Newspaper Page Text
-
efjrontclt ana Sentinel.
~ TUESDAY MORNINgTsEPTEMHER 20.
whig nomnaliqnS.
FOfK COMJ HESS. ]
RICHARD W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. 1
ROGER L. Jefferson.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, ojkGlynn. j
RICHARD H. WILDE, of Richmond. i
ABSOLOM H. CHAPPELL, of Bibb. I
AUGUSTUS H. KENAN, of Baldwin. 1
HAMILTON P. SMEAU, of Talbot.
AUGUSTUS R. WRIGHT, of Cass. 1
FOK THE LEGISLATURE- I
I
SENATOR. i
ANDREW J. MILLER. I
i
hepr esestatites. ,
GEORGE W. CRAWFORD, ,
CHARLES J. JENKINS,. j
SAMUEL TARVER. * '
~ : I
Judge Ucrnen’s A tigress. I
AUho’ we feel confident th« no. commenda
tion of our* could excite any additional interest |
for the perusal of an address frodt out distin- ‘
guished Senator, nevertheless, we (pel it is a
courtesy due him, and the
occasion, not only to comiffend yßst cordially to
the reader’s attention A a document, worthy the
high reputation of the distinguishedfhuthor, but to
express our high adnTiratiou which
he has displayed, and our approbation
of the principles maintained. We shall concluue
it to-morrow, and we sincerely' hose (that every
leader will give it a calm and attenl*ejerusal.
The Cabinet. ~
The latest reports from Washington, says the
Ualtimore American, are that of
.Massachusetts, is to be Secretarial die
ry, vice Mr. Forward, w&o directly-J (
and that Mr. Louis Secre
tary of State, vice Mr. resign*.
momentarily
Mr. McLane cann<^B(P[^^^R^ih».ol\ico
h. on- with -O n,o»«r*at*i«tTO himself and
•atisfaction to this copimunity, as President of the
Baltimore and Oaio Kail Road Company. We
hope to see him at the head of the Company at
least until this great work strikes the Western
waters, and as much longer thereafter as he may
desire to remain.
Maine Election.
The New York Courier and Enquirer says :
•’ The Whigs do not appear to have considered
it worth while to make any special exertion this
year—indeed in some parts of the State they per
mitted the election to go almost by default. The
vote is much amall r than it was last year, and
(jiovernor Fairfield is prululdy elected by about
(he same majority that he obtained last fall. As
was the case last year, the Loco Focos will have
ma jorities in both branches ol the Legislature.
The Whigs of Massachusetts.
The Whig Stale Convention of this Slate as
sembled in FaneuilHall on Wednesday last. It
was compoied says the National Intelligencer of
between one and two thousand delegates, and
comprised many individuals from every part o
[he State, distinguished for talents and worth, and
well known for the public services which they
have rendered to that Commonwealth and to the
country. Abbot Lawrence was President of hj
The following nominations ol candidates for
Mate tdiices were made by acclamation :
John Davis, of Wercesur, for Governor.
George Hull, of SandishfioKl, for Lieutenant
Governor.
It was then moved by Kevcrdy Newton, of
Piltrlielil, that nominations be made by th° Con
vmtionat largo for candidates 'or the offices of
i’resul-nt and Vico President nt the U. Stales
to be supported at the next election. This mo.
non was inanihoi’bli adopted,anil old Famu
li Hall rang with the name of
Han hit Clat, of Kentucky, for President,
lous Davis, ol Massachusetts, fir \ ice Pre
sident.
Thee nominations were received and adopted j
.mid lo .o and continual acclamations.
The Convention was addressed during its ses
sion in animated speeches, by 0.-myn Baker, l.e
terelt Saltonslall, and other distinguished citi
-1 aer».
The Whigs of New Jersey.
The Whigs of New Jersey assembled, says
me Nations Intelligencer, at Tienlon on Thors,
day, in their Slate Convention, which was ad
dressed, in eloquent and thrilling language, by
Messrs. Halsted and Randolph, of the United
States House of Representatives, and by Messrs,
Miller and Dayton, of the Senate.
Resolutions were adopted recommending Hen
ry ('lay as the candidate ot the Whig patty for
President of the United Slates in 1844.
At leaM 6.000 persons were present. From
the spirit manifested there is no reason to doubt
ihat the vote of the State is sute for the States
man of the West.
Vo nomination was made for the Vice Presi
dency, although a large majority of the Conveu
tion expressed the preference of New Jersey lor
John Divis. The question was deferred for (he
present.
The unanimous determination of the Conven
tion for Henry Clay was most decidedly indica
ted by the rejection of the last resolution of the
Committee, recognising a National Convention.
This was lost by acclamation. The Whigs of
New Jersey maintain that a National Conven
tion for the Presidency is unnecessary.
Correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot.
New Moves upon the Political Chess-
Board •
Washington,September IT, IS4I.
Eveiy d»y rumour becomes more general in an
ticipating changes in the cabinet, and all tbe while
sbe seems to speak more authcn'ic. Certain it is
that singular moves are being made on the politi
cal chess-board, indicative of a closet alliance be
tween the I’iesident and the Loco Focos. The u
trion is now complete—to be a Tyler man is to be
locofo. They are birds of one and the same fea
ther and species. Tyler and Calhoun, Wise and
Blair, Cushing and Van Buren, and Profit and Ben
ton, mate hereafter in the same truckle bed. Tru
ly, extremes have met. Old feuds and animosities
are forgotten, and they who ere while spoke one
•f another, as knaves and hypocrites, as roguas
and royalists,joining hands, are made fast friends,
cemented in the bonds of union by the hiss of peace.
" - The Globe and Madisonian are Jp be merged into
one paper, to be edited and controlled by Isaac Hill
and Trancis Preston Blair. Rives, of tbe Globe,
has bought out Matthew St. Clair Clarke’s inter
est in the state piper printing, a valgabT? contiact
held by him and Peter Force, under a law of Con
gress.
John Jones figures not much longci as an official
.editor. He takes, it may be, a more agreeable, if
not a more lucrative situation—a good office is in
store for him, and who will say he is nudes crying!
Who has worked more industriously, or has worn
the collar and the livery of the master more kind
to-
Mr. Forward is to leave the Treasury depart
ment, at least his own word has been given to
that effect. He told a gentleman of this city a few
days since that he did not expect to remain in cf
nee a month longer. Who is to he his successor
is not yet known. Webster, it ia said, if he re
turns at all, will retire in a few day’s, to be suc
ceeded by Caleb Cushing ! Upshur and Louis Mc-
Lane have also been named.
The hybrid sheet of Hill and Blair—the one the
lord of letters, the other of lies—is to enstsin the
Administration, and to stand by the nominee of the
National Convention. Tyler’s claims are lo be
submitted to thxt Convention, and, if he bo nomin
ated, the party is to cling to him, as (he last plank
of safety to a ship-wrecked crew. All the power
and patronage of tho Government go into the hands
of the Loco Focos, and their candidate is to reap
tha benefit, if any, they can confer. Such is the
news here, and I believe it to be correct, as I grt
it from a very authentic and responsible source—
from one who, from his position, should, and does
know.
Doubtless, the negotiations are pending,if not
complete, and if things do not eventuate as I sayl
it will be because of ibe obstinacy of some of the
bigh contracting parli '. Ty leiism is for sale, and
if Loro Focoism dor- qot buy out the concern, it I
will be, that it tbit Li Tylerism too dear a bargain
at any price. X Y Z.
ADDRESS. *i
V*
hon. john McPherson berrien,
% To the People of Georgia.
the session of
Congress I received
from his of Georgia,
two printed papers, which purported to
issue from the Execo4Hbe|iattment, and the
other to be “a PrennbleMßKlesolutions adopted
hy tiie Legislature of the SHe, at its last session,
touching the extra session of
the 27rh Congress, and matters embraced
therein ” T..is last denounces
the conduct ol that Congress, and, in no meas
ured terms, arraigns my own. If it had been in
the power of his Excellency, and it bad been a
greeable to him, to have lor worded this document
10 me, while tbe Legislature was yet in session,
my respect for its authafc would have induced a
prompt reply. Overlooking the personal crimi
nation of which I was (jjn object, I would cheer
fully have conferred wIL that honorable body,
on the object of those r4mulio»s, and the UMi
jects to which they TSinfe But ihe communi
cation of his reach me until
la’e in the month of JanHl, some weekiafter
the Legislature bad adiotnirea. and when! was
assiduously employed ii£ the discharge of my
public duties in the Innate of the United States.
Indeed, it was -so long delayed as to have given
occasion for the suggestion; th*t Excellency
had found in the sixth resolution cAuiiied in
that print;..’ paper, an ojiffade to his
approval of the series ofrefuiefi it fofltd so pro
minent a part. He had been jalwaOunderslood
to assert the constitutional power oHongressJo
establish a Bank of tbe States, although
it is beiiev «**»*• had mor^rcccutly'denied IraM
expediency of such a uiflfire. Those, there
fore, who profess to opinions,
the firmness with am) UI c Fi JI A
sistency
it difficult lo his
the^fflSrtence
the
..pproval*Va* in
although £ wit
tar more thaiK m I AWjT *y
in
-of
i-*y -o
rcuoiu i !o».*v
iht ii separation, anti as my ■
and occupied my whole time, I thought libeller
to await the adjournment of Congress, anil then
to address myself to you. I do not mean to
claim an exemption from those feelings of oor
common nature, which such charges as those
preferred in these resolutions are calculated to
awaken, or lo profess an indifference, which I do
not feel, lo the censure of the honorable body by
whom they were adopted. But I do mean lo
say, because such is the fact, that beyond any
merely personal concern winch I have in this con
troversy, is the solicitude which I feel for the vin
dication o! truth, and the rightful exercise of con
stitutional power, as these aflect the welfare of a
people with whose tununes my own are insepa
rably connected.
