinion thAt force would not be resorted to, to coerce the so called seceding States into submis sion to the Federal auihority, aud the only solution of the difficulties would be found in such modifications of the constitution al compact as would invite the seceding States back into the Union, or a peaceable ao quiescence iu the assertion of their claim to a separate Sovereignly. The time when theae questions had any pertinence or plausibility haa passed away. The United States waited patiently while their authority was defied in turbulent assemblies, and insidious prepa rations, willing to hope that mediation^ offer ed on all sif'es, would conciliate and induoe the disaffected parties to return to a better mind. But the case is now altogether chan ged. Tbe insurgeiils have instituted’ revolu tion with open, flagrant, deadly war, to com pel the United States to acquiesce in tbe dis memberment of tbe Uuion. The United Slates have aooepted this oivil war as an inevitable necessity. The constitutional remedies for all complaints of the insurgents are still open to them, and will remain so. But on the oth er hand, the land and naval fcrces of the Un ion have been put into activity to restore the Federal auihority, and to save the Union from danger. You ennuot bo too decided or too explicit in making known to tho French Government that there i* not now, nor ha* (hire been, nor will there be any—th* least idea existing in this Government of suffering a dissolution of this Union to take place in any way whatever.— There will be here only one nation and one Government, and there will be tbe same lie- public and tbe % iame 'constitutional Union thU have already survived a dozen national changes of Government in almost every country. They will stand hereafter aa they are now, objects of human wonder and bum- man affection. You have seen on the eve of your departure, ths elasticity of tbe nstional spirit, the vigor of the national Government, aud the lavish devotion of the national irsas ures to this great cause. Tell M. Tbouvenel, then, with the highest consideration and good feeling, that the thought of a dissolution of this Union, jyeaceably or by force, has never entered into the mind oj any candid statesmen here, and it is high time that it be dismissed by statesmen in Europe. I am, 8ir, respectfully, Y’our obedient servant, (Signed,) WM. II. SEWARD. To Wm. L. Daytox, Esq., &c , Obituary. Wa regret to learn of the death of Win. Ho gan, Esq , of Hogsmville. He was well known, a good eitisen, and universally respected. He was buried ou the evening of tbe 7th instant. Proclamation by the President of the Confederate states of America. Wuxbkas. a Treaty, or Convention of Alli ance, offensive and defensive, between tha Con federate States of America and the Common wealth of Virginia, was concluded and signed at the city of Richmond, on tbe 24th day of April, 1861, whieh Treaty or Convention ia, word for word, aa follows; [Here follows a copy of tha Convention be tween Virginia and tha Confederate States, as ooneluded by the Commissioners of that State on th3 one part, and Mr, Stephens on the oth er, which we have already published.] And, whereas, the said Treaty, or Conven tion of Alliance has been duly ratified on both partes Now, therefore, he it known thet I, Jrffer- iob Davis, President of the Confederate States of ▲ morion, have caused Iks same Treaty, or Convention of Alliance, to be made public, to be obeerved and fulfilled with good frith by tbe Confederate States and the citiseos thereof. In witness whereof, I have hereunto i T a I set my hand, and cause the seal of the 1 " J Confederate Bute* to be eilxed. alike pity ef Montgomery, tbia eighth day of Mar, A. D..lbSt JEFFERFON DAVIS. ef fKpte judice,' and io reason otherwise would simply be nonsense. The objections lo Sural Cotton compared with the Cotton of the Soul hern States of Amer ica, have been £iveo to me by a large spinner, and are am follows : In the first place, it yields more waste, ». e. it looses more in process of spinning. This arises from tbe fact that it generally has more dust and dirt in it, and the dual and dirt ara of a weightier character than that of Aiger- ioau. It has also a very short fibre, and in order to make it into equally aa strong yarn it requires to be harder twisted—say one quali- ity requires twelve turns per inch, while the other nfedson)y eight turns. Tbe consequence Is, fbaMhe machinery will give out from fif teen lo twenty per oent. more of American yam than of Surat yarn. The work people prefer the American qual ity. Tbe yarn spins better, and the spinner can turn out more of it ; it breaks less, conse quently the weaver can weave more of it; and the operative can earn batter wages, and they have a 1 prejudice’ for the best quality. The Cloth made frera Surat, though of a beutlfol oolor, does not take the finish so Well, and when once washed looks 'poor’ and Mbin.’ Tbe reason is that the fibre of Surat is drier and less silky than American, and does not absorb the bleaching matter so thoroughly ; and being shorter aud less tenacious, is more easily washed cut. Tbe tru h is in ail respects (except color) the Indian Cotton is an inferior article, and as such can only find purchasers at such a relatively low priof aa will compeusata for tho various disadvantages of using it. 8urel is largely consumed, and will always be eon sumed, whenever it is thirty perosnt. cheaper than American. The imports of Surat Cotton into the Uni ted Kingdom in 18tiOwa9 about 580,000 bales; aud the amount taken for consumption was 3,255 bales per week, or l‘J9,2G0 bales for tha year, equal to 13,000 bales American. Nearly tbree-fourihs of all the Sural Cotton imported is exported to the Continent. The consumption last year, per week, as compared with i860, was : 1801. SALMONS k S1MM0N8,] FOIElfiS & DOR DKlfi >. |Vo.lB| *d<1 'f ^Gorn.r of miuh.ll tad Atlanta, Georgia. NEW SPRING STOcl O KB of our firm h.rin, relumed In k.t, wh.reb. h.iJuMcomplei*., lit. pnre&u. of oor Spring Sioek 0 |* 1900. 1956. Hales. Dales. 40,854 86,6*9 8,065 2,027 Egyptian ami West Iudlea 1.862 hast Indies Weekly Consumption 49,186 44,128 This shows that over 85 per cent, of all the Cottou uaed in England is of the production of the Southern 8tafev. The consumption on the Continent amounts to 95 per oent. Who is afraid of India ? MANCHESTER.” l£uglisli Recognition of the Confederate State* Government Considered. The London coi respondent of the Charles* ton “Mercury,” writing on the 20th of April, says: Some little time ago, Mr. Gregory gave no tice of his intention to put a question to Lord J. Russell, ns to the probability of a recogni tion of the Southern Confederacy by tha Brit ish Government. That notice, however, has been postponed for a fortnight; but ths mat ter will be precipitated, perhaps, by the arri val of your Commissioner or Envoy ; it will be a kuock at the door of the Cabinet that must be answered. As it is as well to look things fairly in the face, I will attempt to describe what will be the probable results of the appli cation. First, you must expect some delay. The case, you will be told, is without prece dent. The practice of English Ministries, whatever their party composition, is to ac* knowledge all de facto governments. We have recognized every successive sovereignly in France, from that of old Charles the Tenth, downwards. We shall soon acknowledge the sovereignly of Sardinia over Italy. But, di plomacy will tell you, that in all these cases, the previous government had uttarly destroy ed, by insurrection and barricades, or the sov ereign had abandoned and cancelled all by ab dication aud flight, like the late Italian Dukes ; or bad lost hi* kingdom by being beaten in batile, like Austria and the King of Naples.— These casci were o’.ear. No choice was left; thete was either the de facto goverament or nothing. And as diplomacy rather delights io soruples, and cau sometimes assume the pos session of a political conscianee, you may cal culate on its making a ground for delay out of the still existing claim of the Federal Gov eminent at Washington to exercise its federal authority in the 8outh, dsjure. Here will be tho pinch of the oaso for the European Pow ers. They will say that the question of two Confederal ions, or one, is not yet decided.