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Speech of Uon« Henry Clay of Kentucky*
Delivered Jurr* 27,1840.
On the occasion of a Publit Dinner, given in com
yliment to him, at Taylorsville, in his native
county of Hanover, in the Slate of Virginia,
The sentiment in compliment to Mr. Clay was'
received with long continued applause* Tha* gen
tleman rose and addressed the company substan
tially as follows:
I think, friends, and fellow-citizens, that, avail
ing myself of the privilege of my long service in
tbe public councils, just adverted to, the resolution
which I have adopted, is not unreasonable of leav
ing to younger men, generally, the performance of
the duty, and the enjoyment of the pleasure, of
addresfing'tbe People in their primary assemblies.
After the event which occurred last whiter at the
Capitol of .Pennsylvania, I believed it dqe to my
self, to the Whig cause, and to the country', to an
nounce to the public, with perfect truth and sin
cerity, and without any reserve, my fixed deter
mination heartily to support the nomination of
William Henrj Harrison there made. To put down
all misrepresentations, I have, on suitable ©occa
sions, repeated this annunciation ; and now declare
jnv solemn conviction that the purity and security'
of our free institutions and the prospeiity cf the
country, imperatively demand the election of that
c.:izen to the office of Chief Magistrate of the U.
States.
But this occasion forms an exception from the
rule which I have prescribed to myself. I have
come hme to tiie county of my nativity in the spi
iir of a pil ;rim, to meet, perhaps for the last time,
tbe companions and the descendants of the com
panions of my youth. Wherever we roam, in
whatever climate or land we are cast by the acci
dents of human life, beyond the mountains or be
yond the ocean, in the legislative halls of the Capi
tol, or in the retreats and shades of private life,oui
} n art' turn with an irresistible instinct to the cher
ished spot which ushered us into existence. And
w? dwell with delightful associations on the recol
lection of the streams in which, during our boyish
days, wn bathed, the fountains at which we drank,
iho pmey fields, the hills and the valleys where
wq sported, and the friends who shared these en
joyn-. uts with us. Alas 1 too many of these
friends of mine have gone whither we must all
shortlv go, and the presence here of the small rem
nant left behind attests both our loss and our early
attachment. I would greatly* prefer, my' friends,to
employ the time which this visit affords in friend
ly and familiar conversation on the virtues of our
departed companions, and on the scenes and ad
venture of our younger days; but the expectation
which prevails, the awful state of our beloved
country, and the opportunities which I have en
jove 1 in its public councils, impose on me the ob
ligation of touching on topics less congenial with
the feel in ;»s of my heart, but possessing higher pub
lic interest. 1 assure you, fellow-citizens, how
ever. that I present myself before you for no pur
pose of exciting prejudices, or inflaming passions,
but tn speak to you in all soberness and truth, and
to testify to the things which 1 know, or the con
victions* which I enteitain, as an ancient friend,
who has lived long, and whose career is rapidly
drawing to ado e. Throughout an arduous life,
I have endeavored to make truth and the good of
our country the guides of my public conduct; but
in Hanover county, xor which I cherish sentiments
of respect, gratitude, and veneration, above all
other places, would I avoid saying any thing that
1 did not sincerely and truly believe.
Why is the plough dcjcrtcd, the tools of the mn
dianic laid aside, and all are seen rushing to gath
erings of the people ? What occasions those vast
and unusual assemblages which we behold in every
State, and in almost eveiy neighborhood ? Why
those conventions of the people, at a common cen
tre, from all the extremities of this vast Union, to
consult together upon the suTeringsof the commu
nity, and to deliberate on the means of deliverance?
Why' this rabid appetite for public discussions r
W'hat is the solution of that phenomenon, which
wo ooserve, of a great nation agitated upon its
whole surface, and at its lowest depths, like the
ocean when convulsed by' some terrible storm ?
There must be a cause, and no ordinary cause.
It has been truly said, in the mo?t mefhoraMe
document that over issued from the pen of man,
that “all experience hath shown that mankind
are more disposed to suffer, while evils are spffer
nldc,. than to right themselves by'abolishing the
forms to which they are accustomed.” The recent
history of our people furnishes confirmation of that
truth. They'are active, enterprising, and intelli
gent ; but are not prone to make groundless com
plaints against public servants. If we now every'
where behold them in motion, it is because they
fed that the grievances under which they are
writhing can be no longer tolerated. They feel
the f solute necessity of a change, that no change
can render their condition worse, and that any
eh. T must better it. This is the judgement to
which they have come; this the brief and com
pendious logic which wc daily hear. They' know
sh In all the dispensations of Providence, they
have r, .ison to be thankful; and if they had not,
they v aid be borne with fortitude and resignation.
But there is a pervading conviction and persuasion
• hat, in the administration of Government, there
h is h en something wrong, radically wrong, and
that the vessel of has keen in the hands of
stilish, fdthless, and unskilful pilots, who Jiave
conducted it amidst the breakers.
In my deliberate opinion, the present distressed
and distracted state of the country may be traced
t > the single cause of the action, ♦lie cnc’oach
rn. n’s and the usurpations of the Executive branch
of the Government. I have not time* here to ex
hibit and to dwell upon all the instances of these,
as they have occurred in succession, during the
last twelve years. They have been again and again
exposed on other more fit occasion**. But I have
thought this a proper opportunity to point out
the enormity of the pretensions, principles, and
practices of that Department, as they have been,
from time to time, disclosed, in these late years,
and to show the rapid progress which has : een made
in the fulfilment of the remarkable language of our
illustrious countryman, that the Federal Executive
had an awful squinting towards monarchy. Here,
in the county of his birth, surrounded by' sons,
some of whose sires with him were the first to
raise their arms in defence of American liberty
against a foreign monarch. And may I not with
out presumption, indulge the hope that the warn
ing voice of another, although far humbler, son of
Hanover m iy no? pass unbeetled ?
The late President of the United States advan
ced certain new and alarming pretensions for the
Executive Department of the Government, the
effect of which, if established and recognized by
the People, must inevitably convert it into a mon
archy. The first of these, and it was a favorite
princip’c with him, was, that the Executive De
partment should be regarded as a unit. By' this
principle of unity, he meant and intended that all
the Executive officers of Government should he
bound to obey' the commands and execute the or
ders of the President of the United States, and
that they should be amenable to him and he be
responsible for them. Prior to his Administra
tion, it had been considered that they were bound
to observe and obey the Constitution and laws,sub
• ct only* to the general superintendence of the
’.'resident, and responsible uy impeachment and to
the tribunals of justice lor injuries inflicted on pri
vate citizens.
But ;1 c annunciation of this new and extraor
dinary principle was not of itself sufficient forth 6
purpose of President Jackson ; it was essential
That the subjection to his will which was its ob
ject, should be secured by some adequate sanc
tion. That he sought to effect by’ an extension of
another principle, that of from office,
beyond all precedent' and to cases and under cir
cumstances which would have furnished just
grounds of his impeachment, according to tbe so
lemn opinion of Mr. Madison and other members
of the first Congress under the present Coustilu
tio;?.
Now, if the whole official corps, subordinate to
the President of the United Slates, are made to
know and to foci that they hold their respective offi
ces by the tenure of conformity and obedience to his
will, it is manifest that they must look to that will
and not to the Consitmion and Jaws, as the guide
vff their official conduct. The weakness of hu
man nature, the love and emoluments of office, per
haps the bread necessary to the support of their
families, would make this result absolutely cer
tain.
