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I
SOUTHERN O ONFEDEEACY
jovthttn (Sonffdmtg
oeoTwTadaib, j. henly smith,
XMTOXS AND PBOFKIXTOBfl.
J. H. CARDOZO
* C. SMITH, U. D.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA:
FRIDAY. JANUARY 16, 1863.
URflKST DAILY C1BCULAT10H IB THE STATE.
WHEK FIRST PAGE.-W
President’* Speech.
To the exclusion of oar usual variety, ve
lay before onr readere to-day, the first por
tion of the Speeehof President Davis, before
the Mississippi Legislature—knowing that
they will be as much entertained with it as
anything we could lay before them.
Beast Batter.
It is intimated that Lincoln is to give the
beast a new command down Sooth; probably
he will be charged with an expedition having
for its object the subjugation of Charleston—a
city, most cordially hated by both these brutes
(one a vile beast, and the other a baboon). The
baboon hates Charleston because the war of the
rebellion began there; and the beast hates it
because a Southern gentleman made the vile
coward pocket an insult in the convention which
assembled in that city in 1860. Let him come
on.
Gen. Lee at Vlck.barg,
Several persons have int uired of us who is
Gen. Lee, who figured so conspicuously and
effectively at the late battle of Vicksburg. We
learn that it is Stephen D. Lee, a native of South
Carolina, who was 1st Lieutenant in the 4th
RegiiAent of U. S. Artillery before our present
troubles, but who promptly left that service, and
cast bfs fortunes with bis native and beloved
South. Bis brother, Hon. J. A. L. Lee, now
represents the county of Muscogee in the House
of Representatives in this State, and is one ol
the beet members of that body.
Gen. Lee has been recently appointed to the
office he now holds. He was appointed a Second
Lieutenant in the 4th U. S. Artillery on the 1st
July 1854, and is one of the most accomplished
and efficient officers in our service.
Ylcksburft.
We are soon to have a fearful battle at the
City of Hills. No doubt a simultaneous at*
tack will be made on it by tho land forces of
McClernand and Sherman from above, and
Banks from below, as Well as the enemy’s
fleet upon the river. If all we have been
told of tho preparations and the natural ad
vantages for defense and repelling assaults
be true, wo shall expect the Gibraltar of the
ver to cultivate, and the esteem andsympa*
by of civilized and Christian nations.
J2. Whilst tho Confederate States of America
are not at all responsible for the existing war,
and have been at all times ready to participate
in auch arrangements as wcnld be (test suited
to bring it to a close, in a manner consistent
with their own safety and honor, they could not
yield their consent to an Armistice of a single
day or hoar, so long as the incendiary procla
mation of the atrocioua monster now bearing
rule in Washington City shall remain unre
voked ; nor conla the government oi said Con
federate States 'agree to negotiate at all in
regard to a suspension of hostilities, except
npon the basis of a formal and unconditional
recognition of their Independence.
3. Whenever the friends of peace iu the
North shall grow strong enough to constrain
Abraham Lincoln and his flagitious Cabinet to
withdraw said proclamation and propose an.
armistice, upon the basis aforesaid, the Govern
ment of the Confederate States will be ready to
accede to said proposition of armistice with a
view to the settlement of all existing diffi
culties.
4. Should peaoe be at any time brought
about, the Confederate States of America
would freely consent to the formation of a
just and mutually advantageous commercial
treaty with all the States now constituting
the United States, except New England; with
yrhoae people, and whose ignoble love of gold
and brutish fanatiofsm, this disgraceful war
has mainly originated; in consideration of
which facts, the people of the Confederate
States of America are firmly and deliberately
resolved to have no intercourse whatever,
hereafter, either direct or indirect, political,
commercial or sooial, under any circumstan
ces which could be possibly imagined to ex
ist, with said States of New England or the
people therein resident
6. The Government of the Confederate
States, in consideration of the change in
public sentiment which has occurred in sev
eral of the Northern States, wherein politi
cal elections have been reoently held, sym
pathising most kindly with those by whose
manly exertions that ohange has been brought
about, would be wiping to conolude a just
and honorable peace with any one.or more of
said States who, (renonnoing all political
connection with New England,) may be found
willing to stipulate for desisting at once from
ihe farther prosecution of the war against
the South; and, in suoh case, the Government
of the Confederate States would be willing
to entpr into a league offensive and defensive,
with the States thus desisting, of a perma
nent and enduring charaoter.