In my judgment, lhe;e resolutions, although
they may scorn to disda in, practically asserr and
exercise a power, which is not conferred on Ihe
Legislature of Georgia hy our ranMilutiuaal
charters, either Slate or Federal, while the politi
cal doc rines which I. ey promulgate) aic errone
ous in principle,and would be subversive in prac
lice of the host interes's of ihe people of Georgia.
I speak freely, us ia my right, and respectfully, as
is my duty. Ido not permit myself for a mo
ment lo suggest, that any feeling of personal un
kindness, or of political hostility has led to the
adoption ut these resolutions, or that the same
spirit which in defiance of tho public will clearly
expressed, sought to defeat the election of a Sen
ator in Ib 10, utill follows me in the discharge of
my public duty. Un the contrary, overlooking
much in the language and spirit of these resolu
tion*;, which was not necessary to express with
dearness the opinions or even the censures which
they were designed lo convey, and which would
seem therefore better culculaud to wound than to
instruct, I proceed lo a hri.T ami thspc e
consideration of the power which they assert,and
of the purposes to which it is applied.
In the very act of framing these resolutions,
their au'hors seem to have been aware that ihty
were exercising a power which the Constitution
did not confer upon them. If is not therefore
from that instrument that they profess to derive
their authority. They assume, in their icgisla*
tire rhararfer , a power not conferred by the Con
stitution, ant! justify its exercise upon the giouud
that it is only the acceptance ot an invitation
given by the Whig members of Congress, in
ihi ir address to the people of luo li d'ed S ates,
to which my name was suhsciilul. Deriving
rheir authoiity bom thi« “invita«s m,'*and cfaim
i ing “to have ascertained the public will” in rela
tion to the several subjects embraced ia .these re
solutions. ilny proceed to exercise ihe pofoer, by
au unqualified and ui.sparing dt of
the pa>t. and Uy u sysU to ol institutions lor the
future. couci'i\i»‘l m i»«»..i»uu»o cuiuivu*iiutu4' wpir
in. The oallytri'V whidi mas exorciscil iiil'ram
ing these resolutions, has linn by the ißplieJ
concewton of its atitii.irs, no warrant in thf Con
s'ilulinn, and moot certainly citmict be
ly ileiirrd from any other sourco. Can it be ne
ce sjiy to say, that it the Legislature ol G.orais
luissessps the pmver to instruct a Mon itor o( the
United Slates, that power must he derived from
the t 'onstilutien of the S ate, or of the Union,
and Ihat it these do net confer it, it cannot he
rightfully exercised at the bidding, tir at the “in
vitation” of any body of citizens.
Hut that address contains no such invitation as
(he preamble lo these resolutions supposes. Its
appeal is not to the gitlulure but to the peo
ple, the immediate constituents of those who
made it. It invokes the instruction of Stale Le
gislators hi/ Ihoir immediate, constituents, not le
gislative instructions lo the Senate of tho United
Stales. It invites those legislators to “ascertain
and express the public will” in relation to tho-c
great questions, and “within t/n ir respective con
sliMtionalspheres, lo exert themselves lo give it
. ;V.ct.” IL te, most certainly, is no invitation to
the Legislature to assume an authority not war
ranted by the Constitution, not “within their con
stitutional sphere.” The legislative action which
is invoked is expressly limited to such as is with
in “their respective constitutional spheres,” and
they are invited to exercise i'.only in conformity
to in -tructions lo he given by their immediate
constituents.
But with what shadow of reason can it be said
t! at tho Legislature ot Georgia lied received the
instructions of their constituents on the several
subjects sealed of in the preamble ami reside
lions which lam considering? Congress did not
adjourn until the middle of September, 1841.
and tiie election occurred on the first Monday in
October. There was not ti;-;io in the inletval, to
submit these measures to the scrutiny of the peo
ple of Georgia, and it is notorious ihat ihe elec
tion turned upon wholly different topics. I am
relieved from the necessity of detailing them, as
they are familiar to you, and therefore content
myself with enquiring, in what county of the
State were the people called upon lo express, and
did they express, their opinion on tbe title of our
confederated government to their undiminished
confidence!—of its efficiency to protect tluir
rights, and secure their happiness?—of the pro
priety of ihe strict or liberal construction of its
granted powers?—of the distribution of those
powers, and that the destruction or even modifi
cation of either would destroy tbe harmony of
the whole system?—that the attempt to modify
tbe veto power was dangerous to their liberties,
and hostile to the principles of Republican go
vernment?—lhat Congress had no right to estab
lish a Bank of Hm United Stales, iu any form,
with or without branches, and with or without
the a.-sent of ihe States?—that the act fo r the dis
tribution of tbe public lands was unconstitution
al. intended to lead to the assumption of
debts, and lo create a necessity for a protective
tariff, and that it ought to be repealed?—lhat a
tystem of legislation, by which the success of
one measure was made to depend upon that of
another, was improper and dangerous? By what
portion of that people, were the members of the
last Legislature directed lo instruct their Senators
“lo vote against tbe establishment of a United
States Bank in every respect, and by every name
lhat (in which) it may be presented?”—to use
their exertions to repeal the distribution bill, and
the bankrupt fill, and lo modify the loan and re
venue bib? By what authenlicexpression of the
will cf the people of Georgia, was the Legisla
ture authorized to declare in their name, lhat the
modification of the veto power was contrary to
the wishes of a vast majority of them? That
the confirmation of Mr. Everett’s nomination,
as Minister to England, was not a true represen
tation c> tho opinions or wishes of either politi
cal party in rur Stale? That the appropriation
in favor of Mrs. Harrison was unconstitutional,
unequal and oppressive, loading lo the establish
ment of a pension list, and tending to saddle the
country with debt? That (he loan bill was not
necessary to supply the wants of the govern
ment, if economically adipipisleied? T hat the
repeal of the act establishing the Independent
Treasury,'!! was a positive injury inflicted by
tho majority that passed it upon ihe. best interests
of the country? That the Whig tariff or reven
ue bill (that of 1S4I) was unconslitulional, op
pressive and unjust? That the appropriation for
the Post t mice was unwise and piodigal? That
the “hour rule ” and other rules of proceeding
adopted by the House of Representatives in the
late exfa session, were iiifringcmenle ol the li
berty es speech, and of the tight of tho consti
tuent to be beard through his represer-'glives?
I present this summary of the several matters
contained in: he pteamhle'snd resolutions of the
Legislature of Georgia, in connection with the
claim of the committee who reported them, that
11 cy hat! “ascertained the public will in relation
to IfiOSE great qucgHC.nsand I appeal to the
candor of every man of to answer
ihe enquiries which 1 ere these ,
questions, or was any one to
the people of Georgia; and
decided by tlfem during thffcanvass of H 341 ?
Was the opinion of lhat people,,or Os any, and
what part of them, in relatioiFlfi These
expressed by resolutions adopteqmn their-prjingry
assdmbliys, or in any other, ananp mode Jrls
it nolliotorious, that that election waa made to
depend on other and entirely difctept
and JP#hhe=e were never
vas stg Hy bow many ofkLdHl holed for
these resolutions, bad the varioeis nm
they relate, been considered before Urey were re
ported hy the committee? them, -had
the instructions of bis constituents to guide bis
decision ? These important. +he
opinions of those who voted for these resolutions,
are undoubtedly entitled to respect. But, cer
tainly, claim equal consideration
wi*h i ho.'6 of a majority of the whole people of
Georgia. ’’Now whameMhe- party portion of
any one ttojgirtr. if »he will meet
these candy# he must
that there was of opin
ijn by mtjority of
them”—lhat the legislature and could
not have relatiqp k
lhe~e great .resolutions
could, thereforflPfMße* utmSlf "expressed
only the opiiupns who
of those, who voted far jjUm. t
the?? 'That
ef
It is a high
commands all Byeffpe* at . brfw*
(hose who are with i t, efeall never bo fm
ptded in the cfMKe ofjhcir legwSH|^u nct * ons -
wnen as such RepaJWf a^vcs » to
niil same ptdji U P*
on an “ lo
l»y ,aCt
i of tlu’ir
n n a hi
>ic '■
Ol
c c r t
c?uli L
p ,aceti u p° n
distinct considcr
.f etlou. involving'as it does, the vital principles'ot
that Federative Government, under which we
live. In the Legislative Halls of our State, arc
assembled the Representatives of the people of
Georgia, who claim lo speak in behalf of lhat
whole people, by virtue of their representative
character. Tha claim is undoubted; it cannot
be denied ; it mty not even be questioned ; but,
existing :t certainly does, ir is nevertheless
, subject to those limitations, which that self-same
people have imposed upon it , in their State and
Federal Constitutions. The Representatives of
the people of Georgia, in General Assembly met,
arc authorised totpiak in the name, and in be
t half of lhat whole people, in relation to all those
subjects which the Constitution of the Slate
confides to their management, and which ihe
Constitution of the Vailed Slate*dots not with -
I draw from their control They may not trarn.-
, tend the limits defined by ihe former, for that
I would betuexecisea power which the people
have not conferral. T hey may not pass the
boundary prescribed by the latter, for that would
be to assume a power which the people have in
hibited. The source of the power and of its
5 limitation, is the will oi the .same people, acting
alone in the formation of .be State Constitution—
acting, as one of thirteen confederated States, in
the establishment of our federal ibarter. These
. propositions are 100 j lain for controversy.