The development of this new character to tire
power of dismission would have fallen short of Hie
•aims in view, w ithout the exercise of it were held
to be a prerogative, for which the President was
to be wholly responsible. If he were compelled
to expose the grounds and reasons upon which he
acted, in dismissals from office; the
ol public censure would temper the arbitrary na
ture of the power and throw some power and pro
tection around the subordinate officer. Hence the
new and monstrous pretension has been advanced
t at although the concurrency of the Senate is ue
c. sserry by’ the Constitution to the confirmation
of an appointment, the President may subsequent
ly dismus the person appointed net only without
communicating the grounds on which he has acted
> the Senate, but without any such communica
te n to the People themselves, for whose benefit
ill offices are created! And so bold and daring
uas the Executive branch of the Government U
■ •vme, that one ui it< Cabinet Ministers, himself a
subordinate officer,has contemptuously refused to
members ol the House of Representatives to dis-
iose tae grounds on which he has undertaken to
• iis-iiiss from office persons acting as deputy post
nustcis in his Department.
v-4 to Hie gratuitous assumption, by President
Jackson, of responsibility for all the ‘subordinate
Executive officers; it i»the merest mockery that
, was ever put forth. They will escape punishment
by pleading his orders, and he by the
hardship of being punished, not for his own acts,
• but for theirs. We have a practical exposition of
? his principle in the case of the 200,00 u militia.
The Secretary of War comes out to screen the Pres
!* ident, by testifying that he never saw what he rc
. commended; and the President reciprocates that
. favor by retaining the Secreatry in place, notwith
standing he has proposed a plan for organizing
. the militia which is acknowledged to be unconsti
i rational. If the President is not to be held re
i sponsible for a cabinet minister, in daily inter
. course with him, how is he to be rendered so fin a
f receiver at Wi-konsin or lowa ? To concentrate
f all responsibiliy in the President, is to annihilate
all icsponsibiiity. lor who ever expects to see
> the day arrive when a President erf the United
. Mates will be impeached ; or, if impeached, when
. he cannot command- more than one -third of the
. \ Sena te to defeat the impeachment ?
Hqt to construct the scheme of practical despo
f tisrn, whilst all the forms of tree Government re
i mained, it was necessary to take one further step.
. Uy the Constitution, the President is enjoined to"
■ take care that the laws be executed. This injunc
tion was merely intended to impose on him the du
> ty of a general superintendence; to sec that offi
t ces were filled,officers at their respective posts in
the discharge of their official [functions, and all
obstructions to the enforcement of the laws were
! removed, and, when necessary for that purpose,
• local) out the militia. No one every imagined,
. prior to the Administration of President Jackson,
that a President of the United States was to occu
• py himself with supervising and attending to the
i execution ofail the minute details of every one of
the host of offices in the U. states.
Under the constitutional injunction just mentipn
■ cd, the late President put forward the most extra
ordinary pretension that the Constitution and laws
of the United States were to be executed, as he
1 understood them; and this pretension was attempt
• cd tc be sustained by an argument equally ex tra
i ordinary, that the President, being a sworn officer,
, must carry them into effect according to his sense
of their meaning. The Constitution and laws were
to he executed, not according to their imp; >rt as
1 handed down to us by our ancestors,as interpreted
I by contemporaneous expositions, exprmndeat by
• concurrent judicial decisions, as fixed ty an unin
terrupted course erf Congressional legislatioi i, hut
i in that sense which a President of the U. States
happened to understand them !
To complete this Executive usurpation, ot efur
• flier object remained. By the Constitalioi i, the
command of the Army and Navy is cunfern rd on
1 the President. If he could unite the-purse to the
• sword, nothing would he left to gratify -the insa
tiable thirst for power. In 1833 the Pre: .ident
i seized the Treasury of the United States, am Ifrom
that dty to this it has continued substantial ly un
der his control. The seizure was effected loy the
removal of one Secretary of the Treasury, under
, stood to he opposed to Ihe measure, and i y the
dimissal of another, who refused to violate th e law
of the land upon the orders of the President.
■lt is, indeed, said that not a dollar in-the T reas
ury can tie touched without a previous appropria
tion by law,nor drawn out of the Treasury \ vilh
out tire concurrence and signatures of the Sec rota
ry and Treasurer, the Register and the Camp* .roil
i cr. But are not all these pretended securitio: -.idle
1 and unavailing forms ? We have seen that, by
the operation of the irresponsible power of ' dis
mission, ail those officeis are reduced to .mere ■ au
tomata, absolutely subjected to the will ot th€
President. What resistance would any of them
make, with the penalty of dismission suspr -ndcc
over their heads, to any orders of the Prcsidi -nt tc
pour out the treasure of the United States, w helh
er an act of appropnaton existed or not ? IN ) noi
mock us with tire vain assurance of the bonoi' • anc
probity of a President, nor remind us, of the c onfi
denee which we ought to repose in his -iznaj three
virtues. The pervading principle of oqrsysfij -mol
government —ofall free governments —is-cot n. tere
ly tire possibility, but the absolute cettami y ol
infidelity and treachery, witli even the hip ;hesl
functionary of the state; and hence all thef res
trictions, securitir s and guaranties, which the t- wise
dom of ohr ancestors, or the sad experiem -e ol
history had inculcated, have been devised ami
thrown around the Chief Magistrate.
Here, friends and fellow-citizens, let -us y r»usc
and contemplate this stupendous structure of Ex
ecutive machinery and despotism, which Jias beer
reared in our young Republic. Tbe Execi itivc
branch of tire Government is a unit ; throug bout
ail its arteries and veins, there is to be hut one
heart, one head, one will. Tire number of j Jon
subordinate Executive officers and depeßdentjpJn
the United States has been estimated in ao oflf cial
report, founded on public documents, made f y a
Senator from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoai, ) at
one hundred thousand. Whatever it may fie, all
of them, wherever they are situated, bound
implicitly' .hr obey the orders us mb President.
Ami absolute obedience to his wit) is secured and
enforced by the power of dismUsiag-thcm at his
pleasure, from .their respective places. ■Jo in ake
this terrible power of dismission more certain and
efficacious, its exercise is covered up in rayrter ious
secrecy, without exposure, without the lest
resronsi! ilily. The Constitution and laws of the
I nittd States .ire to be executed in tbe sens' : in
winch the President understands them, although
that tense may. be at variance with the under
standing of every other man in the United St ales.
It follows, as a necessary consequence from the
principle deduced by the President, from the con
stitutional injunction, as to the execution o f the
laws, that, if an act of Congress, be passed, in his
opinion, contrary to ’he Constituiion, or,if A de
cision be pronounced by the courts, in lus opinion,
cftitrary to the Constitution or the laws, that act,
or that decision, the President is not obliged to en
lorce, and he could not-cau-c it to be qnfoaqf, wi'is.
out a violation, as is pretendeffiinfis qjficiai oatie
Candor, requires the admi-sion, that tire principle
has not yet been pushed in practice to these cases,
but it manifestly comprehends them; and who
doubts that, if tne spirit of usurpaUonjiuit
r -sted and rebuked, they
The march of power is ever onward. As times
and seasons admonish, it openly and boldly, in
broad day, makes its progress; or, if alarm be ex
cited by the enormity of its pretensions, it silently,
in the dark of the night, steals its devious way. It
now storms and mounts the ramparts of the fort
ress of liberty; it now saps and undermines its
foundations. Finally, the command of the army
and navy being already in the Pies ident. and hav
ing acquired a perfect control over the Treasury of
tire Unilcd Stale.!, he has consummated that fright
ful union of purse and sword, so long, sj much, 'o
earnestly deprecated by all true lovers of civil lib
erty. And cur present Chief Magistrate stands
solemnly and voluntarily pledged, in the face of
the whole world, tc follow in the footsteps, and
carry out the measures and the principles of his
Illustrious predeces: or.