6. The Government of the Confederate
States is now willing, a3 it has heretofore re
peatedly avowed itself to be, whenever the
States bordering upon the Mississippi River
or any of them shall have deolared their in
clination to withdraw from the farther pros
ecution of the war upon the South, (which,
oonlditbe suooessful, would only have the
effect of destroying their own best market,)
to guarantee to them, in the most effeotual
and satisfactory manner, -the peaceful and
uninterrupted navigation of the said Missis
sippi River and itB tributaries, and to open
to them at once the markets of the South,
greatly enhanced in value to them as they
wouldbebythe permanent exclusion of ail
articles of New England growth or manufac
ture.
7. The coarse of practical neutrality in re
gard to il. i*a4ina hftrnlnfjnre nursued
by the States and Territories West of the
dkliyxekd in tub ball op nxpBBSXNTAiivxg,
JACKSON, mss., DECEMBER 26,1862. '
Friends and FeUow-Citiscns, Gentlemen of (he
House of Representatives and Senate of the
State of Mississippi :
After an absence of nearly two years I
again find myself among those who, from the
days of my ohildhood, have ever been the
trusted objects of my affections, those for
whoso good I have ever striven, and whose
interests I have sometimes hoped 1 may have
contributed to subserve. Whatever fortunes
mag have achieved in lift have been gained
as a representative of Mississippi, and be
fore all I have labored for tho advancement
of her glory and honor. I now, for the first
time in my career, find myself the represen
tative of a wider circle of interests; but a
circle in which the interests of Mississippi
are Btill embraced. Two years ago, nearly,
leit yon to assume the duties which had de
volved on me as the representative of the new
Confederacy. The responsibilities of this
losition have occupied all my time, and have
eft me no opportunity for mingling with my
friends in Mississippi, or for sharing in the
dangers which have menaced them. Bat,
wherever duty may have called me, my heart
has been with yon, and the snooess of the
cause in which we are all engaged has been
first in my thoughts and in my prayers. I
thought when I left Mississippi that the ser
vice to whioh I was called would prove to be
bat temporary. The last time I had the hon
or of addressing yon from this stand, I was
influenced by that idea. I then imagined
that it might be my fortune again to lead
Missippians into the field, and to bo with them
where danger was to bo braved! and glory
won. I thought to find that plaoe whioh I
believed to ho suited to my oapacity; that of
an officer in the servioe of the State of Mis
sissippi. For, although in the discharge of
my duties as President of the Confederate
States, I had determined to make no distinc
tion between the various parts of the country
—to know no separate State—yet my heart
has alwtys beat more warmly for Mississippi,
and I have looked on Mississippi soldiers
with a pride and emotion suoh aB no others
inspired. Bat it was deoibed differently.—
I was called to another sphere of action.—
How,' in that sphere, 1 have discharged the
duties and obligations imposed on me, it does
not become me to oonstitnte myself the judge.
It is for others to decide that question. But,
speaking to yon with that frankness and that
confldenoe with whioh I have always spoken
to you, and which partakes of the nature of
thinking aloud, I can say, with my hand
upon my heart, that whatever I have done,
has been done with the sinoere purpose of
promoting the noble cause in whioh we are
engaged. The period vhioh has elapsed since
I left you is short; for the time which may
appear long in the life of man, is short in
the history of a nation. And in that short
period remarkable changes have been wrought
in all the cironmstances by whioh we are sur
rounded. At the time of whioh I speak, the
question represented to our people was “ will
there be war T” This was tbe subject of uni-
versat speculation. We bad obosen to exer
cise an indisputable right—the right to sop
arate from those with whom we conceived as-
Weat to come oat of this combined attack
Wji^vlatnrw n^had hixh unon her bagjgg jggS has afforded the highest
The New York World admits a Yankee loss
of 5,000 in the late attack on that place.—
We aro oredibly fhformed that not more than
2,500 of our men were engaged on that occa
sion against folly 40,000 Yankees—so great
are the natnral advantages on onr side for a
successful defense.
ate Slates of Almericaf^and'lt'Is
Gov. Foote’s Resolutions.
By telegrsph in our issue of yesterday it was
announced that Hon. Henry S. Foote of Ten
nessee, had introduced into Congress important
resolutions expressive of the policy of this gov
ernment towards tho States xtill remaining in
the Union, except the New England States, aud
in reference to armistice and peace.
Through the politeness of onr attentive Rich-
mond correspondent, Cbebosee, we are in pos
session of a copy of these important resolutions,
and here lay them before onr readers. Their
great importance must secure for them an at
tentive reading by every person into whose
hands they fail.