Let ns now sec how they apoiy to the power
exercised ! y the Legislature, in tbe resolutions
j w<‘are conquering. C’aiminc to speik in beball
T of ih»* whole people ol Georgia, by virtue ol their
high offices as the local repre t niatives of lhat
i people jr» the if JStale Legislatures, they proceed
j la instruct roe. as a Senator ol the United Stales,
j representing the same people in the National
Legi l itme, to do certain acts in obedience to
e iheir ins iiuli t:-, mid contrary to my own cx
j pressed convictions , fmy duty. The alternative
i ilimated. is, tha! I should yield my place to one,
who will obey (hem. I have to say in reply,
~ speak>cg the sincere conviction of my own judg
j ment, with reference only to iny ow n conduct,
p and nut presuming to establish o standard cf mo
rality i t others, lhat a c«>mpiia:ice with tins re
qu.isiti n or i:s altemaUve, would be a violation
of tho ('um-thution cf the I nilal Stale?, and c*l
I my ufii ;..i u-.t ‘j. I .;.vj:e your uUendoii lo a vc
j ry btici eousiiicratix n ef.-omeuf the r easonswhich
, havu le d in«* ‘o* ibis conclusion, premising only
i t : i »5 rny opinion on ibis subject, the same which
r 1 I now expr«- was dislinc ly »nd publicly stated
’ j at l!:»' ol ( ' nt i merit, and during the session
! of lie i. « slature, some weeks beioro ray elec
’ j li ii.
, ; TUB UIOHT «»F ISSTHICTIfIN.
I I I proiv nd no .v to c onsider Ihe. question ol in
c I si ruction.
I. The l!i)ii:.:»utii»n of the United Slates es-1
a (Jov;-rdinunl, of which, a Senate ren
j deicd by a piolonged officinl tenure, con
stitutes :i distinguishing, perhaps the most distin
guishing characteristic. Its mcu»b. l rs are elected
for the term of six years, are sworn to support the
5 (Jonsti udon, and a-e independent cf ai*y other
( . i I‘onstiui ionci control except that which results
Q | Iromthcir 1 iy to impeadnnenl. T'he object,
I u d uhtcdly, oas to give steadiness to legislation
p in that body. The House of Representatives arc
tho.--. n at shoilvr intervals, and weie design* d lo
r.fiic* file fluctuations of public opinion, which,
3 m moments of excitement, might find a salutary
. check in the other h.anch cf the Actional Legis
lature, which, from i s organizitioii, would more
} over, ut ail limps, oil rd a body of men who had
become familiar, hy experience, with the duties of
legislation Such is the view taken of this sub*
j ject, by every commentator on the American
, | Constituli* u. A compliance r i’.h tbercqircmenls
e ■ of these resolutions, would char ge the character
i of the Senate of the United .States, would sur
t \ render its independence , would niter the official
0 j and cons'.Unlivnal (enure of its members from
j s\c years lo one year, ai«d would thus, in my
J i ;.‘gment, be u violation of the Constitution,
i* j j n
j winch every Senator has sworn !o su[.pott.
j 3 Such an ret on the part of any Senator,
j woulu moreorer he a plain ini.iurteo'.ent ot the
contract entered into in/the suerai Slaiett, in the
c formath.'!! of our fi-derol charier. The thirteen
States who ci.terr j into tbja confederacy, agreed
j with each ulher, that the power to regulate their
p fjreign relatioua in war, and in peace, iheir for
-1 eign and internal commerce, anu thatol taxation,
whether direct or in tho lonn of hopo.-t with cei
t tain . liter specified powers, should ho vested in
one General Government, constituted and or
j ganized in it certain prescribed ntani.er, which
3 they expressly mid carefully defined. They
agreed '.o submit lo tho acta e f that Government,
hut they did aid aqree lo submit lo llie acts of
, any other. One iinporisii! stipulation, which
s was intended to secure them against sudden fluc
t lualions oi public opinion, was that one branch
e of the Nation .1 LrgiUa’uie should hold their uf
] fines for the term of six yvars, that its members
r might be free from any olher control in their de
j liberation hu' that of conscience, and tbe consti
r tution of ihe Uuiied Slates. A member of ihe
. Senate of the United S ates, who forbears to rx
-5 crciee his own judgment in obedience to inst uc
, lions from a Stale Legi-'laluce, or who, unable,
. to obey tho.e insiructions, va
f cates his si at at the r bidding, substitutes a new
f role of action unknown to tiie Constitution,
; charges the chancier of ihe Government hy al
, tering the official tenure of on a bianch of the
. Legislature, and thus is guilty of n palpable
1 . breueji of UilU to the other contracting States Ji
t must be very obvious j lhat a Gorornmri.l, in
. which tbe members of tj»eSenate aie free to ex
_ ercise their own judgment in relation-jo matim
eommAn ioteresTto-an tho Spates, without any
j other ccn'rol than that of the Constitution, which
, trey have swum to support is veiy unlike ino i i
f which those members are bound to n golate their
,■ conduct, according lo instrui lions given by the
re.- pefitive Slate Legislator s —and, lhat a Gov
-3 emmen', hgving a Senate with a constitutional
4 tenure of six years, is quite a diUeicnt tiling from
I one, in which tbe Sena-e is elected annually, or
3 may he so elected at the wiii el the State Legh
-3 latures. The first is, ilia! lomi of Government,
j which the people of the thirteen States agreed
with each other to establish, when they adopted
, the Constitution. Tbe second is t! at, wh c'i
won!'.! result f<om a general compliance on the
. part nf Senators, wi.il ihe instructions of their n
, spectivs Sia'.e Lrgi-'la'ures atd.-uch a Govern
[ ment, the Slates el lins Union have never agreed
toestalrish. Any act. therefore, on the part of
’ a Senator mli e Unired Stales, whether direct, or
indirect, which subjects tl.eni nst ihtir n
t pressed wiii, u> the contird es such a Govern
ment, is a plain breach eif fai h hy one State, or
[ ! y tiie Senator of one Slide, lo the other conliac
, tng Stare,’.
3. lift me ask your attention to an historical
fact, connected wnh this sul jert. In somoof ihe
. Stale Convei.liens, which adeiplid tiie Federal
i Constitution, this very power of recalling Sena
tors and of thus subjecting them to the control of
. the S ate Jo gi natures, was proposed as an amend
, ment to the Constitution, and failed. This proves
two things.
I. That the power was not given ly the Con
stitution as it was adopted. And, 2d. That it
was not deemed expedient lo gi»e It.
Tnis single fact would seem to he decisive cf
the whole coutrrversy. The question of subjec
ting Senators in Congress to the control of their
respective Leg slalurcs, tv:s'cutir;d“ r ed ahd K.jec
lod. I add, however, one further remark If it
had been intended tiiaf the S ate Legislatures
should exercise this power of instruction, the
right to enforce obedience by the recall of the
Senator, who (ailed to comply, would of course,
have been given, since, without that, the act of
instruction brccu-e* nugatory, and degenerates,
it has done in tome Sjalo. into u lueie trgiiie
of party.
4. Hitherto, we; have look- cl at (his su> ject
merely with a view to the ('on»iito:ion of the
United States, and to the powers and duties of a
Senator acting under it. TLe.e is unoii.t r and
different view which conducts us to ibe same re
sult. The Legislature of Georgia derives power
from the Constitution of the United States, and
frorgthatof Use State. The only power in rela
tion to this subject which it dentes from the fofr
mat is that of electing a Senator. When
cu/the person chosen becomes an officer not of
the Government of Georgia , but of the natvmal
Government , invented with the powers , and lia
ble to tbe responsibilities imposed by the Con
stitution, not of the State,h\iiof the United States.
The other soufce*nf legislative power, is tbe Con
stitution of our own State, Lut ihe specific as well
as general grants of powtr, in that instrument
are confined to the State and its officers , and
cannot therefore affect this question. Tbe power
of instruction cannot by derived from either of
these sqjlfcts. It is not and coold'liqt have
been gjVeiT% the Constitution of the Btate.-y
Sat c lates repels it by ike official
use which if defines, and by the official oath ,
prescribes. A State Constitution can
not give power to its Legislature to exercise au
thority over the officer of another go-eminent—
and such officer cannot hold his office at tbe will
of 8 State Legislature, when a different tenure is
•prescribed by the Constitution of the government
of which he is an officer. *
5. The people of cock State, acting by them
selves, established their owrTseporate Constitu
tions, as the fundamental law of their Stale go
vernment. and loregulute their own internal af
fairs. -The people of the several States united
to form the government of the confederacy. —
They established the Constitution of the United
States, as the fundamental law of that guvtrn
*ntßnt, and entrusted toil, certain interests. :l
fectiug our foreign relations, aud the inlersourse
the States, which weie common jo all,
and could therefore he most advantageously re
gulated by a common government. TbJke two
governments wet e, and are esseflf tally distinct.