Tire sum of the whole is, that there is but one
power, one control, one will in the State. All is
concentrated in the President, lie directs, orders,
and commands the whole machinery of the State.
Through the official agencies, scattered through
out the land, and absolutely subjected to his will,
he executes, according to his pleasure or caprice,
the whole power of the Commonwealth, which has
been absorbed and eugros-ed by him. And one
sole w ill predominates in, and animates the whole
of this vast community. If this be not practical
despotism, I am incapable of conceiving or defining
it. N antes are nothing. The existence or non-ex
istence of arbitrary government does not depend
upon the title or denomination bestowed on the
chief of the State, but upon the quantam of the
power which he possesses and wields. Autocrat,
sultan, emperor, dictator, king, doge, president,
are all mere names, in which the power respect
ively possessed by them is not to be found, but is
to be looked for in the Constitution, or tire estab
lished usages and practices of the several States
which they govern and control. If the Autocrat
of Russ a were called President of ail the Russias,
the actual power remaining unchanged, his author
ity under Iris new denomination, would continue
undiminished ; and if the President of the United
States were to receive the title of Autocrat of the
United States, the amount of his authority would
not be increased wit out an alteration of the Con
stituiion.
Gen. Jackson was a bold and fearless reaper, car
rying a wide low, but he did not gather the whole
harvest; he left.some gleanings to his faithful suc
cessor, and he resolved to sweep clean the field of
power The duty of inculcating on the official
corps the active exertion of their personal and offi
cial inlluencc was left by him to be enforced by
Mr. Van Huron, in all popular elections. It was.
not sufficient that this obedience was coerced by
the tremendous power of dismission. It soon be
came apparent that the official eorp£ was bound im
plicitly to obey the will of the President. It was
1 not sufficient that this corps might me beneficially
employed to promote, in other matters than the
business of theirofficcs; the views and interests of
ihe President and his party. They are far more
efficient than any standing airay of equal
A standing army would ue separated, and standout
from the people ; and being always in corps or in
detachments, could exeit no influence in popular
elections. But the official corps is dispersed
throughout the country, in .every town, village and
city, mixing with the people, attending their meet
-1 ings and conventions, becoming chairmen and
1 members of committees, and urging and stimula
ting p-'rtizans to active and vigorous exertion.
1 Acting in concert, and throughout the whole Un
ion, obeying orders issued from the centre, their
influence aided by Executive patronage, by the
I Post Office Department, and all the vast other
! moans of the Executive, is almost irresistible,
t 'To correct this procedure, and to restrain the
; I subordinates of the Executive from all interfer-
I ence with popular elections, my colleague (Mr.
Crittenden,) now present. Introduced a bill in the
Senate. He had the weight of Mr. Jefferson’s
opinion, who issued a circular to restrain Federal
officers from-intermeddling in popular elections.
He had before him the British example, according
to whidh place men and pensioners were not only
forbidden to interfere, but were not, some of them,-
even allowed, to vote at popular elections. But
his bill left them free to exercise the elective
franchise, prohibiting only the use of their official
influence. And how was this, bill received in the
Senate ? Passed by"those who profess to admire
the character and to pursue the principle's of Mr.
Jefferson ? No such .thing. It was denounced .as
a’seditioivbill; and the just odium of that sedition
1 til, which was intended to protect office-holders
~ *ri|rfflihf wfa Successfully used to defeat
a measure of^ ‘ protection of the people against
the office-holders ! Not only were they left un
restrained, but they were urged and stimulated by
'an oifi isl re;>ort to employ their influence in be-
Salf of the administration at the elections of the
r heople.
Hitherto, the Army and the Navy have remained
. unaffected by the power of dismission, and they
• have not been called into the political service of the
i Execu ire. But no attentive observer of the pfin-
L ciples and proceedings of the men in power could
. fail to See that the day was not distant when they,
, too, would be required to perform the partisan offi
, ces of the President. Accordingly, the process of
, converting them in'o Executive instruments, has
- commenced in a Court Martial assembled at Balti
; more. Two officers of the Army of the U. States
I have been there put upon their solemn trial, on
the charge of prejudicing the Democratic party, by
- making purchases for the supply of the Army from
members cf the Whig party! It is not pretended
i that the Ulilted States were prejudiced by those
• purchases; on the contrary, it was, I believe, es
-' tablished that they were cheaper than could have
been made from the supporters of the administra
, tion. But the charge was, that to purchase at all
e from the opponents, instead of the friends of the
b administration, was an injury to the Democratic
s party, which required that the offenders should be
i put upon their trial before a court martial! And
f this trial was commenced at the Instance of a com
mittee of a Democratic Convention, and conducted
t and prosecuted by them! The scandalous specta
s cle is presented to an enlightened world, of the
Chief Magistrate of a great people executing the
orders of a self-created power, organized within
e the bosom of the State, and, upon sin han accnsa
n tion, arraigning, before a military tribunal,gallant
e men, who arc charged with the defence of the hon
or and the interest of theircountry,and withbear
t ing its eagles in the presence of an enemy!
n But the Army and Navy are too small, and in
composition are too patriotic to subserve all the
e purposes of this administration. Hence the recent
proposition of the Secretary of War, strongiy re
e commended by the President, under color of anew
v organization of the mi[Ma, to create a standing
force of 200,000 men, an amount which no con
i- ccivable foreign exigency can ever make necessary.
It is not my purpose now to enter upon an exami
i- nation of that alarming and most dangerous plaq
i- of the Executive Department of the General Go
-- Temmeot It has justly excited a burst of general
le indignation; and no where has the disapprobation
y of it been more emphatically expressed than in
;- this ancient and venerable Commonwealth,
i- The monstrous project may be described in a few
ie words. It proposes to create the foice by breaking
r) down Mason and Dixon’s line, expunging the
id boundaries of States, melting them up into aconflu
;o ent mass, to be subsequently cut up into ten milita
i- ry parts, alienates the militia from its natural as
>t sociation, withdraws it from the authority and
d command and sympathy of its constitutional offi
i- cere, appointed by tbe States, puts it under the
-d command of the President, authorizes him to cause
it to be traitfrfd, in palpable violation of the Con
' stitution, and subjects it to he called out from re
>f mote amfdistant places, at his pleasure,and on oc
it casions not warranted by the Constitution!
j- ’ Indefensible as this project is, fellow citizens, do
i- not be deceived by supposing that il has been or
>f will be abandoned. It is a principle of those who
d are now in power that an election or a re-election
of the President implies the sanction of the people
ie to all the measures which he had proposed, on
- public affairs, prior to that event We have seen
n this prindpl* applied on various occasions. Le
e Mr. Van muren be re-elected in November next,
it and itwill be claimed that the people have there
e jgtrffpprnved of this plan of the Secretary of War.
e All ehtertain the opinion that it is important to
n train the militia and render it effective; and it will
il he insisted, in the contingency mentioned, that the
a people have demonstrated that they approve of
tt that specific plan. There is more reason lo appre-
II hen J such a consequence from the (act that a com
d mil Ice ol' the Senate, to which this subject was re
t. foiled, instead of denouncing thesdicine as uncon
d stitutional, and dangerous to liberty, presented a
s labored apologetic report, and the Administration
e majority in that body ordered twenty thousand co
d pics of the apology to be printed for circulation
s among Ihe people. I take pleasure in testifying
t that one Administration Senator had the manly in
e dependence to denounce, in ids place, the project
n as unconstitutional. That Senator was from your
h own State.