Tbe people the. of the Confederate States o
America having, in the prpgress of the pending
war, most clearly demonstrated their ability to
maintain, by arms, the claim to separate inde
pendence, which they have heretofore asserted
before the world, and being inflexibly resolved
never to relinquish the struggle in which they
are engaged until the great object for which they
have been contending shall have been finally
accomplished; in view ot the fact that a great
political reaction in opposition to the bloody and
unnatural war now in a course ot prosecution,
has displayed itself in several of the most popu
lous and influential States or what was once
honorably known bb " The United States of
America;”—and in view of the additional fact
that even among the avowed opponents of des
potism and the recognized friends of peaco in
the North, a grave and deplorable misapprehen
sion has of late arisen in regard to the true con
dition of puhlic senUment in tho South touchine
the question of reconstructing that politica°i
Union once existing under the protection of what
is known as the Federal Constitution ; not in
ordsr that no further misunderstanding of the
kind referred to may hereafter prevail, and in
order that the unchangeable determination of our
Government and people in reference to the terms
uppn which alone they would be now willing to
bring this sanguinary struggle to a close may
be made known. The Congress ot the Confed-
er V® America do resolve as follows :
1. There is no plan of reconstructing what
was formerly known as the Federal Union, to
which tho people of the Confederate States
consent. Wrongs too grievouB and
multiplied have been oommitted npon onr
most cherished rights by a united North, since
this unprovoked and moBt wicked war com-
menced; amtyority of the people of the
Northern States have, too evidently shown
themselves to be utterly incapable of self-
government and unmindful of all the funda
mental principles upon whioh alone republi
can institutions can be maintained; they
nave too long submitted patiently to the iron
rule of tbe basest and most degrading des
potism that tho world has yet known; lor too
long a period of time have they openly and
unhesitatingly sympathizedjrith the lawless
and ferocious miscreants why have been sent
into the bosom of the unoffending South to
•pill the precious blood of our most valued
citizens—to pollute and to desecrate all that
we hold in especial respect and veneration—
to rob ns of our property—to expel us from
our homes—and wantonly to devastate our
country—to allow even of tho possibility of
ourever again consenting to hold the least
political connection with those who haTe so
cruelly outraged onr sensibilities and so pro
foundly dishonored themselves, in assoeia-
tion with whom, we feel that we could not
«x?ect to enjoy_that freedom which we love,
that aelf-Tespect whioh we are determined
the day is not far distant when said States
and Territories, consulting their own obvi
ous safety and future welfare, will withdraw
forever from -all politioal connection with
Government which has heretoforebeenasource
of continual oppression to them; and when
said States and Territories, asserting their
separate independence, shall appropriate to
themselves the manifold advantages snre to
result from such a movement among which
may be reckoned;
1st. Relief from grievous and exhausting
tariff regulations, now being rigidly ex
posed;
2d. Relief from all the discredit resulting
inevitably from the prosetftUion of the pres
ect unjust and unauthorised war;
3. Relief from the pressure ot a despotism
the most heartless and atrocious ever yet eetab
fished;
4. Relief from the crushing weight of tfixa.ion
unavoidably growing out of the war;
5. The exclusive use and enjoyment ot all
the rich mineral lands stretching aloDg the slope
of the Pacific;
6. Free-trade 'with all the nations of- the
earth and a future maratimr growth and power
that has no^parallel; and .RSlIy, a monopoly of
the trade ot the Pacific ocean;
Resolved. That the President be respectfully
requested, if he shall approve these resolutions
to cause them to be promulged and transmittet
to the States pf the North by such means as he
shall deem most judicious; and that he accom-
pany them, if he shall think it advisable, with
such an address, or proclamation, expository of
the matter embodied therein, as he shall judge
most suitable and proper.
The late Gen. T. R. R. Cobb.—The New
York Observer, referring to the late Con
federate General Cobb, of Georgia, who was
killed in the battle of Fredericksburg,
says:
Mr. Cobb was an older in the Presbyte
rian Church, and ah active member of ec
clesiastical bodies, a distinguished author
and contributor to the religious periodical
literature of the country. His religious
communications have appeared in this
paper, and we esteemed him as an able and
excellent Christian gentleman and scholar.