1 hefframers of them, who were the people of the
several States, acting alone in the qte cam, and
in concert with their sister S:ates *Tn the other, *
provided a distinct set of agents yfov- \
emrtknt, who can. in the nature of l|PJ»s, be
s to thf
rfftv respectively in ought
of aiTattempt to subject an officer of the State,
acting under the <’on.-lilvilinn of the Stale, to
the control of the National Government, in any
of its departments, except in cases specifically or
dained by the people in the Constitution of the
United States? And if this may not l»e done,
how may the officers of the latter Government be
subjected to the control of the former? If the
Senators of the United States are depend* nt upon
tbe Stale Legislatures, otbeiwi.se lhan in the ex
orcise of the elective franchise- conferred upon
them by the federal Constitution, then the gov
ernment of the United Slates is no longer an in
dependent government, c\«*n within the sphere
prescribed to it by the Constitution. Who is
prepared to assert tins?
6. If it be said that the right of a State Legis
lature to instruct a Senator in Congress, rc.-ults
horn ihe tact that tie i.s elected by such Legis'a
lure, the answer is ihal this right is not derived
from the Slate, but from the federal Constitution
—that nis simply a right to elect — a special
grant of power, which cannot be carried beyond
the words of the. grant —arid that this is equally
true, whether we lest the question by the rules of
construction applicable to such a grant, or consi
der the responsibility of a Senato r in the Con
gross of the United Stiles, to the higher author
ity of the federal charter. But even when excr
eting a power to elect, which is conferred by the
Constitution of the Stale, a State Legislature
elects many State officers, in relation to whom,
when elected, it cmnot exercLe ti e right of in
struction, or any other ixmlrol. except that w hich
is expressly authorized by the Slate Constitution.
The right of instruction does not, therefoie, fol
low from the right of dieting, even applied to
the officers of the Slate. There ; s ?till less pre
tence I r di riving it fiom this source in its appli
cation to officers of the ftderai government.
Finally—The members ol the Stale Legisla
ture, are the Representatives ol the people of
Georgia, in relation to their total, not their na
tional concerns. These last are entrusted to
the federal government, ineludidg those Senators
and Rejuesentatives, who arc deputed lo repre
sent that people in the Congress of the United
Slates. Both have an equal, or rather, neither
has any rig l lo instruct the other, in the perfor
mance of their respective duties. They are both
servants ol a common master, the ppoplej charg
ed by them with duties which are entirely disr
linct. Each is bound to attend to the (ask as
sigued to him i and has no light lo say to hisco
servant, do thus, in n Litton to the particular du
ties entrusted to him, for neither is resp«*psihie
to the other. Both are subject only to the con
trol of the common master of both. The ques
tion may be teste.l thus. The Legislature's the
representative of lire people of Georgia, in rela
tion lo all those matters, concernin'; which the
Constitution the Slate hasoiven them jKitver
to legislate, and certainly not beyond ibis.
i can ilie Legislature ot ‘.L^eorgey* l » uivun th*-* r le
gislative power over —can they pass any law for
the regulation of any of those subjects concern
-1 ing whdi they propose to give these instruc
tions! I: will be admitted that they cannot —
and then no other proof can be required loshow,
1 that as to those subjects, they do not represent
the people iff Georgia, for it is quite certain that
that their legislative poire is are coextensive
. with their eepresent at ne character. '(hey are
author!/, dby the Constitution ol the fetale, Io
regulate, by law, all those matters which are
confided lo their management, as the representa
tives of the people of Georgia. If Ihe subjects
lo which these resolutions of instruction relate,
are beyond the reach ol their legislation, it is
because in relation lo them, they do not represent
the people ol the State—it is because that {teoplu
have chosen to confide these matters to another
and separate class of agenL.
1 have thus, fellow citizens, stated to you some
T the reasons whiuli have influenced pie in de
fining to comply with the resolutions ol the
Legisl lure of Georgia, instructing me how lo
perlorin my duty, as one of your representatives
in the Senate ol the United States. The sub
ject is capable ol being dealt with much more in
detail. Enough however has, f trust, been said
to show that compliance could not have been
yielded without a violation of my duly to you,
, and to the Constitution of :h* Union; without a
oabjable 'irtruction •;!’ the cor.tr. ct entered into
by you, with mir dialer slates. Bui although 1
do nut feel my sell authorized to admit (fie right
r of one class of your public £crvaut£, to vyhom
specific duties Inyo I *vi: co llided, to dictate the
conduct of another class of public servants, to
whom you have entrusted other and distinct du
ties, I nave, nevertheless, been disposed to treat
with the respect to which it is undoubtedly enti
tled. this expression ol the opinions of a portion
of .ny fellow Citizens, who are honored by the
confidence of the people of Georgia. I have
overlooked, therefore, the mere parly character
which these resolutions seeinrd to assume, in the
course of the discussion of ;Ik*ui. bv I lie indefi
nite postponement ot ew ry proposit|Qii calcula
ted lo alleviate the oenspre they were intended
lo convey, when such proposition was too palpa
bly true lo he met by a direct vote of rejection:
a* well ashy the universal and sweeping denun
ciation o| every prominent measure, and indeed
of almost every measure oft lie lute extra session
ot Congress. I feel that such indiscriminate
censure is harmless, while the light of appeal to
your justice and intelligence remains tome.
Os that, no man may deprive me. it Ido not
exercise it in the spirit with which I am assail
ed, it |3 bepaiisf. in my j'ddgineiit.thi indgjg. per
ofsuch a apiritj on mv part, i* he bidden by high
er considerations than any which belong to a
controversy : Lethic.
1 proceed now to ti e conFidi-ratioii ol such of
the measures embraced in the resolutions and
preamble of the Legislature, as the limits oft his
address will permit.
TffE VETO POWER.
The thst in the order of their occurrence is
the proposal lo modify the veto power. Having
recently had occasion lo slate my views on this
subject, at some length in the Senateofthc Uni
ted Slates, and these having been already laid
hetiire you. through the medium of the press, it
is the less necessary for me to enter into a detail
ed consideration of the question here. I will
only call your attention to the lact, in order to
show (heer.tiie misapprehension which existed
in the minds ot the Legislature. By that hon
orable body, the measure is treated and denoun
ced as an attempt “lo abolish the veto power of
the Executive.'* This would indeed have been
an effort lo lake away one of the checks which
the framers of the Constitution had provided
lor I lie preservation of the balance of power,
between the different departments of the govern
ment. Uvl no such attempt was made or con
iemplo■ • it. and it cannot bqt excite uprpriae th*t
a proposal to submit to the several States, the
question of the propriety of modifying the Ex
ecutive power, in the manner proposed, which
could r.ot have become effective without the as
sent of three fourths oftln.se States, should have
been confounded by so intelligent a body of men
as were found sustaining these resolutions, with
an attempt by Congress to abolish that power
altogether. That these facts may be distinctly
presented tp your view, I make a short extract
from the remarks referred to, to show you, at a
glance, the nature of the modification , contem
plated in the Whig address, and actually propo
sed at the late session, that you may see how lit
tle it partakes of the character imputed lo it, that
of an attempt ‘ to abolish the veto power of tlie
Executive;’*—“l ask the Senate now to consider
what it is, which the resolution proposes as a se
curity against the recurrence this state of
thing*. Pors it seek \o abolish ike Executive
veto? No, sir. Thjc js not (be proposition. It
is simply to 'modify the existing limitation —to
restrain it within those limits which will allow
to Congress, the exercise of the legislative pov
ers, which tlie Cr.‘'J lulio ' 1 has conferred, and
conlerrcd exclusively on the Senate and House
of Representatives of the United States.” And
again—“ Let us now look to the limitation which
the resolution recommends. ’ It proposes that
when a hill which has passed bptb houses of Con-
> -
gres#j*han be returned by the President with his
•ijto, alGnrrhrr union shall be smpended iqton it
until Ihe next*succeeding session. In the mean
lime, the reasons of the President will bespread
upon the legislative journal, will be read, consid
«*rA, sulm Iffed jo the public, and discussed oial
ly, andthrough the medium oi the press,
mejpMj^udreturn to their constituents. Vill
consult them. -At the opening
of the next session of-Uongress, ihe resolution
proposes that the consideration of the hill shall
be resumed, and then, ij a'vwjority of the whole
'number »J Senators and Representatives elected,
alter tb<»£rff>rv*J thus afforded for deliberation’
foi consultation with their constituents, and for
the public dijcussion of the subject, shall re af
firm the hill,it shall become a law.”
\ ou will see the extent of the proposed mod
ification, and bow little it answers the dcscrip
lion-pf an attempt to abolish the veto power or
the Exccjiv?. Referring for a full explanation
of the which influenced my conduct on
that occasion! *° *^ le remarks from which the a
bove extractsjare made, 1 w ill only add that the
events of thejtate session of Congress have made
more conVertltP.the proposition for which 1 then
contended, lib necessity of modifying the veto
power ol ihcExecotive, for the purpose of pre
serving iXtftfdrnstiMional power of the repre
•sentatives of lie States, and of the people, than
could have bo n won by any argument a priori ,
however-Weqtrut and profound.
*tVITED STATES BANK.