I have thus, fellow-citizens, exhibited to you a
i, time and faithful picture of Executive powers, as
e it has been enlarged aniLexpanded within tbe last
. few years, and as it has been proposed further to
b extend it* Tt overshadows every other branch of
s the Government. Tbe source of legislative power
. is no longer to be found in tbe Capitol, but in the
, , palace of the President. In assuming to be a part
, of the legislative power, as the President recently
sfid, contrary to the Constitution, he would have
i. . Jkfll Iff >lll tbe actual fact if he had alleged that
- be tgas the sole legislative power of the Union.
: How/ia it pjwible for public liberty to be pre
served, and tke constitutional distributions of pow
"eSj-tlmoag tlyLßcpattfiieiits of Government, to be
tbe Executive career be checked
that two securities exist.- first
that tne Presidential term is of short duration;
and,secondly, the elective franchise. —But it ha
been already shown that whethei a depository of
power be arbitrary or compatible whh liberty
docs«rft depend upon the duration of the official
terln, but uptn the amount of power invested. The
Dictatorship'in Rome was an office of brief exist
■cnee, genera-ly shorter than the Presidential term.
Whether-the elective franchise be an adequate se
curity or.net, is a problem to be solved next No
-vcrabeV. d hope and believe it yet is. But if Mr.
Van Huren ■ should be re-elected, the power already
acquired by the Executive be retained, and that
-which tis ji progress be added to that department,
it is my deliberate judghient that there will be no
hope remaining for tire continuance of the iiber
-ties of .'hi country. *
And yet the partizans of this tremendous Execu
tive power arro.ate to themselves the name of
Democrats, and bestow upon us, who arc opposed
-to it,.tbe-denominatioo oT Federalists! In the Fen
ate of -.the United Stales there are five gentlemen
■who -were members of the Federal party; and four
•of them have been suddenly transformed into Dem
ocrats,.and are now warm supporters of this Ad
ministration, whilst I who had exerted the utmost
•of my.tumble abilities to arouse the nation to a
vindication of its insulted honor and its violated
lights, and to the vigorous prosecution of the war
against Great Britain, to wnich they were violent
ly opposed, find rryself, by a sort of magical influ
■enceueonverted into a federalist! The only Amer
ican Citizen that 1 ever met with, who was an
avowed monarchist, was a supporter of the admin
• istration ofGenctal Jackson ; and he acknowledged
to roe that this motive was to bring ahou; the sys
tem of monarchy, which Ins judgment preferred.
There were other points of difference between
the Federalists and the Democratic or rattier Re
publican party of 1798, but the great, leading,!
prominent discrimination between them related tol
the constitution of the Executive Department off
tne Government. The Federalists believed that J
! in its structure, it was too weak, and was in dan-1
ger of being crashed by the preponderating weigh!
of tbe legislative branch. Hence they rallied a!
round the Executive and sought to give toitstrengtfl
and energy. A strong Government, an energetfl
Executive was among them, the common languagH
and the great object or that dav. The
cats, on the contrary, believed that the real
ger lay on on the side of the Executive ;
mg a continuous and uninterrupted
was always on the alert, ready to defend the
cr it had, and prompt in acquiring more; and |Hb
i the experience of history demonstrated tlm;
the encroaching and usurping department.
therefore, rallied around the People and ths lH|
laturc.
What arc the positions, of the two great
of tire present day ? Modem democracy
duce.l the federal theory of a strong and
Fixecutive lo practical operation. It has
Tram the People, the natural aliy ol
r mocracy, to the F-xeculivc, and instead ofH||||
jance, jealousy, and distrust, ha? given to
partment all its confidence, and made to it a
surrender of all the powers of
recognized maxim of royal infallibility
planted from the Briti-h monarchy
t-rn Amcri an oeinocracy. and I* - -1 resident
i ; no wrong ! This new school adopts,
Bounce?,’renews opinions at the pleasure HH
Executive. Is the Bank of the United
useful and valuable institution ; Yes,
ly pronounces the democratic Legislature of
syivania. The President vetoes it as a
and dangerous cs-ta! lishment. The
majority in the same Legislature
> be pernicious and dangerous. The democrat^B||||
——l
joiity of the House of Representatives of the Uni
ted States, declare the deposites of the public mon
ey in the Bank of the United States to be safe.
'1 he President says they are unsafe, an I removes
them. The democracy say they are unsafe, and
approves the removal. The President says that a
scheme of a Sub-Treasury is revolutionary and
disorganizing. The democracy says it is revolu
■ tionary and disorganizing. 'J he President says it
is wise and salutary. The democracy says it is
wise and salutary.
The Whigs of 1840, stand where the Republi
cans of 1198 stood, and where the Whigs of the
Revolution were, battling for liberty, for the Peo
ple, for free institutions, against power, against
corruption, gainst Executive encroachments, a
gainst monarchy.
We ate {poached with struggling for offices and
their emoluments. 1f we acted on the avowed and
acknowledged principle of our opnonents, “ that
the spoils belong to the victors,”wc should indeed
be unworthy of the support of the people. No !
fellow-citizens; higher,nobler, more patriotic mo
tives actuate the Whig party. Tbeii object is the
restoration of the Constitution, the preservation of
liberty, the rescue of the country. If they were
governed by the sordid and selfish motives acted
upon by their opponents, and unjustly imputed to
them, to acquire office and emolument, they have
only to change their names, and enter the Presi
dential palace. —The gaieis always wide open, and
the path is pa narrow one which leads through it.
Xhe last comer, too, often fares best.
On a resurvey of the few past years, we behold
enough to sicken and sadden the hearts of true pat
riots. Executive encroachment has quickly fol
lowed upon Executive encroachment; perrons
honored by public confidence, aud from whom no
thing but grateful and parental measures should
I have flowed, have inflicted stunning blow after
blow in such rapid succession that, before the
people could recover from the reeling effects
, of one, another has fallen heavily upon them.
Had either of the various instances of Executive
I misrule stood opt separate and alone, so that its
. enormity might have been seen and dwelt upon
! with composure, the condemnation of the Exeeu
, tive would have long since been pronounced; but
i it has hilhCrtd found safety and impunity, in the
bewildering tiler s of the multitude of its mis-
I deeds. The nation has been in the condition of a
man who having gone to bed after his barn has been
. consumed by fare, is aroused in the morning to wit
> ness his tiweUjpg bouse wrapped in flames. So
, bold and presumptuous had the Executive become,
that penetrating in its influence the Hall of. a co
t ordinate branch of the Government, by means of a
. submissive or instructed majority of the Senate, it
. has caused a record of the country to be etfaced
and expunged, the inviolability of which wasguar
, amied by a solemn injunction of the Constituiion I
. And that memorable and scandalous scene was en
t acted only because the offensive record contained
. an expression of disapprobation of an Execuljvc
r proceeding.
r If this state of things were to remain—if the
I progress of Executive usurpation were to contin
ue unchecked, hopeless despair would seize on the
, ‘public mind, orthe People would be goaded to acts
. of open and violent resistance. #ut thank God,
the power of tße President, fearful and tapid as
| its stiides have been, is not yet too great fi r the
i power of the elective franchise ; and a bright and
i glorious prospect, in the election of William Hen*
ry Harrison, has opened upon the country. The
r necessity of a change of Rulers has deeply pene
; trated the hearts of the People; and we every
• where behold cheering manifestations ol that hap
. py event. The fact of his election alone, without
. reference to the measures of his Administration,
- will powerfujjyeontrihute to the security and hap
-1 piness of the People. It will bring assurance of
. the cessation of that long scries of disastrous cx
> periment’s which have so greatly afflicted the Peo
; pie. Confidence will immediately revive, credit
be restored, active business will return, prices of
■ products will rise; and the people will feel and
• know that, instead of their servants being occupied
in devising measures for their ruin and destruction
> they will bearduously employed in promoting their
• welfare and prosperity.
i But grave and serious measures, will unques
i tionably, early and anxiously command the earnest
i attenten of the new Administration. I have no
i authority to announce, and do not pretend to an
i nouncc, the purposes of the new President. I have
no knowledge of them other than than that which
, is accessible to every citizen. In what I shall say
■ as to tne course of a new Administration, therefore
. I mean to express my own sentiments, to speak
i for myself, without compromittiug any other per-
I son. Upon such an interesting occasion as this is,
s in the midst of-the companions of my youth, or
f their descendants,! have felt that it is due to them
- and to myself explicitly to declare my sentiments.