When Mr. Lincoln was elected to the
Presidency, we made special exertions to
set before tho people, especially onr readers
in tbe South, the duty of yielding patriotic
and constitutional obedience to the Gov
ernment by whomsoever administered, and
we farther insisted that resistance to the
Government would be rebellion. Mr. Cobb
was the first to resent this doctrine, and to
insist upon the right and duty of the South
to take immediate measures to deliver its
people from the Government of the United
The Observer makes the following res
marks about the job Mr. Lincoln has un
dertaken to perform:
When we see such men as Cobb and Hill»
and Preston and Jackson, all of them dis
tinguished for their intelligent Christian
characters, all of them Presbyterian elders
all of them ledders of the enemy, and all
of them men of prayer as well as valor, we
are more and more persuaded that our
people have not yet appreciated the task
they have undertaken in the subjugation
of the South.
_y-;Whfin a subscriber requests a. change iu
the address of his newspaper, he soould name
the office at which he has been receiving it, as
well as the one to which he wisnes it changed
so. If this rule is not observed the desired
change cannot be made.
Address of President Davis.
sooiation to be no longer possible, and to os-
tamisn .a ~gvr~—-.ant of our own. I was
among those who, from the beginning pre-
dialfl&fltftr-aa-the consequence of *—
-4Hfer
assumed proportions more gigantio than
had anticipated. I predicted war, not be
cause uur right to secede and form a govern
ment of our own waB not indisputable and
clearly defined in the spirit of that declara
tion which rests the right to govern on the
consent of the governed, but beeause 1 fore
saw that the wickedness of tho North would
preoipitate a war npon us. Those who sup
posed that the exercise of this right of sopa-
rati >n oould not produce war, have had cause
to be convinced that they had credited their
reoent associates of the North with a mode
ration, a sagacity, a morality they did not
possess. You have been involved in a war
waged for the gratification of the lust of
power ond of aggrandizement, for your con
quest and your subjugation, with a malignant
ferocity and with a disregard and a contempt
of the UEar at civilization, entirely une
qualled in . jvj. Snch, I have ever warned
you, were Uiw characteristics of the North
ern people—of those with whom our anoes-
tors entered into a Union of oonsent, and
with whom they formed a constitutional com
pact. And yet, suoh was tho attachment of
our people for that Union, such their devo
tion to it, that those who desired preparation
to be made for the inevitable oonfliot, were
denounced as men who only wished to de
stroy the Union. After what has happened
during the last two years, my only wonder is
that we consented to live for so long a time
in association with such miscreants, and have
loved 'So much a government rotten to the
core. Were it ever to be proposed again to
enter into a Union with suoh people, i oould
no more consent to do it than to trust myself
in a den of thieves. ,
You in Mississippi have but little experienced
as yet the horrors of ihe war. You have seen
but little of tho sevage manner in which it is
waged by your barberous enemies. It has been
mv tortuno to witness it in ail its terrors; in a
part of the country where old men have been
torn ftom their homes, carried into captivity and
immured in distant dungeons, and whore delicate
women have been insulted by a brutal soldiery,
and forced even to cook for the duty Yankee in
vaders; where property has been wantonly de,
stroved, the country ravaged, and every outrage
committed. And it is with those people that our
fathers formed a union and a solemn compact.
There is indeed a difference between the two
peonies. Let no man hugthe delusionthat there
can be renewed association between them. Our
enemies are a traditionless and a homeless race;
from the time of Cromwell to the preset moment
they have been disturbers of the peace of the
world. Gathered together by Cromwill from the
bogs and fens of the North of Ireland and Eng-
expedient to enable ub to maintain our ground.
The only expedient remaining to us was to call
on the brave men who had entered the service
of their country at the beginning of the war,
supposing that the conflict was to last but a
short time, and that they would not Be long ab
sent from their homes. Tho only expedient, 1
say, was tc call on these gallant men ; to ask
them to maintain their position in front ot tbe
enemy, and to surrender for a time their hopes
of soon returning to their families and their
friends. And nobly did they rospond to the call.