The eftVvfeko establish a Bank of the United
States, has n«*l called forth the censure of the
Legislature olGeorgia. Carrying the doctrine
which oppose! the exercise of this power, i»e
yond the liorilaf ail former opposition, that hon
orable hodv diii' s the right of Congress to es
tablish such al institution, by whatever name it
may be call* in the District ofColumbia,
or ill aify Sflfc or Territory, and with, or with
out the peyverk) establish branches or agencies,
with or w iihoM the assent of lhe States, and cx
presdy instructs me to vote against the etstablish
menroj a Bank, in every aspect, and by
every name in which it may he presented. lam
unable lo obev this instruction, or to do tbe act
reqtftes, fimui a thorough eonviclion
the resnffot Sicful examination, that it is not
merely the rigfrf, but that it is the constitutional
duty of Con<ir||s£kt6 establish such an institution.
On this subjtci. alsoj my views; delivered in the
Senate of lh« tfHii d States, hjfVe been sohmit
iifcd to you Ail, indeiiendenlly of this, 1 feel
it is unngffcssary to occupyyoty time in dia
of the
th*t this f Per en- ,
viciion.lbol, M, tfi# metoenTin which 1
great majority 'of the people of Georgia concur V
w ith me in opiaion, that a \vi*Jl-regulatetl Bank
of the United Stales is indisjH-n sable to the reve
nue, lo the curacy, lo the commerce, and to the
productive indtnry of the; country. I do not,
therefore, consi kr myself atf'libeity to trespass
unoii your lime by any further observations on
this subject.
PCBM< LANDS— DISTRIBUTION.
I am next imiructed to use my exertions to ef
fect a repeal of tic law to distribute tbe proceeds
ot the public ind* among the several Stales,
You are aware hat, by the terms of the act, the
distribution is suspended whenever duties on
imports, or any al them, shall be beyond twenty
percent, and it consistent with the act of 1833,
commonly kno' n as the Compromise Act—and
that, as the duties inqiosed by the present tariff,
are beyond this limit, and will, probably, so con
tinue lor some time, the distribution has conse
quently ceased ami, with the determination
manifested by (he President, cannot soon he re
sumed. Nevertheless, there are some sugges
tions, appropriate to this subject, which 1 will
avail myself ofthe occasion to make.
My own conviction is, and lias been for a
long lime, that tiic distribution act is correct in
principle—thatthe best interests ol the Govern
ment in relation to revenue, and mere justice lo
the old Slates, iiduding our own. require its en
forcement. Fot reasons which 1 would gladly
detail, if 1 coulfl bring them w ithin the limits of
this address, I believe that a revenue, derived
from imposts, i* best adapted to the condition of
ihe country, rfuch a.system, however, to be
salutary, must he stqhleV-not liable to fluctua
tion ; hut this rannot Ik*, while the proceeds ol
the public land* continue to form a part of the
permanent revenue of the Government These
vary to the amount of many millions in different
years, which wiubl render it necessary to make
corresponding Variations in the rate o. imposts,
or, Ihe result would tie, that the treasury would
bo, al one lime, overflowing, and, a|f Another, in
sufficiently supplied, to meet the wants of the
Government.
That the lav is correct in and a
mere act of justice lo the old Slates, is, 1 think,
obvious from l.»e fact, that much of the public
lands is held under a trust, for the benefit of all
the Stales, crc&tcd by the Stales c mveying it,
the purposes of which, were fulfilled by the pay
ment of the public .debt, existing al the time of
its creation; and, that tfie remainder were pur
chased with the joint Binds of all the Stairs,
so that all are equally entitled to participate in
them—a result which can only be produced, by
providing, presently, for the distribution, before
the increasing strength of tlie new States shall
have given them the absolute control of ihe sub
ject.
There is another consideration w hich presses
upon my mind, in support olihis measure. It is
the benefit'which would result from withdraw
ing rhe pu'bJic lau f L ffpip the action of (*Qiigr?&s.
They hjvjL conslilu>led the hob
by of political aspirants, and an- destined, if this
bill is repealed, to be 'a source of bitter conten
tion lo the National Legislature, when the new
Slates shall have acquin d strength for the con
troversy. 1 entertained, and expressed this opin
ion, many years ago, in the Senate of the Uni
ted Slates, when I was formerly honored by your
confidence, aud subsequent experience has but
served to confirm it. When, therefore, this bill
w.u p.eseiqcd lo Cnngivos at ihe extra spssioji;
I should have given it my unqualified support
if I had not believed that the naked condition of
the Treasury, ami the embarrassed dale of the
country, threatening a continued failing off ol
our imposts, rendered it inexpedient in point of
time. I feared, that, with a depreciated curren
cy. a prostrate commerce, and l Ik* amount ol debt
which was due abroad, we vkkil : JQ7 30n)p
lime. Irirti imposts a revenue adequate to
I ihe wards of the Government, and I preferred
that the deficiency should he supplied from the
public lands, rather than from direct taxation,
which was the only remaining alternative. A
statement, prepared by the Chairman of the com
mittee of manufactures, in the Senate, calculated
to shew that a sufficient revenue might be pro
duced by a duty of2o percent, on the home val
uation oi imports, lor which the Compromise Act
provided ; and a desire, if it could he done, to
preserve that act which bad come lo us, with
healing on its w ings, Jj« a crisis fraught with im
minent hazard so the institutions of the coun
try, induced me to advocate the proviso to the
distribution bill, w hich limited its operation in
the ipai.nnr i have before stated. this, calcu
lation' b:i"' not bet'n realized', a‘ml if the existing
tariff shall continue, and be found lo produce a
revenue adequate to the wants of the Govern
ment, without the aid of the public Sands, the
considerations which have been before stated,
with the additional one of the great advantages,
which the Slates would derive from the comple
tion ol their works of internal improvement, in
which they would be so essentially aided by the
proceeds of the public lands, will make it a mat
ter v/orthy of i n;p.:l seriops consideration,
w hether the ilMrihiUinn ought nut to be resum
ed. The occasion |«r acting on this subject, in
this view, canm ! occur tor some lime to come,
but it is presented lo you now, that your delilu r
ate judgment may be tunned lo meet that occa
sion w hen it dorsari.-e,
bankrupt law.
I have nut been enabled to comply with the
next inslru lion of the Legislature, which re
quires me to use ii.y exertions lo effect a repeal
oft e Bankrupt law. ii is sum times (in limes
like these- for e>vmi: ; gri'ff ipLfoiiuii,* to be
in t«; ll; mil :l is nut )ways a though
the inability to pay aggiavules the misfortune it
di»es ml ..way- r» n-h i the debtor a uriijii'lrih
it is a » hcns..i-.l opinion ol mine, long since
adopted and conlinncd by subsequent reflection,
that an honest man, who contracts a debt with
out fraud. whk-U lie is rendened unable to pay by
misfortune-, ejujbt not to be liable to the incarce
ration of bis person, or to b« con Jc mnpd through
life to Im* the doomcil slave s os bis creditors ;
l>ut that, upon a lair and bona fide surrender of
all that he has to those creditors, he should he
permitted, once more, under the guidance of a
kind and merciful Providence, to exert his un
fettered energies for his own support, and that of
those who arc* de-pendent on, and dear to him. I
believe that the plainest dictates ol justice and
humanity demand, and thatthe intercstsofGov
ernment, and even of creditors themselves, re
quire the enforcement of this principle. I can
fiotyiejd my opinion on this subject. Tt part
and parcel of my naiure-r-ihe dictate of feeling,
if you will, but sustained and confirmed by the
clearest convict ions of my judgment. More lhan
fitteen years ago, in the Senate of the United
States, i devoted the best energies of my mind to
an attempt to enforce it, and I hailed its adoption
at the extra session as a triumph of reason and
bujUfipity over error and avarice—as an offering
on the altar ol justice ami benevolence, which,
like charily in its most enlarged sense, was
doubly blessed. I know that the casualties,
which are more especially incident to trade and
commerce, make those who engage in these pur
suits, the most appropriate objects of such a sys
tem of legislation. Bui I have never doubted
the authority of Congress, to extend it to any
otbei class ot meritorious and unfortunate debt
ors, and I am sustained in this opinion by the re
corded decisions of the Supreme Court of the
United S'atcs, and by the authority of the most
distinguished living jurist of our country, the
learned and able commentator on the American
Constitution. Hereafter, if, happily, the Bank
rupt act may be permitted lo bejome a perman
ent part of our legislation, it may be worthy ot
consideration, whether it will not be proper so to
modify it, as to fftiraiq |ts operation to those
classes of our citizens, who arc most exposed to
the misadventures, against which it is intended
to afford protection. But the moment ot its en
actment, when thousands of our fellow-citizens
were bowed down lo the dust by pecuniary em
barrassments, which the o j' L | le j r
rulers had largely contributed to produce, seem
ed to me peculiarly appropriate for the proclama
tion of a judicial jubilee, which would restore
these unfortunate men, free and unfettered to
their friends and their country. The testimonies
which I have received from various parts of the
Union-*from the inoei polish IJm-o jurisjs— | r . m
creditors, a» well as debiors—all unite to prove
the operation of thin art. For a full
ex position of my views on the subject, I bp.r !o
refer }on to the published argument Rulmiillu)
to the Senate, on the proposition to repeal the
law which contains such an apology for my vote
as I was able to give. It will, I sincerely hope’
be satisfactory to you. To me, the humble
parts which I have been permitted to perform on
this occasion, ip the accomplishment ol this act
of justice and beneficence, as well as ofan enlar
ged and liberal policy’, is among the most pre
cious consolations of my life.
I. ft AS AND REVENUE BILLS.
I am next required to use my exertions, so to
reduce and modify the loan bill, and revenue bill,
as to limit the sum raised for the support of
Government, to the amount only, which econo
my in the public service may require. The loan
and revenue bills here spoken of, are those of
the extra session. To these, therefore, I con
fine my remarks.