- without reserve, and to show that I have been,
• and, as I sincerely believe, the friends with whom
- I have acted ItoVßthecn, animated by the disinU-r
--i ested desire to advance the best interests of the
i countiy and preserve its free institutions.
The first, and in my opinion, the most important
1 object, which should engage the serious attention
' of a new administration, is tiiat of circumscribing
• the Executive puwer,and throwing aiound it sucli
I .limitations and safe-guards as will render it no
r longer dangerous to the public libci ties.
What is the work of man that does not neecs
i sarily partake of bis imperfections; and it was
i not to be expected that, with all the acknowledged
t wisdom and virtues of the framers of our Constitu
i tion, they eouli have set forth a plan of Govern
s ment, so free from all defect and so full of guaran
r tees, that it should not,io the conflict of emhiltcr
! ed parties and of excited passions, be perverted
and misinterpreted. Misconceptions or erroneous
■ constructions of the powers granted in the Consti
■ tution, would p obably have occurcd, after the
i lapse of many years, in seasons of entire calm,
and with a regular and temperate administration
-of the Government; but, during the last twelve
■ years the machine, driven by a reckles charioteer
• with frightful impetuosity, has been greatly jarred
1 and jolted, and it needs careful examination and a
thorough repair.
With Jhewfta?, therefor?, to the fundamental
character of me Government itself, and especial
ly of the Executive branch, it seems to me tint,
either by amendments of the Constitution, when
they are necessary, or by remedial legislation,
when the object falls within the scope of the pow
ers of Congress, there should i e,
Ist. A provision to render a person inclligible
to the office of President of the U. S. after a ser
vice of one term.
Much observation and deliberate reflection have
satisfied me that too much of the time, the thoughts,
and the exertions of the incumbent, are occupied
during his first term, in securing his re-electiou.
The public business, consequently suffers; and
measures arc proposed or executed with less regard
to Hie general prosperity than to their influence
upon the approaching election. If the limitation
to one term existed, the President would be exclu
sively devoted to the discharge ofhis public duties;
and he would endeavor to signalize his ’adminis
tion by the beneficence and wisdom| of its meas
ures.
2d. That the veto power should be more pre
cisely defined, and be subjected to further limita
tions and qualifications. Although a large, per
haps the largest, proportion of all the acts of Con
gress passed at the short session of Congress since
the commencement of the Government, were p: s
sed within the three last days of the session, and
when of course the President for the time being
had not the-tea days for consideration allowed by
the Constitution, President Jackson availing him
self of that allowance, has failed to return impor
tant hillS When not returned by the President
within 'he ten days, it is questionable whether
they they are laws or not.—lt is very certain that
the next Congress cannot act upon them by deci
ding whether or not they shall become laws, the
_£l££id£atlS_sbjections notwithstanding. All this
—the union of the sword and the purse iu the | h
hands of the President effectually secured and — ; c
farewell to American liberty. 1 n
The Sub-Treasury is the scheme for effecting i o
that union—and, lam told,that of all the days in o
the year, that which gave birth to our Nationalex- z
istence and freedom, is the selected day to be dis- a
graced by ushering into existence a measure, Im c
minently perilous to the liberty, which on that an- -a
niversary, we commemoiate in joyous fes’ivafs.. y
Thus, in the spirit of destruction which animates s
our rulers, would they convert a day of‘£lkdness j
a, d of glory, into a day of saduessarfdpfgpourfling.
Fellow-citizens, there is one divorce utgftitlvjJjH s
manded by the safety and the highest interest* at t
the country —a divorce of the President fromthe J
Treasury of the United States. .. -•* 4
And sth. That the appointment of membersierr 1 t
Congress to any office', or any hot a few specified ■ fi
offices, during their continuance in office; aAf JtmM
one year thereafter, be prohibited.
This is a hackneyed theme, hut it is not less A
serving serious consideration. The
now interdicts the appointment of a member
Congress to any office created, or the
of which had been increased whilst he was iigHgß
fire, in the purer days of the republic,
striction might have been sufficient—but in thiHP
more degenerate times, it is necessary, by an 1
ment of the Constitution, to give the principle t
greater extent <
These are the subjects in relation to the penn»-
nentcharacter of the Government itself, tvhich, it i
seems to me, are worthy of the serious attention
of the people, and of a new administiation. There
are others of an administrative nature, which re
quire prompt and careful consideration.
Ist. The currency of the country, its stability
and uniform value, and, as intimately and indisso
lubly connected with it, the insurance of the faith
ful performance of the fiscal services necessary to
the Government should be maintained and secured
by exercising all Hie powers requisite to those ob
jects with which Congress is constitutionally in
vested. These are the great ends to be aimed at —
the means are of subordinate importance. Wheth
er these ends, indispcnsible to the well being of
both the people and the government, are to be at
tained by sound and safe State hanks, carefully se
lected and properly distriauted, or by a new Bank
of the United States, with such limitation?,'condi
rtons and restrictions, as have been indicated by
experience, should be left to the arbitrament of en
lightened public opinion.
Candor and truth require me to say, that in ad
judgment, whilst banks continue to exist in the
country, the services of a bank of the United States
cannot be safely dispensed with. I think that the
power to establish such a bank is a sett.ed question;
settled by Washington and by Madison, by the
people, by forty year’s acquiescence, by the judicia
ry, and by both of the great parties which so long
held sway in this country. I know and I respect
the contrary opinion, which is entertained in this
State. But in my deliberate opinion of the mat
ter, view the power to establish such a bank being
settled, and being a necessary and proper power,
the only question is as to the expediency of its ex
ercise. And on questions of mere expediency pub
lic opinion ought to have a controlling influence.—
Without banks, 1 believe we cannot have a suffi
cient currency; without a Bank of the United
States, I fear we cannot have a sound currency.—
I But it is the end, that of a sound and sufficient
currency, and a faithful execution of the fiscal du
ties of Government, tha: should engage the dis
passionate and candid consideration of the whole
community. There is nothing in the name of a
Hank of the United States which has any magical
charm, or to which any one need be wedded. It is
to secure certain greatobjects, without which so
cieiy cannot prosper; and, if contrary to my ap
prehensions, these objects cah be accomplished by
dispensing with theagmey qf a Bank of the United
States, and employingthatof State banks,allought
to rejoice and heartily acquiesce, and none would
more than I should.
2d. That the public lands, in conformity with
the trusts created expressly or by just implication,
on their acquisition, he administered in a spirit of
liberality towards the new States and Territories,
and in a spirit of justice towards all the States.