They answered that they were willing to stay—
that they were willing to maintain their position
and to breast the tide of invasion ; but it was
not just that they should stand alone. They
asked that the men who had stayed at home—
who had thus far been sluggards in the cause—
should be iorced likewiso to meet the enemy.—
From this resulted the law of Congress which
is known as the Conscription Act, which de
clared all men, from the age -of eighteen to the
age of thirty-five, to be liable to enrollment in
the Cor federate service. I regret that there
has been some prejudice excited against that
act, and that it has been subjected to harsher
criticism than it deserves. And here 1 may say
that an erroneous impression appears to prevail
in regard to this act. It is no disgrace to be
brought into the army by conscription. There
is no more reason to expect from the citizen
voluntary service in the army than to expect
voluntary labor on the public roads, or volunta
ry payment of taxes. But these things we do
not expect. We assess the property ot the citi
zen; we appoint tax-gatherers. Why should we
not likewise distribute equally the labor, and
enforce equally the obligation ot delending the
country from its enemies ? I repeat that it is
no disgrace to any one to be conscribed, but it
is a glory for those who do not wait for the con
scription. Thus resulted the conscription act;
and thence arose the necessity for the exemption
act. That necessity was met. But when it
was found that, under tnese acts, enough men
were not drawn into the ranks of the army to
fulfill the purposes intended, it became necessa
ry to pass another conscription act, and another
exemption act. It isgonly ot this latter that I
desire now to speak. Its policy was to leave at
home those mon needed to conduct the adminis
tration, and those who might bo required to
support and manitain the industry of the coun
try. In other wards, to exempt from military
service those whose labor, employed in other
avocations, might be more profitable to the
country and to the government than in tho
ranks of the army.
. I learn that this act has excited some discon
tent, and that it has provoked censure, far more
severe, I believe, than it deserves. It has been
said that it exempts the rich from military ser
vice, and forces the poor to fight the battles of
the country. The poor do, indeed, fight the
battles of the country. It is the poor who save
nations and make revolutions. But is it true
that in this war the'men of property have shrunk
from the ordeatofthe battle field l Look through
the army; cast your eyes upon the maimed he
roes of the war whom you meet in your streets
and in the hospitals; remember the martyrs of
the conflict; and I am sure you will find among
them more than a fair proportion drawn from
the ranks of men of property. The object of
that portion of the act which exempts those
having charge of twenty or more negroes, was
not to draw any distinction of classes, but sim
ply to provide a force, in the nature of a police,
sufficient to keep our negroes-in control. This
was the sole object of the clause. Had it been
otherwise, it would never have'received my sig
nature. As I have always said, we have no
cause to complain of the rich. All of our peo
ple have done well; and, while the poor nave
nobly discharged their duties, most of the weal
thiest and most distinguished families of the
South have representatives in the ranks. I take,
as an example, the case of one of your own rep
resentatives in Cone rasa, who as . nominated
--id elected.;.but still did a senti-
land, they commenced by disturbing the peace
of their own country; they disturbed Holland
to which they fled, and they disturbed Englart
on their return. They persecuted Citholics in
England, and they hung Quakers and witches
in Amerioa. Having been hurried into a war
with a people so devoid of every mark of civili
zation, you have no doubt wondered lhat I have
not carried out the policy—which! intended
should have been our policy—of fighting our
battles on tbe fields of the enemy, instead of
Buffering him to fight them on ours. This was
not the result of my will, but of the power of
the enemy. They had at their commaad the
accumulated wealth of seventy years—the mili
tary stores which had been laid np during that
time. They, had grown rich horn the taxes
wrung from you for the establishing and sup
porting of their manufacturing institutions.—
We hat
,ve entered upon a conflict with a nation
contiguous to us in territory, and vastly supe
rior to us in numbers. In the laee of these
facts, the wonder is, not that we have done
-little, but that we have done so mudh. In the
first year of the war our forces wen sent into
the field poorly armed, and were Tar inferior in
number to the enemy. We were compelled
even to arm ourselves by the capture ot weapons
taken from the foe on the battlefield. Thus in
every battle we we exchanged our arms for those
of the invader. At the end of twelve months of
thf war, it was still necessary to *dopt some
solitary .inatan&S, .(/PW-ttm. «acli _ie this a
in Mississippi arc now serving as privates in the
army.
Permit me to say that I have seen with pecu
liar pleasure the recommendation of your Gov
ernor in his message to make some provision for.
the families of the absent soldiers of Mississip
pi. Let tuis provision be made for the objects
of his affection and his solicitude, and thesoldier
engaged in fightiug the battles - of his country
will no longer be disturbed in his slumber by
dreams of an unprotected and neglected family
at home. Let him know that his mother. Mis
sissippi, has spread her protecting mantle over
m
men are endowed, wo should not fear to meet
them in the proportion of one to two. But
troops must be disciplined in order to devel
op their cfficienoy; and in order to keep them
at their posts* Above all, to assure this re
sult, we need the support of public opinion —
We want public opinion to frown down thoso
who come from the army with sad tales of
disaster and prophecies of evil, and' who skulk
from the duties they owe thoir country. We
roly on the women of the land to turn baok
these deserters from the ranks. I thank the
Government for asking the legislalnreto make
the people of theState tributary to this ser
vice. In addition to this it is necessary to
fill up those regiments which have for so long
4 time been serving in the field. They have
stood before tho foe on' many hard fought
fields, and havo proven their courage and de
votion on all. They have won the admiration
of tho army and of the country. And here
I may repeat a compliment I have heard
which, although it secmB to partake of levi-
ty, appears an illustration of the esteem in
which Mississippians are held.