— And there ara only two ways in which the de cision can bo arrived at. The first is, that the North acoept the seoession, as the best policy, and make no attempts to coerce, collcot duties, or occupy forte, in the manner of absolute ru ler* (for after all these things do kings and daapots seek :) in short, lo renounce tbe rights it cannot enforce without wat^. Then the is sue would ba clear. Tke second course is to stake all on the results of a war. Tbe issue, then, would be clear also; but when it would come, who can predict ? And while it ia pend ing, the Powers of Europe will dtf«r the re cognition of (ha political indepaadaaoa of tbe South. Tbe question must be completely set tled on American soil, first; we only hope here that this settlement may be effeoted without the hidcou* calamities of a civil war. The re lative conditions of North and 8euth, one# clearly defined, I believe that there would be no unwillingness lo recognize the Southern Republic, to salute ita flag, and motive its Ministers. Theae are tha opinions, on the aub ject, of ao eminent diplomatist; and I give them as I Lave heard them ; with a protest against (hat e«<nHJt ef werel obliquity they involve, by excluding any judgment except that from the event. It (i tbe original iln ef diplomacy, and utterly InourabU- Tbe rve rods you have bad for seceding will not weigh at all in procuring an acknowldgaaanl of the change, unless it ia euceeteftil. But military men here think that, aa to material prepara tions, you heio tka bast aud of tka staff. Fort Sumter, h*ipg held, only by sqffareapa, tke UfAe af Its tv sedation doe* hot depend ee musk on orders from Washington aa oo the decision of Charleston HYMENEAL. I LAW.— on Thursday, May 0th, baa, Mr. I. C Mrarav.«« m AJWvfliirtir ***** MURPHY—LAW—Married, at OeinoevUle, 1th, by tka Rot. R. W.Bta- DJtY GOOD$ wo fake this method of advieide ths • ika same. Our stock of 1 STAJ’LE & FANCY GOO Da won never more attractive. The i BLEACHED AND BROWN SHEETlMOli SHIRTINGS, to., ia ample. Crepe IN Anglais, Barege Anglais, french rhinlt, Aioiambiyus, ftredid and a splendid assortment of Plain g Pnucf | Silk JBantleo, Dusters, Me., may bo found among our assorts Ladies* ALEXANDER KID GL0VK8, SILK J Every variety of Ladies’ andMiaaei , | manufactured in Philadelphia axpi our trade. A more beautiful lot of CARPETINGS, OIL CLOTHS AND Mg* wo have never displayed in this market I All of which we will sell low for CAi Orders promptly attended to. SALMONS 4 ME Atlanta, March 28, 1861. SILVEY & DOUGHERT NORCROS8’ BUILDING, Junction Whitehall Sc Pe Streets, Atlanta, G-oorg H AVE just rooeivad. and i tha largest stock > f Goons they k_ offered in one season. Their stock wa k exclusively for Cash, and will be prieeli figures. m They have every variety ef DRY GOODS, from Brown Homespuns to th* I Silks; all kinds of fresh LADIES'i GOODS; b large assortment of • Get including Linens, Lawns, Piece Goods,0 Ginghams, Ac.; all kinds of H081ST FANCY ARTICLES. Also, a larva a of JEWELRY, WATCHER ( In their Basement Rooms, they havta gant and full supply of Ready-Made Clothing, and GENTLEMEN'S FURNISHING < TRUNKS, UMBRELLAS, Ac. Al*i $16,000 worth of SHOES, BOOTS, i embracing all sises. and a great variety,! dies, Misses, Men, Boys and Children. They repeat: their atock ia vary full] they ara determined to cell. The publio are respectfully invited I and examine their atock and price* b * chasing elsewhere, march8 SILVEY 4 D0UGHK Me NAUGHT, HEARD A I Commission and Forwarding J BAY STREET Bavaiiwah, « - « • • ( Wm. 11 mar20 (Joasl! OR2I. IRA n. FOSTER. FOSTER & QUEEN] GROCERS —AMD— COMMISSION MERCHI MARIETTA STEIBT, Atlanta, OeorflA I K EEP constantly on hand all kioBdl visions and Family Supplies. ba/Mj all kinds of Tennessee and CoustgfW also, sell Goods consigned to the ben i tage, and render accounts cf ialepw*r Patronage respectfully solicited. A fine lot of Pure Country Cor* hand, and for sals by FOSTER 4 QU may 6. CONFECTIONARIES. F. M. JACK, Ag K«XT DOOR TO W. r. RiRRIH • «. Whitehall BU Atlanta < K EEPS conaUDtljoD hind an» : of CONFECTIONARIE8, FRUITS, CAKES, NUTS, CANDIES, _— PRESERVE] JELtlir - PI(» Also, Fioo Imported WINEfO TOBACCO, CIGARS, Ac.. Ao. .. Alio, a gnat Yiri.lj ol Ttocj Art." kata, Toys, Ao. . iv g Tha Ladies and the Public genvrsiij^ spectfully invited to call. DANIELL & McENT Wholes.1. De.len ii BHDCERIES, PHOBIC 1 PMch- Trto Atlanta, A FINE iopply of Corn, Baton • ways on hand. WRIGHT * JACL . FOR WAR DINS RE/iCh BAT STREET. BAVANNI allbr a. waioae. -*■ R efer to oapuin ranoah, 0..; Cl.ghorn A ' Savannah, Oa.i Boilon A aa, Ha i Btitoa A Caaorn, ILL, Hart, a, Fnlatta, Flat Il.wkla.v0la, Oa. . j Agwat hr iba EnrglU. Li«f» *f» »» RnvaaaSIna, aad 8«*— aad Oak, h» BawkiaivWa.