The land bill, which was rejected by President
Jackson, and acts of occasional legislation, will ac
complish both these objects. I regret that the time
docs not admit of my exposing here the nefarious
plans and purposes of the administration as to this
vast national resource. '1 hat, like every other
great interest of the country, is administered with
the sole vi w of the effect upon the interest of the
party in power. A bill has passed the Senate, and
is now pending before the House, according to
which forty mil ions of dollars are stricken from
the real value of a certain portion of the public
lands by a short process; and a citizen of Virginia
residing on the southwest side of the Ohio, is not
allowed to purchase lands as cheap by half a dol
lar per acre as a citizen living on the northwest
side of that river. 1 have no hesitation in express
ing my convii tion that the whole public domain is
gone if Mr. Van Huron he re-elected.
3d. That the policy of protecting and encourag
ing the productions of American industry, entering
into competition with the rival productions of for
eign industry, be adhered to and maintained on the
basis of Hie principles and in the spirit of the com
promise of March, 1533.
Protection and national independence are, in my
opinion, identical and synonymous. The principle
of abandonment of the one cannot be surrendered
without a forfeiture of the other. Who with just
pride and national sensibility, can think of sub
jecting the productions of our industry to a!) the
taxation and testiainis of foreign Powers, without
effort, on our part, to counteract their prohibitions
and burdens by suitable countervailing legislation?
The question cannot be ought not to be. one of
principle but of measure and degree. I adopt that
of the compromise act, not because that act is ine
pealable, but because it met with the sanction of
the nation. Stability, with moueiate and certain
protection, is far more important than instabi ity,
the necessary consequence of high protection.—
But the protection of the compromise act will be
adequate,.in most, if not as to all. interests. The
twenty per cent which it sHpulales, cash duties,
home valuations, and the list of free articles in
serted in the act forlho particularadvantage of the
manufacturer, will ensure, 1 trust, sufficient pro
tection. All together, they will amount probably
to not less than thirty per cent—a greater extentof
protection than was secured prior to the act of
IS2S, which no one stands up to defend. Now, the
■ valuation of foreign goods is made, not by the
American authority, except in suspected cases, but
by foreigners, and abroad. They assess the value,
and we tne duty; hut, as the duty depends, in most
cases, upon the value, it is manifest that those,
who assess the value, fix the duty. The home
valuation will give our Government what it right
fully possesses, bo’.h the power to ascertain the
true value of the thing which it taxes, as well as
the amount of that tax.
4lh. That a strict and wise economy, in Hie dis
bursement of the public money, be steadily enfor
ce!' ; and that, to that end, all useless establish
ments, all unnecessary offices and places, foreign
and domestic, and ali extravagance, eitherin the
collection or the expenditure of the public revenue,
be abolished and repressed.
I have not time lo dwell on details in the appli
cation of this principle. 1 will say that a pruning
knife, long, broad and sharp, should be applied to
every department of the Government. There is
abundant scope for honest and skilful surgery. The
annual expenditure may, in reasonable time, be
brought down from its present amount of about
fort* millions to near one third of that sum.
sfo. The several States have made such great
and gratifying progress in their respective systems J
of Internal Improvements, and have been so aided (
by tne distribution under the deposite act, that in J
future, the erection of new roads and canals should ,
be loft to them with such further aid only from
MBBeneral Government as they would derive from
rt-the last-instalment under that act,
an absolute relinquishment of the right ol
to call upon them to refund the previous
and from their equal and just quotas, 1
received by a future distribution of the nett
from the sales of the public lands.
6rh. That the right to slave property, he- (
by the Constitution, and recognized
of the compromises incorporated in that in- I
by onr ancestors, should be left where I
Constitution has placed it, undisturbed and i
by Congress,
fellow-citizens, are views both of tjie
of the government and of its administq^.
H®!, which appear to me worth} of cominandHfe*.:
grave attention of the public and its new»*r» Li
BKts. Although, 1 repeat, 1 have neither auti
purpose to commit any body else, I beliettia
SHst. if net all of them, are entertained
friends witn whom I have.acfed. I ''JB ' ’
salutary reforms which they include wnMjei|
or considered, depends upon
great struggle which Is now going on tbfqugfi- '}
|Ht the countiy. This contest has had no parallel (
the "period of the revolution. In both-fn- 1
there is a similarity of object. That was' -
achieve, this to preserve the liberties of the
Let us catch the.spirit which animated,
imitate the virtues which odqrncd our noble
Their devotion, their constancy, their -
artlv-ly. their pe:spvcrai.cc. their uulomi- ' 1
Hilc resolution, their sa lidci s. their valor! If i
fought for liberty or death, in Hie memorable r
of one us the most illustrious of them, let t
never forget that the prize now at hazard is I
|Heitj or slavery. We should De encouraged by I
fact that the contest, to the success of which l
solemnly pledged their fortunes, their lives, c
their sacred honor, was far more unequal than <
in which we are engaged. But, on the other
——————————l -I
hand, let us cautiously guard against too much
conlidcnce. History and experience prove that
more has been'lost by sell confidence and contempt
of enemies, than won by skill and courage. Our
opponents are powerful in numbers, and in organi
zation, active, insidious, possessed of ample means,
and wholly unscrupulous in the use of them. They
cctmf.upon success by the use of two words, De
moejity and Federalism—Democracy, which, in
violation .of all truth, they appropriate to them-
aiat Federalism, which in violation of all
justicefttey apply to us.
And kilo wine to conjure you not to suffer your
selves .to' be :diverted, deceived or discouraged by
the false rtfmbrs which will be industriously circu
ited between the present time and th- period of
dire',election by our They will put
thrtnjtoth in .every vajqgfrrr^Moulir^gftWmber,
1 ";V‘.V , \V feor
*■ i duty; if
", ‘ V>’.v 1 r ’*„• celV.atej hilt
s',^;l. V.- l whole nation
■ 'J&’.y/' ’.v,-ay' v -s sole exertions
ince c
at the
in salvation the
of the
have detained
too longAF and profound
acknowjf of this
for your tee"t and conlidcnte to
wards me, and lusion, to propose
a sentiment: _
Hanover County— ]tf‘ was the first, in the com
mencement of the devolution, to raise its aims,
under the lead of Patrick Henry, in defence of
American liberty ; it will be the last to prove false
or recreant to the holy cause.
COMMERCIAL.
Charleston, August 8.
Cotton —Uplands still remain ■ juiet. The sales
for the week amounted to 376, as follows;—13 at
6i; 21, 6s; 37, 7i; 2,7 s; 3,8; 51, Si; 25, B}.
158,9; 12,9|; 15,9 j; 26, 9i; and 13 at 9).
In Long Cottons we have nothing to record.
Rice —The sales for the week amounted to 190
tierces at from $3 to 3$ (p cwl.|
Flour —3so bbls Richmond brought SSJ bbl;
and 100 bbls Baltimore Howard street ats6 |p hbl.
Grain —One cargo Baltimore Corn arrived this
week and brought 58c bushel. No Oats, Peas
or Hay came id hand —piires as heretofore.
Groceries —Little has transpired during the week
except a retail. 50 nags Cuba Colfee sold at 10J,
and 30 hbds Muscovado Sugar, prices of which did
not transpire.
Bacon —We have no wholesales of the article to 1
notice —prices stationary.
tail —No sales of any extent were effected du
ring the week—prices nominal.
Exchange —On England, 8i 09f cent prem;
France, of. 15c 0 of 25c.
New York and Boston sight checks arc taken at 2 j
0 3 tp cent prem; 60 days at 1 0 IJ.
Richmond, 6 cent, and time di count.