It happened that several persons were con
versing of a certain battle, and one of them
remarked that the Mississippians did not run.
“On not” said another “Mississippians
never run.” But those who have passed
through thirteen pitohed battles are not un
scathed. Their ranks are thinned, and they
look baok to Mississippi for aid to augment
their diminished numbers. They look back
expecting their brothers to fly to their res
cue ; but it sometimes seems as if the long
anticipated relief would never come. A
brigade which may consist of only twelve
hundred i> en is expeoted to do the work of
four thousand. Humanity d mands that these
depleted regiments be filled up. A mere
skeleton cannot reasonably be expected to
perform the labor of a body with all its flesh
and muscles on it. You have many who
might assist in revivifying your reduced re
giments—enough to fill up the ranks if they
would only oonsennt to throw of the shackles
of private interest, and devote themselves to
the noblest cause in whioh a man can be en
gaged. You have now in tho field old men
and gentle boys who have braved all the ter
rors and the dangers of war. I remember an
instanoe of one ef these, a brave and gal
lant youth who, I was told, was but six
teen years of age. In one of those bloody
battles by whioh the soil of Virginia has been
conseorated to liberty, he was twice wounded,
and eaoh time bound up the wound with his
own hands, while refusing to leave the field.
A third time he was struck, and the life
blood flowed in a crimson stream from his
breast. His brother oame to him to minis.er
to his wants ; but the noble boy aaidg “ broth
er, yon cannot do mo any good now; go
where you oan do the Yankees most harm.”
Even then, while lying on the ground, his
young life fast ebbing away, he cocked his
rifle and aimed it to take one last spot at the
enemy. And so he died, a hero and a mar
tyr. This was one of the boys whose names
shed glory on Mississippi, and who, looking
baok trom their distant oamps, whe~e they
Btand prepared to fight your battles, and to
turn baok the tide of Yankee invasion, ask
you now to send them aid in the struggle—to
send them men to stand by them in tb day
of trial, on the right hand and on the loft.
When I came to Mississippi I was uncertain
in wnieh direction the enemy intended to come
or what poiut they intended to attack. It bac
been stated indeed in their public prints that
they-would movo down _u * - - -
the North, with the object
~b’TO , mnil. 1 ''BUtirWHtrtno^FO^rarniueSvlhelt 1
A. C. WYLY & CO..
WHOLESALE
O R O C E R S
Commission Merchants,
At their Old Stand,
Comer of Peach-Tree and Walton Sts.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA
1 £f) PR1MK TO CHOICE OLD 1‘KOOKSa NEW OS-
loan* Sugar, far sale by
. A. O- WYLY A 00
1 KOO BOXES TOBACCO FOR SALE BY
1 ) dW A O. WYLY A <
K A TIERCES RICE FOR SALE BY
OU A. U. Wl
pOVntY JEANS FOR SALE BY
A. 0. WYLY A 00.
CA BARRELS TANNER’S OIL FOR SALE BY
ou . A. O. WYLY A <
6 BAGS BIO OOFFEE FOR SALE BY
A. O. WYLY A 0).
J EjO saok8*salt for sale by
A. 0. WYLY A CO,
nov28-tf Ooinmiutou MerclumU, AtlouU. ti«
TO ADVERTISERS.
2£I78INXSS MEN who aeetre * flr.t oi*w
Advertising Medium
those he loves, and he will De ready to fight your
battles, to protect your honor, and in your cause
to die. There is another one of the Governor’s
propositions to which I wish to allude. I mean
the proposition to call upon those citizens who
are not subject to the Confederate conscription
law; and to- form them into a reserve corps for
the purpose of aiding in tho defense of the State
Men who are exempted by law from the per*
performance oi any duty, do not generally feel
the obligation to perform that duty unless called
upon by tho law. But I am confident that the
men of Mississippi have only to know that their
soil is invaded, their cities menaced, to rush to
meet the enemy, even if they serve only lor
thirty days. I see no reason why the State may
not in an exigency like that which now presses
on her, call ou her reserved forces and organize
them for service. Such troops could be of ma
terial benefit, by serving in entrenchments, and
thus relieving the veteran and disciplined sol
diers for the duties of the field, where discipline
is so much needed. At the end of a short term
of service they could return to their homes and
to their ordinary avocations, resuming those du
ties necessary to the public prosperity.