I speak with perfect respect to those by whom
this instruction is given, when I say, that it is
peculiarly unfortunate, coming as it Joes from
the friends of the late Administration. Mr. Van
Burcn on coining into office, found a sura ex
ceeding eighteen millions of dollars in the Trea
sury. T. hss included the sum of nine millions,
being an instalment due to the States, which
was never paid lo them, but expended in the
course of his administration. The Government
sy>ck in the Bank, was sold for about eight mil
lions, making an aggregate of upwords of twen
ty-six millions, over and above the ordinary re
venues of the country, which were at his dispo
sal. At no period of his administration: was the
ordinary income of the Government, equal to its
current expenses, and this was in the process of
diminution, by the periodical reduction of the
tariff, under the compromise act. Yet lie ftnbore
to make any provision lor the existing, anti in
evitably increasing deficiency of the~revenue,
under the influence of what motive, no one can
be at a loss to determine. The result of such a
course of measures, was obvious. He left the
Treasury empty, swept of all its resources, with
a revenue inadequate to the current wants of the
Government, and a debt of 55.«j00,0U0 in out
standing treasury notes—and this has been must
incorrectly repiesented as the whole amount oi
debt left by that Administration. If this had
been true, it would still have been necessary to
resort to a loan, for the accruing r«-venu£-
I equal to the current expenses,
constituted but a small
uV.- deV)t«' t ' UH * labilities transmitted by the Ad
— of Air. Van Buren, to that of Gen.
Harrison. One of our own worthy and able
representatives (Mr. Meriwether) has collected
and stated the amount of postponed obligations,
that is ol debts due by Mr. Van Buren ? s ad
ministration, but lell to be paid by his successor,
including outstanding treasury notes, and ap
propriations made by the last Congress of that
administration, which terminated its session on
thc&J of March, 1841, at a sum but little short
of twenty-live millions’—say precisely
008. Os this sum twelve millions were for aj>-
proprialions made by that Congress, which be
came a debt to be paid by the present Adminis
tration; as soon as the services which were au
thorised by the several appropriation laws, had
been performed.
Such was the inheritance, to which the pre
sent Administration succeeded, by the extrava
gant expenditures of their predecessors—by their
neglect to provide for present wants, or future
liabilities. Eveiy rcsourse was exhausted—the
treasury platter was bright in its emptiness—no
means of supply were provided, but an authority
to issue treasury notes. And yet lam required
to use my exertions to reduce and modify the
loan and revenue hills to an amount only, which
economy in the public seivicc may require.—
Why this public service consists not merely of
the current wants of the Government, for the
payment of the civil list, the army, navy,&c. &c.
but also for the payment ot the debts and lia
bilities left by tlie last Administration,' to the
present, to provide tor, and lor which (hey will
lie unable to make adequate provision for some
time lo cpme, unless a new impulse can be given
to our commerce, by which our imports shall be
very mut.li increased—unless there shall be a
greatly enlarged demand for public lands, or un
less we i« sort to direct laxatian. 1 think with a
knowledge of these facts, this instruction would
not have been given.
mu. kvkrltt’s nomination. • •
The vole which 1 felt it my duty to give on
tlie nominatiu.i ot Mr. Everett, as Minister lo
Great Britain, is the next measure which the
Legislature of Georgia lias deemed worthy of
censure. The majority of that honorable body
hai’e supposed, that the rejection of this nomi
nation, would have given an efficient check to
opinions unfavorable to Southern interests in
relation to slavery and they censure the vote
foj: his cpnfinnatiop, as pot truly rpprespnripg
the wishes ol either political parly in Georgia
With gre&t respect fur those who have expressed
it. I think this supposition is erroneous in both
particulars. The abolition parly were anxious
ly expecting the rejection of this nomination, in
the hope 4)1 turning it lo advantage, and the jour
nals oft lie day will serve to sho\v,\vhat a flame it
would have lighted up in the Northern, Eastern
and Middle States, among those who were not
the advocates of abolition, npr friendly to those
who were, but who claimed the right to thinjt rin
subject as their consciences, ihctF
i associations.’ and their education had taught
ihem, without being disqualified on that account
lor holding office under the Federal Govern
ment. Mr. Everett is the citizen of a State,
where under the influence of causes, unconnec
ted with the morality of the question, slavery
had ceased to exist, before he entered on the the
atre of life. The circumstance? pi hij position,
hb associations, bis education, were all calcula
ted to give hint different views on that subject,
from those which we entertained. Had he been
horn and educated among us, our views anil his
would probably have been identical. As it is,
it is true that in the course of a political canvass
in which he was a candidate, and in the di§-
° rhis o' ls ™'. •tUtl;;. governor of Mas :
u-.fiis, Or- expressed opinions, which con
■ flict with ours. in rela ion to the right of Cop
i gress to aholi;-!i slavery in the District of Colum
bia, ami io interdict the slave trade between the
■ Stales, and as to the admission of territories into
the Union, where slavery prevailed. But he
was an early, 1 believe the earliest, and certainly
one of the most decided advocates on the floor of
Congress, of the rights of the South—of their
exclusive right, to determine the question of
slavery for themselves, when to the astonishment
of the more timid, or more prudent of his Easl
ein brethren, he declared his readiness to shout
tier his musket, in the defence of them.
Besides, the question presented to me, as an
American Senator, ai ling under an obligation to
support the Constitution, was this ; AVhctltpr a
man whose opinions on the subject oj slavery,
were opposed to mine, was fur that cause alone,
disqualified from holding an office, for which, 1
was compelled to admit, as every body else did,
that in other respeets he was eminently qualified.
No such lest ci.nld he found in the Constitution,
and in my judgment, it was the ullraism ol hu
man weakness, for a Southern man to attempt
to interpolate it there. We could have succeed
ed tin ir. for Southern Whig Senators would
have been sustained by an almost undivided vole
cd t e opposition, acting as a party, though inany
ol them Curried their hostility lo slavery, further
than Mr. imereti did. But the recoil would
have been tremendous. I f with u-s- hostility to
slavety was a disqualification fur office,"Witold
not our brethren ol the non-slave holding Stalel
have atlacl ed the same /qualification lo its ad
vocatis? Neither pretence finds any warrant
in the Constitution. The list of disqualifica
tions, ton, might have been increased. Some of
ns entertain peculiar opinions in relation lo 0,1,-
Feder: I Charter We are jl,lie’s right men,
*. — S’nilhtl. i.. 'I hose several opin
i ions ate hi.ll. sib. entertained, avonid and acted
I upon. Tin y ate more intimately connected 100
with 1 nr federal relations, than those abstract
opinions on the subject ol slavery. What would
have been our feelings, it a distinguished citizen
of the South, eminently qualified for a hioh of
fice, to which he was nominated, should have
been rejected by our non-slave holding brethren,
because he entertained ihem i—if the messages
of out Executive Magistrates, the publications
which had he. n made in the heat of a political
canvass, had been ransacked to fix upon him,
Some opinion in politics, or in morals repudiated
by them ! lam myself a slave, holder, at least
as deeply interested in checking the progress of
abolition, as those who question the correctness
of my conduct on this occasion, for the whole
productive property, lo which 1 look for the sup
port of a numerous family, consists of slaves, and
the land which they cultivate. Beyond say per
sonal labor, I hare no other resource. 1 have
every motive therefore, as a Southern man, and
a slave holder, to resist the spread of abolition.
It was as such, that 1 looked at this question.
It was as a Southern man, and a slave bolder,
that I voted for Mr. Even tt. It did more to check
abolition, than any vote I had an opportunity of
giving. It manifested a determination (0 exchide
Ike j eg/fy/ uj- iiaciTt) from the Senate Chamber.
Ii deeply concerns us to keep this question from
the halls of Congress. Not with my consent, or
by any agency of mine, shall it ever come there.
It is underourown bright Southern sun,around
our own domestic altars, that it should alone he
discussed. I know that Senators from the South,
who abstained from voting on this nomination,
participated in these views, and would haveact
ed upon them, if their votes had been necessary
lo sustain it—and one distinguished Southern
Senator, whose devotion io Southern right has
never been questioned, who felt constrained from
his particular position to vote against Mr. Ever
ett’s confirmation, tiansmitled lo me, soon after,
a voluntary anil unsolicited written assurance oi'
his approbation of my course.
Those who censure this vole are, I am sure,
under equal misapprehension as to the judgment
pronpupceff upon it by our own citi»ens,of what
ever party, w(jo have looked to the question un
influenced by partisan feeling. While I have
been cheered by the approbation of many of our
most intelligent citizens, conveyed to me |>erson
ally and by letter, no contrary opinion has, in a
single instance, been expressed to me. Beyond
the denunciations of a partizan press, and 1
would not now point to any ope of these, i saw
this vote censured, for the first time, by IheCom
mittce on the State of the Republic, of the Le
gislature of Georgia. 1 know, too, that while
the nomination was pending before the Senate,
several Southern men. who wire large slave
hotdeis. 1 xpressed the stumgnt anxiety lor its
confirmation, under a conviction of the impulse
which Its rejection would give to the spread of
abolition.
APPROPRIATION FOB MBS. HARRISON.