Bank of Charleston rales of Ex' hangeon the North:
New York, 3 <p cent premium.
Philadelphia, par.
Savannah, 5 (p cent discount.
Columbia par; Camden, 4 cent prem.
Savannah Bank notes, 5 cent discount.
Spanish Doubloons, Mexican,
Freights —To Liverpool t> lb for Colton; to
Havre, If; for square bales, dull. We quote lates
to Northern ports as nominal.
STATEMENT OF COTTON.
S’. Isl'd. Ujiland.
Stock on hand Ist Oct. 1839, 1973 2733
Received this week, 2 500
Do previously, 17934 277550
19909 280783
Exported this week, 361 2590
do previously,. 19229 276423
On shipboard, 00 0
19590 279013
Stock on hand, 319 1770
Savannah, August 7.
Cotton —Arrived since the 31st ult., 1356 bales
Upland and 4 lra.es S I cotton, and cleared at the
same time 2816 bales Upland and 20 do 8 I cotton,
viz: to Liverpool 1710 bales Upland and 20 bales
8 I; to New Yoik 633; to Boston 154; to Baltimore
71; and to Philadelphia 343 bales; leaving a slock
on hand, inclusive of all on shipboard not cleared
on the 7lh inst., of 2234 bales Upland and 10 bales
8 I cotton. Our cotton market has been entirely
without animation this week, and prices are with
difficulty supported. A scarcity of coastwise ves
sels operate much against holders of Upland.—
The sales of the week are 264 bales, viz: 13 at 7,
24 at 7j; 31 at 7J; 12 at 8$; 59 at 9; 32 at 9j; 24
at 9jf; 9 at 94; 56 nt Os.
Rice —The market since our last has been quite
languid, without change in price, the (sales made
have been for city consumption at sSjj 0 34, at
which prices holders ate firm. We quote j. 3 j <i
s3j.
Flour —Has advanced 25 cents since our last. —
Sales of 200 bkls Howard street at s6^.
Corn —A cargo of 3500 bushel* from Baltimore
sold at cts. Retails Horn store at 75 cents.
Groceries —In Coffee, Mjg.ir and Molasses, the
demand is chiefly confined to small parcels to sip
ply the immediate wants of the trade.
Hay —Sales of 300 bundles on the wharf at 75c.
Bacon —The sales aid confined to small parcels
at previous rates.
Spirits —ln domestic liquors the sales are limited
without any variation in prices.
Exchange —On Europe and the North arc very
dull. On Engand II (ii> 12 t> cent premium, nomi
nal. Drafts on New York, at sight, 7 (a) 8 cent
premium.
Freights —To Liverpool no vessel loading. To
New York sls bale.
BURKE sTTeri FF’S SALE.
WJ ILL be sold, on the first Tuesday in Sep
v v lember next, at the Court House in the
town of Waynesboro, between the usual hours of
sale, one hundred and sixty three acres of Land r
adjoining lands of John A. Parsons, Eii McCroan
and others, levied on as the property of John
Dukes, to satisfv four executions from a Justice’s
Court, in favor of Thomas Willi ims vs John Dukes.
Levy made and returned to me by It. W. Daniel,
constable. 8. W. BLOUNT, D. Sii’ff.
July 27, 1840.
SCUIVEN SHERIFF SALES.
WILL be sold on the first Tuesday in Septem
ber next, between the usual hours of sale,
before the court house door in Jacksonboro, one
tract of Land, adjoining lands of John M. Lucas
and others, levied on as the property of John taug
horn, to satisfy a fi fa in favor of Solomons &
Smith. Levy made and retained to me Ly a con
stable.
Also, one tract of Land, containin': two hundred
and sixty nine (269) acres, more or less, adjoining
lands of John M. Lucas, Ann Parmer and others,
levied on as the properU of Simeon 11. Conner, to
satisfy sundry fi fas in favor of William Ivy and
others. Levy made and leturned to me by a con
stable.
Also, six hundred acres of Land, more or less,
adjoining lands of John S. Manoi, Lewis Conner
and Richard M. Williamson,levied on as the proper
ty of In Boston, to satisfy sundry fi fas in favor
of Richard Herrington. Levy made and returned
to me by a constable. Property pointed out by
security. LEWIS M. STRICKLAND, Shff.
August 1, 1:40.
COLUMBIA SHERIFF’S 8A
WILL be sold, at Columbia Court House, on
the first Tuesday in September next, be
tween the usual hours of sale, four negroes, viz:
a negro man Reuben, about forty five years of age,
ar negro w man Chany, about twenty seven years
of age, ano her two children, Willis, four years of
ag- 3 , and May, two years of age, to satisfy afi fa
from Columbia oupeilor Court in favor of John M.
Cooper & Sou, vs. Robert Jones. Proper% pointed
out by STURGl9^tt|ff.
Ml . SALK.
T Tuesday in-fep
tW. house door in
VV -be tween the usi;a;
> Ylz: oll< '‘
Mpd one ( lies
old, levied
to satf>o; t
Sallis, security. Property pointed out by these* a
.curity. JEREMIAH PERRYMAN, D. Sh’fl-
July 30,1840. c
ADMINISTRATRIX’S SALE; a
WILL be fold on the first Tuesday in, >ovem- I
her next, within the usual hours, 11 * s £ ,e > a * 1
Appling, Columbia county, 160 acres of oak; and t
hicuory iand, adjoining land? of ,leal * an <i
others. Also, 1K) acres pine lan ), a« : j*' imn £ Bow
dre. Yarbrough and others, and four
to wits Judea, about 50 yeais of ngr’» Duniel, about
19 years of age, Henry, about loy* al J °,
Dennis, about 8 years of age. All sold as the I
property of Martha Magruder, Gie °* Columbia \
county, deceased, for the henerit ol the heirs and a
creditors. VERLINDA .MAGRUDER, t
August 6, 1840. rx *
OAKLAND FOR SALE.
fIIHE subscriber offers for sale his Plantation in
JL Jefferson county, containing between one
thousand and eleven hundred acres of oak, hickory 1
and swamp land. The improvement* are superior
and its nearness to the Central Rail Road, together
with its fertility, make it a desirable place. Per
sons wishing to purchase are invited to come and
see the growing crop. Corn and fodder, neat cat
tle and h;gs, amongst which la-R are Berkshire and
Philadelphia Whites, can be had by the purchaser.
July 14-wtf J. W. M. BERRIEN.
tO’ The Savannah Republican will copy weekly
for one month.
a Bargain.
Ta*Oß sale, 100 seres of good Land, well im-
I? proved* a healthy situation, about 3 miles
On the plnC« Is a good crop, good
well supplied with vegetables, good or
clwids ot fruit, an! every thing like convenience
and comfort about the premises. It will be sold
low, and on time, —one and two years credit for
good endorser. Also the Furniture, which is good
and new. Title good, and possession given on the
day of sale. For further paiticnlars enquire of the
Editors of this paper.
Augusta, July 18, 1840. wlOt
NOTICE. —All persons are cautioned against
trading for two promissory notes made by
Henry Smitn, on the eighth day of January last,
one for twenty do.lars, and the other for twenty
five dollars and fifty cents, payable to Wm. B.
Dyreoi bearer, as the notes were fradulently ob
tained, the consideration having failed in every re
spect whatever, I am determined i ol to pay them
until compelled. HENRY SMITH,
aug 3 w3t
I AW.—The undersigned having removed to
J Starkville, Lee county, will practice m the
several courts of the counties of Lee, .Sumter,
Stewart, Randolph, Macon, Early, # Bakcr, Dooly
and Marion.