The exemption act passed by the last Con-,
gross will probably be made the subject of
revision and amendment. It seems to me
that some provisions might bo made by whioh
those who are exempt from enrollment now
might, on becoming subject to conscription,
be turned over by tho State to the Confeder
ate authorities. But let it never be said that
there is a conflict between tho States and the
Confederate Government, by whioh a blow
may be inflicted on the common cause. If
such a page may be written on the history of
any State, I hope that you, my friends, will
say that that State shall not be Mississippi.-—
Let me repeat that there is muoh that the re
served corps can do. They can build bridges
and construct fortifications, and aot as a sort
of polioe to preserve order, and promote the
industrial interests of tbe State and to keep
the negroes under control. Beingof the peo
ple among whom they would act, those mis
understandings would thus be avoided which
are apt to arise when strangers are employed
in such a service. In this manner the capac
ity of the army for active operations against
the enemy would be materially increased. I
hope I shall not be considered intrusive for
having entered into these details. The mea
sures I have reoommended are placed before
you only in tho form of suggestions, and, by
you, 1 know I shall not be misintcipreted.
In considering the manner in which the
war has been condnoled by tho enemy, noth
ing arrests the attention more than the mag
nitude of the preparations made for our sub
jugation. Immense navies have been con
structed, vast armies have been accumulated,
for the purpose of “orushing out the rebel
lion.” It has been impossible for us to moet
thorn in equal numbers, nor have we required
it. . Wo have often whipped them three to
one, and in the eventful ,battle of Antietam,
Lee whipped them four to one. But do not
understand me as saying this will always be
the case. When the troops of tho enemy be
come disciplined, and acoustomed to the obe-
dtenoe of the camp, they wili necesserily ap
proach more nearly to an equality with our
own men. We have always whipped them in
spite of disparity of numbers, and on any
fair field, fighting as man to man,, and rely
ing <*nly on those neutral qualities with which
ad been proclaimed for the invasion and subju
gation of your State. But when I went to
Grenada I found that the enemy had retired
from our front, and that nothing was to be seen
of them but their backs. It is probable that
they have abandoned that line, with the inten
tion of reinforcing tho heavy column now dess
cending the river. Vicksburg and Port Hudson
are the real points of attack. Every effort will
be made to capture those places, with the object
of forcing the navigation of the Mississippi, of
cutting off our communications with the Trans-
Missississipp Department, and of severing the
Western-from the Eastern portion of the Con
federacy. Let, then all who have at heart the
safety of the county, go without delay to Vicks
burg and Port Hudsod; let them go for such
length of time as they can spare—for thirty, for
sixty, or for ninety days. Let them assist in
preserving the Mississippi river, that great
artery of the country, and thus conduce more
than in any other way to the perpetuation of the
Confederacy and tbe successof the cause.
I may say here that I did not expect the
Confederate enrolling officers to carry on
the work of conscription. I relied lor this
upon the aid of the State authorities. I
supposed that State officers would enroll the
conscripts within tbe limits of their respec
tive States, and that Confederate officers
would thus receive them iu camps <>f instruc
tion. Tuis I believed to be the polioy of
your Governor’s arguments. We cannot too
strongly enforoe the necessity of harmony
between the Confederate Government and the
State Governments. They must act together
if our cause is to be brought to a successful
issue. Of this you may rest assured, what
ever the Confederate Government can do for
the defense of Mississippi will be done. I
feel equal confidence that whatever Missis
sippi can do will likewise be done. It un
doubtedly requires legislation to cause men
to perform those duties whioh are purely le
gal. Men are not apt to feel an obligation
to discharge duties from whioh they may have
been exempted. Oars is a representative gov
ernment, and it is only through the operation
of the law that the obligation toward it can
be equally distributed. When tho last Con
gress proclaimed that a certain number of
men were required to fill up the ranks of the
army, that class of men- who were already
in the field, and who were retained in service
would not have been satisfied had there been
no consoription of those who had remained
at home. I may state also that I believe this
to be the true theory for the military defense
of the Confederacy. Cost your eyes forward
to that time at the end of the war, when a
peace shall be nominally proclaimed for
peace between us and onr hated enemy will
be likely to be broken at short intervals for
many years to come—cast your eyes "forward
to that time, and you will see the necessity
for continued preparation aud unceasing
watchfulness. We have but few men in our
oountry who wilj be willing to enlist in th%
army for a soldier’s pay. But if every young
man shall havo served for two or three years
in the army, he will be prepared when war
comes to go into oamp and take his place in
the ranks an educ ated and disciplined sol
dier. Serving among his equals, his frienis
and his neighbors, he will find in the army
no distinction of class. To snch a system I
am sure there can be no objection.