1 voted for the appropriation to Mrs. Harrison,
in obedience lo the dictates of my judgment, in
accordance with my feelings, and under the
sanction of precedent. The vote is susceptible
oWhc Inllest justification—hut peace to the me
mory of the gallant old soldier, the great and
good and virtuous man. whose sort ices it nquit
ed, whose expenses, incurred in the public ser
vice, it indemnified. 1 will not disturb his ashes
for the purpose of my vindication. Rather let
me commit myself to the calmer judgment and
heller feelings of those who have censured this
net ot justice to the memory of a departed friend
and patriot.
SIB-TR C.IStK V,
1 voted also for the repeal of the act to estab
lish the Independent Treasury, and this a ma
jority ol the Legislature of Georgia believe to be
•‘a positive injury,” inflicted by those who did so,
“upon the best interests ol the country.” I can
not avoid th<-expression ot my surprise thatsuclr
an opinion should be entertained, but I will not
speak otherwise than in (he spirit of respect and
courtesy which are due lo the constituted au
thorities ol the State. 1 content myself there
fore with saying that this measure was con
demned after deliberate consideration, bv a vast
majority of the people of lire Union—by an un
exampled majority of the freemen of Georgia—
and until it became a party measure, fimnd'only
a hand ltd ol advocates throughout this wide
confederacy that with the professed purpose of
din,reins; thegovernmentfrmn the hanks, it still
retained its connection with those w Itich ii could
subject to its will—that the real divorce which it
elicited, was between Ike government and lie
‘people, securing a specie currency lo the former
and leaving the latter to the deteriorated paper
ol a iiost ol irres|Hmsible Elate banks—that it
was one of a series of measures, which bad for
their object, to restrict the circulation of this
great commercial country,not to acurrency hav
ing a sjiccie basis, hut to specie alone—to lower
the rate ol wages, lo damp the ardor of enter
prize, m dose the avenues to wealth, against
those who had not capital to sustain their efforts,
and to establish a monied aristocracy, a privileg
ed order of monied capitalists. This too wario
Ae done by a government, Cotfe
Bj|“t|Mivilh tlie regulation of thdjWWr foreigifi
tbscoujffry, and,bound’
MHue lo languish, in all its efforts lo transcend
the mere limits of barter—and by. a government/
whose people abounded in resources, without
capital to develops Iher . lam quite sure that
my vote on this question, was the voice of those
by whom I was deputed to the station .which I
held—and that it was conducive to the best inter
ests of the State, which 1 represented.
POST OFFICE APPROPRIATION.
The.e are some other subjects, which it might
he propel and respectful for me to notice, if 1
were not admonished that this address is extend
ing itself beyond the limits within which 1 de
sire 10 circumscribe it. Yet 1 cannot forbear to
gay that the censure of the appropriation in aid
of the Fast Office Department “as an unwise
and prodigal e\|iendilure of money,” excites my
surprise. We in Georgia, are still destitute of
many of those mail facilities, which would
greatly contribute to our convenience. The Le
gislature were sensible of this, and laudably de
sirous of meeting the wishes of their const.tu
ents, passed sundry resolutions at the same ses
sion, in which this vote of censure was adopted,
calling upon their Senators and Representatives
in Congress, lo use their exertions lor the estab
lishment of many additional (lost routes. 1 was
myself personally honored by being made one of
the agents to accomplish the wishes of the Le
gislature, copies of these resolutions having been
• transmitted tome. In the cheerlul lullilmrnt of
my duty, I have endeavored to accomplish, and
with tlie aid of'my colleagues, have for the most
part succeeded in accomplishing the wishes thus
expressed. Yet that honorable body, almost at
the moment of passing those resolutions, calling
upon me as one of the representatives of the
people of Georgia, lo aid in obtaining these ail
, ditioiial majl faciliti s, censure as “unwise and
! prodigal,” my vole for an appropriation ofntoney,
in aid ot the Post Office Department, without
, which it could not have been in a condition to
[ susia.it the existing mail establishment, and still
less lo afford tlie additional facilities, which they
desired lo obtain, lam sure I may rely upon
, the ingenuousness of political opponents, lo ac
, quit me of this censure, when this view of the
, subject is presented In them.
|‘ UOMF. POLli V.
Before closing this address, 1 desire lor a little
while lo commune with you, in the spirit which
, more appropriately belongs lo the recollections of
1 home. lam not a [Hilitical aspirant. The SI3-
. lien with wh ch your cop jidpncp sips honored me,
r has gratified me. as Weil because it testifies ol the
' past, as because it has enabled me to contribute
1 rnv mite to the advancement of your interests
, with which my own ere identified. Ido not as-
Irct to he indifferent to the approbation of toy
, countrymen, but on the contrary acknowledge
that it is a cherished object ol my ambition. —
t Advancing years may have rendered me less co
, vclnus of popular applause, hut I would prefer, ii
t 1 may he permitted lo d, ( sp, ip »rai;e this, and the
> increasing dysiie which I ji-el to preserve the
, cpnseinmliesso^jcnmg you faithfully, lo up
r awakened duly. .My term of active
I service must, in the ordinary course of events,
t soon pass aw ay. Before it does, I desire lo pre
sent lo you some of the reflections which bare
occurred lo me, while engaged in your service,
, and without bespeaking for them a consideration
r lo w hich tiny may not he enjißeff, j ask only
, that I bey may be received'in the spirit in which
they are offered,
i In the precious legacy of the great father ol
his country, the injunction lo avoid sectional di
, visions, and the animosities which they 1 n.>en
s der, occupies a conspicuous place. -We are alt
agricultural, commercial and manufacturing pco
s pie, inhabiting an extensive country, chiiVaclcr
- s»sd by diver, ity of soil arid'cliniatc, its'well as oj
position. This differcpce ol cppilithMi, seems
. necessarily tp diversely, II pot contrariety
. of interests, and trie feeling which jeejjJk iVom
. it, cannot he without its influence in the councils
s ol the Union. I have felt the lorce of this con
-0 sid. ration, and looking at the Subject hastily,
amid other and more engrossing pursuits, bar*
y |ierhnpt sometimes yielded too much toils sway,
p A more deliberate scrutiny of the subject, judy
r ccs roe to suspect ibis, and inclines me lo hrjievr
f that we have in this great country, diversified a*
t it is, interests which are common to the w hole,
. the advancement of which will best promote
those which more immediately eoneern each pari
of it. Ido not hesitate to avow a channe ol
1 opinion lo this extent. Why should I? lam
, not yet, 1 ten -I, too phi to learn, and \am .-plrnon
x ished by experience, that my happiness here, anil
, my hopes 1 fit hereafter, are the result of a Ihor
, ough change of opinion, on the most important
] question of my file—l am constrained tin refon
to believe with the [met,
“If man were bom coeval with tlie sun,
The patriarch pupil would be learning still.
And dying, leave Ids lesson half unlearn’d.”
t The difference in our condition inthc South,and
. that of our brethren in the Eastern and Middle
1 States, has been with me a subject of much anx
- ions reflection. The passing traveller cannot
j fail lo he struck with the higher degree of culli
r vation,improvement, and general prosperity, ex
] minted in those Stales, over the whole face of a
j country, lo which nature would seem lo have
I been less bountiful than to ours. With a richer
i soil, and more genial climate, we combine an in
- tefcgencc, onrrjrv and spirit of which
t raaj crtoiparc. without detriment, with (hose oj
. our breihien. Yet il.osc .States advance much
f More rapidly in inurwf of improvement, than
f JJC tip; «cn*l While & dCTjse, thriving and prosper
ous population uhu'dcn (tie fond which they in
habit, much of ours is still in aWildcrm ss state,
j anti much which has been reclaiml^Jssubjected
, to an imperfect, and speaking a ccin
l para lively unprofitable cultivation.
| this divcnly 111 our condition! With rqual aiP
I vantages of soil and climate, of intelligence, <n
ergy and the spirit of enterprise, why do wo lin
ger in the race! We have' been prone to think,
I have thought, that protection afforffi dj /ITwe
suppose, at our cost, lo_th“ iuffustrv
of/oß'r ■brellYiT , (l7 is the chief, it not the only
[ source of th s difference. In looking#nto our
political and commercial statistics, we tfic struck
I however with the discordant fact, th« our own
prosperity has not been greatest, when that pro
tection was lowest—and that its periodical redne-
I lion under the act of 1833, has be oh attended
by a progressive diminution in the price of our
£reat staple, and in the value pf opr property.
This therefore would seem to be an insufficient
solution of the mystery.' We must look else
where for it.