References —Col. Joseph 11. Lumpkin, Lexing
ton, (ia.j Benning B. Moore andCapl. Peter Lamar,
I.incoJntun, Ga.; A. J. Ai T. W. Mi Her, Augusta,
Ha.; J. Lamkin and Dr. Miles K. Harman, Travel
lers Rest, Ga. RICHARD F. LYON,
oct 25 1 y
Cl ACTION.—The public is cautioned against
J trading for a promissory note, made by Samuel
Howell, on or about the third day of April last,
payable Ist of January last, for One Hundred DoF
lars, interest from date, in favor of J. W. Kitties
and by him endorsed —the same having been lost or
mislaid by the subscriber, to whom eltlcment has
oecn made by the drawer. THOS. BARNES.
marG w'tf
j, a HOWARD HOUSE.
mThe Proprietor respectfully informs the
public that this Hotel is now completed
and ready for the reception of visitors The house
is large, the rooms are well finished and furnished
and well adapted to the accommodation of families
and others The beautiful scenery that surrounds
the village of Marietta, together with the excellent
water, and a climate not to be surpassed in the
United States,together with the best exertions oi
the proprietor to furnish every delicacy of the
season, and enforce such order a? will give entire
satisfaction to his visitois and make them comfor
table, it is confidently hoped, will ensure to the
establishment an increase of the favors heretofore
so liberally bestowed.
JONATHAN ROBERTS.
Marietta, Cobb county, Geo., April 16, 1840.
w6m
Reference.
Hon. G. Andrews, Washington, Geo.
Hon. Ciias. Dougherty, Athens.
J. G. Winter, Esq., Augusta.
Albert Story, Esq., Macon.
Wm. 11. Stiles, Esq., Savannah.
James H. Willy, Esq.. Greencsborough.
Z. Samuel, Esq , Dahlonega.
'T^T’OTICE. —All persons having demands against
Xn the estate of George Murry, deceased, late of
the county of Richmond, will present them with
in the time prescribed by law’, and those indebted
to said estate will settle with the undesigned.
ALEXR. McIVER, Qualified Ex’r.
August 10,1840, • w6t
FOUR months after date, application will be
made to the inferior Court of
Burke county, while sitting as a Court of I Ordinary,
fur leave to sell 500 acres of land, belonging to the
estate of Daniel J. Evans, deceased.
Aug. 8, 1840. JESSE P. GREEN, Adm’r.
VALUABLE LANDS FOR SALE IN
BURKE COUNTY.
subscriber offers for sale one thousand
H five hundied acres of Land, lying iu Byrke
county, on Ogeet by R» ver, lunuciVi.iU SyTSyanaT*" m
around the One Hundred Mile Station, Central
Railroad, with about one third cleared, a part of
which is fresh, and all in good repair, and as w’ell
watered as any place in Georgia. There is also a
good new two stoiy dwelling house, and a gin
house, together with other out houses. Should
any person wish to buy a settlement, they will of
course look lor themselves, —and they may expect
a bargain there. WILLIAM, p. ALLEN.
July 4 3m
A DAI INIS F R A TOR’S SALE.
¥| Y virtue of an order of the Honorable the In
_§J| ferior Com tof C olumbia county, when sitting
for ordinary purposes will be so I, at the court
house of Baker county, on the first Tuesday in
October next, between the usual hours of sale.
Lot >o 214. in the 7th district of said county, con
taining 250 acres, more or less, being a part of toe
real estate of Geo/ge W. Dunn, deceased. Sold for
the benefit of the heirs and creditors of said deceas
ed. 'Perms cash. ALFRED J. DUNN,
Augusts, I*lo. Administrator.
WARREN SHERIFF’S SALE.
H; lI.L be sold on the first Tuesday in October
next, at the couit nouse door in Wanenton,
Warren <t>tmly. Ga.,ihe lollowing pioperty to wit;
two mahogany f a new Billiard 1 srhles. eighreucs,
two ma' cs, o.ie bridge, one set of balls, and four
lamp-,(levied on as tne property of Amon Cobb, to
satisfy one mortgage fi fa, returnable to the Infe
lior Court, in favor of John L. Burkhaltrr. vssiid
Cobb. Properly pointed out by sai l mortgage.
August?, 1840. J V.MES HALL, Sheriff.
POSTPONED SALE.
be sold on the first Tuesday in Sep-
V v temher next, at the court-house in the
county of Furs, th, between the usual hours of
sale, agreeable to an order of the Inferior Court of
Lincoln county,when sitting for ordinary purposes,
one lot of land No. 1142 and 2d Listri t, formerly
Cherokee.
And on the first Tuesday in October next, w;Il
be sold, agreeable to the above named order, in the
county of Dooly, lot No. 309 in the Idih District.
I he above lots of land drawn by John McKorkle,
deceased; sold for the bcncl.t of the heirs aad
creditors of said deceased, i’crnis nr.uie bßourn on
the dav. ELI GAKNLiT, Adm’r.
July 9, 1840.
BURKE SHERIFF SALES.
W' ILL be so d, on the first 1 uesday in . eptem
ber next, between the usual hours oi sale,
at the Court House door in the oi W ayaes
bo;o, four hundred acre? of Land, adjoining lands
of Heary P. Janes and Al*ral.am Janes, levied on
ax the propei tv of John Mon.oe, lo satisfy sundry
fi fas issued from a Justice’s Conrt.m favor of John
Roundtree vs John Monroe, David Monroe, and
Thqriaa U Co-knn. Propcity pointed out by de
fendant; ievj made and returned to me by a con
stable. , . ....
Also three hundred and ninety five acres pine
land, adjoining rinds of John Dicky and others, le
vied on as the property of John H. Landing, to sa
tisfv one fi U «" faVol ' of A'hley Holliday, and
two others i» fcvor oi William Wallace vs. said
Landin’' Propelty pointed out by the plaintilt;
i„,.„ „7i)c and relumed lo me by a constable.
July 2*! '=-*■■). ISAAC MtSSKX, Vh’ff.
v uji i.vistk .v ro it’s s.vli:.
—t il.I. be sold on the first Tuesday in Vovctn
\V her, before the court-house door in Lincoln
county- all the !ands belonging to the estate of Joli n
late of said county, {the widow’s dower ex- •
cep'cd,) lying in said county, adjoining lands of
u .1 tun, House, Antonv ami other-, on the Savan
nah river. WM. W. STORKS, Adm’r.
I July 16, 1840.
__
COLII9IBU SIIKKiFF’S SALK.
WILL be sold at Columbia court house, on the
first Tuesuay in September next, between
Ahe usual hours of sale, a Lot in the villazo ot A
Kjrepling, (Columbia county,) upon which llicre is I
and convenient Dwelling House, Kitchen jF
and stable, and two other Houses, suitable for dry
rroods or grocery stores; also, a lot ol merchandize,
consisting of fancy and staple articles, shoes,boots, 0
and hats; also, one bay Irerse and buggy, to satisfy
two li fas from Columbia Superior Couit, in which
1-aac 8. Tuttle and Stovall & Hamlen arc plain
titi’s, against William Glover, defendant.
August 1,1840. RICHARD H. JONES, D.
ADJUnTsTKATOU’S SALK.
WILL be sold on Friday, the 2sth day of
August next, at the late residence of John
p Thiess, deceased, of Lincoln county, all the
perishable’property of said deceased, to wit: Coin
and Fodder, household and kitchen furniture, plan
tation tools, and stock of all kinds, &c. &c.
July 18, 1840. HENRY THIESS, Adm’r.