[TO BE COHTiacXD.] .
i Con federate Btate*, will find *uch a***
Confederate States
Railroad Ouide.
Advertisement* will be received at tSO per pan* I
fractional parte thereof at the wit rate*. Addnwd 1
order* for advertisements, or the book to 'f
H. P. HILL A 00., f
Griffin, Oeortli.
Liberal commission to the trade.
JanStf
WANTETD,
AT THE
ARMOilY OF COOK & BROTHER,
ATHENS, GEORGIA,
Machinists, Blacksmiths, and a few Cabiaet
Pattern Makers,
all good Mechanic*, permanent employment u*
good wage*, daring the war, wUlbegiven. They mi
detailed for aervice at their trades, instead of enterim
the Army, the tame as Government hands.
COOK A BROTHER
30 Hogsheads Sugar,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL.
40 Boxes Star Candles*.
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL.
Liverpool and Va. Salt,
^WHOLESALE AND RETAIL.
[dec23-tfl BDWABbl'B-
r.
TO SHIPPERS OF FREIGHT,
nsequence of the extraordinary demand* m*lt
onr Uoada for Treimportation, by the OenW»
— Govenmeat; together with th* ezDtei.ee o!> -
«l*te of drenautaneee; over which we nor one Agett*c»i j
h*ve any control, notice is hereby given, that the WeHtr.S
A Atlantic, Macon A Weatern, and Atlanta A-Witt-Pci*'
Railroad* wlU not hmeafter receive, tmoaport, or «ta .
any freight, until farther notice, (except for Uuverntt «*)-
nnlee* the owner, agent, or Shipper,' at the point of *ti,-
ment, first signs • stipulation or agreement, relieving w.
Bred* from alt liability for lota or damage
JOHN S. ROWLAND,
8npedntendent W.U.U
, isaau soorr,
President M. A W. R.S.
GEO. G. HULL, i
Superintendent A. A W. P. R. S- j
Atlanta, Nov. 28,1<62. aonJU
GEORGIA SALT MASUFACTUfiMG COMPANY
T HE President and Board of Director* have declared
the second dividend of tho Georgia Salt Manufactur
ing Company a* follow*: Sixty-five (63) pounds cf Salt
per share at ten cent* per p> und—the distribution to com-
mence immediately. Joo, fewcowatfoa, BO* hevfag re
ceived Salt, tram want of proper inform ttion in regard to
Agents and Depot*. wiU address B.
Phillip*, in Atlanta.
A. F. PI
Secretary and Treasurer, Augusta.
JL^PaitUPS, General CollectIn| and Dl tribnttng A^ent
New Clothing Store
fltui subscriber having reoflotiy located In tfeta .
_|_ sportfully inviu-s attention to hie Urge and Ariel*
•criment of Good* in tho Umpire Houma on Fhitebi. mf
street, formerly occupied by Dr. Cleveland k a DU M
Goods and Clothing Store. The Mock Is princfeaiiy B» jjH
dy-Made Clothing, mostly made to order, an<| the *<»•*
thefine
boys'shoafend l**l
iautity of light GooK
and e variety of Trimming* for Indie*’ DreA; agent***,®
aaaextmegt of Fancy or Showcase Good*, froa common’ t
every j
tbe finest la the market. An early cell is
A.O
, Agent
LIFE INSURANCE
THE GEORGIA DOME INSURASC! CtfMPASL
Capital $2so,olo.
DB. JA3. F. BOZEMAN, President.
D. F.
Life Department at
AARON WILBDR, Actuary.
DE. B. D. ABN
-pOLIjCLES are iunel on the
or young, on very favorah
priullegea are very
,OOX, SwietMI
ah.
Ding Phyec«• j
— ■ j
The •ecnrifr 1 ’ I ^
•ary Inform*** 0 * |
NILBS, Agent.