Docs the difference result from the fiwt, that
we employ slave labor! 1 know that opinion is
general, hut Ido not think it is correct. At any
rate, I do not believe that the difference of con
dition of which I snpak, is the direct and nccos
j consequence of the employment of that spe
edea of labor, since under the management ot a
humane and intelligent master, it is undoubtedly
the cheapest. In my judgment, the difference
arises not from the kind of labor which we use,
hut from the manner in which we employ it.—
The trueeauseof our embarrassment is, 1 think,
the want of a proper division of lubu,. With
inconsiderable exceptions (let us speak of our
own State) the whole productive industry of
Georgia, is employed in the production of two
great staples—is chielly devoted to the produc
tion of one. When these arc produced inuhun
liance, and at the same lime find a profitable
market, (a concurrence of circumstances which
however is raro,)comparative prosperity gladdens
the whole land. When these fail, either in pro
duct or in price, a corres|ioiiding embarrassment
is thoconscquence. We are like gamesters who
slake thejr lommes on the hazard of a cast, in
stead ot dividing their stakes. The permanent
prosjrerily of a people is best secured by such a
division of labor, by such an application of their
productive industry, as that the failure to pro
duce, or a sudden and sensible fall in the price
of any article produced, may not materially af
fect all the individuals of the community. II in
Georgia, one half of tlie labor \v'oich is employed
in the production of cotton and vice, could find
other employment, besides'the increased value
which it would give to that which rcuiaiped, ii
would afford sensible relief, in' seasons of the
failure oi those articles, eitbelj in product or ip
price. ’ j
In addition to this, my observation here, I
think, enables me to affirm, lli.-rt the permanent
policy oft be Government, with or wilbout our
assent, will be lo give a certain degree of protec
tion to domestic inanufartutes. Tiny have
sprung up under (be pressure ol nen s-dty, and
have been so long cherished that the various in
terests which they combine, are destined lo pre
doiuinate. Even as Snulbern men, we agree
that this protection may be legitimately afforded
within the limits of revenue, and the increasing
wants •■ the Government will, in all likelihood,
make that an adtquate protection to the manu
facturer. The subject of protection is becom
ing, in one view, less interesting to us in Geor
gia, sinre, at the present price of our principal
staple, which causes, steadily operating, will
probably continue lo depress. We shall not find
it a profitable culture, while it may yet continue
lo be moderately so, in the rich and fresh soils ol
Alabama. Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and
Texas.
If then, a division ofour produclive labor would
conduce lo our prosperity —if, in many pans ol
our Stale, cotton will probably soon cease In be
an object of profitable culture —if, with or with
out our consent, protection lo tuanufaclurex, at
least within the limits of revenue, is likely to
become part of the permanent policy of Ihe coun
try, will,ifqt a due regard lo our own interests
require- inrTo prepare (or the change in our i on
ilition, which the slate of the world, the exhaus
tion of great portions ofour land, and the proba
ble permanent policy of the Gusernrnent, will
subject us to? If the increased rale of duly,
which is necessary to {jive protection In the mari
ulaclurer, will be given, whether vve will or not,
and is,in fart, a bounty, why should we refuse
lo share it ? If. wilftfitt being so, it rendeis ns
comparatively inde|iendc£it of foreign nations,
and affords a. profitabld*employn.i nl to capital
and labor, in that branch of domestic induMrv,
why should we not participate iuit ?
Have wo the means to do this 1 Can vve uni j
convert (he least valuable part of uur cotton into
bagging to cover the rest, in H» transit in mat- ,
ket l In the establishments made for that pur- ,
pose, having the raw material at hand, unfailing ,
si reams and cheap labor, tan wc not profitably ,
manufacture cotton cloths, confining onr earlier I
< efforts lu the courser fabrics ? • Cau wc not con
vert the iron ore, which abounds In our moun
tains, into farming utensijgL amfuflbe which are
necessary lo <,ur domestic CsiablwWfcctil* eonfi-
I King ourselves, imho first Instance; (okrticlft of
J the most srinjije kind ? Can we fint/aiVe /Till,
lii oorM-fyiii. the various. if:
nor Drain -vs-tju-Tr
sustain JlKul *Shali we longer
own Stale lor the bread Rlutls
Atlverlingito the great j
ent and i-rdtective duly on wool,
talion ot put country for the
oui>ht wd not to turn our attention
If every plantation, having even
would turnish himselt with but
slirep, and those ol larger force in
they would soon be tempted to
i stock—and, besides, finding a ready Tor
their wool, to be sent, in the first instance, to the
manufacturing Stales, the aggregate product
> would contribute largely to the prospevity of
I Georgia. In a very shent time, too, woollen
■ manulactories, established in our own State,
r would afford a market at home.
We are stimulated to these efforts by the ne-
I cessities ofour sit nation, ami encouraged to make
them by the advantages of our position. To
those, which I have enumerated, is to he added,
■ the probable completion ofour great line of com
munication from the mountains to the seaboard,
, in a very short time, thus furnishing the means
* of interchanging commodities, and affording a
market lor many, which are now almost value
-8 less. With these views, I should have been glad
f ifthc revenue hill, recently adopted, had been so
flamed as to enable me lo vote for it. You are
> aware that, acci rding to the general, and proba
t bly the better opinion, the right of the Govern*
I merit lo levy duties on imports, ceased on the
t 30th June last. In anticipation of this, Con
s gress passed an act, authorising their collection
I until the Ist of August, and coupled with it a
2, provision, intended to leave the proviso lo the
e distribution act, in the same situation on the lat
ter day as it was on the former. This bill was
J met by a Frcsuh nlial veto. Meantime, the gen*
, end revenue hill was in progress in the House,
l W hen il came to the Senate, and was referred to
d the committee ot finance, 1 sought to obtain cer-
I tain amendments, some ol' which were adupted
S and reported l<y the committee. 'When the hill
i came to he considered hy the Senate, however.
- the apprehension which was entertained, that, it
e sent hack to the House, it might fail, induced
the friends of the measure lo -csist all aim nd
nients, and each one in succession, was conse
e quently voted down. Among them, was one
fi which proposed to strike out the d“th section the
d object ot which \va. in repeal the proviso ol the
distribution hill. As this hill was thus pressed
•, through the Senate, without deriding the sever
e al amendments on their respective merits—and
e especially, as. while il n tained Ite ‘JTtli section,
s looking io the recent veto of the President, it
• could not heroine a law, I considered the pro
y feeding on it as a mere useless legislation, afid
e determined not t parliciprtein it ! slated these
- views to the Senate, hgl ul the name lime cx
pressed ,r,V readiness to unite in framing any
■ liili which multi become a law. 1 declined,
e therefore, lo lake any part in this proceeding,
e and dill not vote on that hdl —My expectations
It vyr-re real.zed. It was returned va.itlx av. to, autl
ea new one was framed. 1 sought to obtain, apd
t, did obtain some amendments In I hay lull—but
■- others, which I deemed important, were rejected,
c On the question of its final passage, I voted
’> ngOiVi? it .‘considering that it was insufiicient as
U a revenue hill anil that il carried protection he
y yond proper limits. Yet, some revenue measure
h was so indispensable to protect the Government
from the disgrace of bankruptcy, that 1 had re
>1 solved, it il had failed, lo un.,r us reconsidera
i- lion, which would haye placed il in a condition
'■ lo receive such amendments as might have ena
, filed me, ami those who thought with me, lo vote
if fi I have thought this brief explanation
is was proper, in relation to a measure so full of in
v lensl.
n There is a political consideration of no minor
importance, which In longs to the subject uj lite
proper division of labor, from which this expia
ft nation has diverted me. Such a dislribulioii of
•J the labor ol our State, that which 1 have mg
‘gested, hy ftsxmilaliog our interests to those cf
put fellow-citizens in other States, and thus
p avoiding occasions ofcnllisinn between us, would
increase our relative weight in the couneilsofthe
~ Union, and secure to us a mote juxt and equal
I,! participation in the henfils wliiclt flow from it.
r| So long as Southern Representatives are suppo
se sed to vepresent aq awlagonisl inti rest, which
at V'i' 1 Vriiy he overcome hy the combined action of
j. those with whose interests it conflicts, their in
,l llucnce in the I- gisiation ol the country, must
r lie necessarily lessened. 1 announcctoyou.ihus
lt briefly, a truth, which the experience ol every
Southern Representative will confirm—l will
not dwell o.i these suggestions, Thev are sub
mitted lo you, ill the heliefthat your intelligence
may deduce from them some practical and bene
ficial results. A brief reference to the political
condition of the country, and to the duly which
l e 11 imposes, shall clofa this address.
.. _ t-AMDITiON OP THE COUNTRY.
; t ,l will not he questioned that the condition of
j. our country is anomalous, full of emharrass
; mi nt; and without a parallel in its former annals.
a lime successive administrations of the Exceii
,iv<> Department, conducted on similar p.inci
,r pies, andclosing oil the 3d of March, Isll, had
I* mf ‘* the reprobation ol g large majority of the
h American neuple. The revolution of 1810,
,(■ i k'.-cd 111 the Executive chair a patriot statesman,
l| who lived hut lo devote himself to his country 's
„ service, and under his guidance, vvplookid with
. cheering hope to the restorationofthenurer ilnys
i_ J sl Rcj ufili.v A mysterious Providence
vWI-c »e_ know it to lie, though its hidden pur
,i j K; si is \cil.d front uur iupetleel vision,?culled
hint Irom us in the very outset of hisesreer. Ol
e hi » successor, I desire lo speak with the respect
[y, wliteh IS due ',u the Chief Magistrate, with
- 1“' •” “inuce w hich 1 owe to myself. It
suffiefe*. that he has not realized the ex
pectations <*f those, by whom he was invested
g wiUl power, hmhhal tt.a, result ia theanomfilri
of which 1. have spokin* t la: i■.rt \ -1 thQiM
’ he was Chosen, still retains its ascendancylp
the balls of legislation, hut without coitfidenrre
i in, or concert with the Executive Magistrate, it
, > s doomed to encounter the active and vigorous
opposition of the friends of the late administra
tion, who differing among themselves on various
j questions ol public policy; stilt unite with rare
r exceptions, in opposing all the measures of the
majority. Such is the condition ofthe General
" Government. If you direct your attention to the
States, there too you behold the activity of politi
cal strife. The citizens of each Stale, are*tided
( off in hostile divisions approaching so nearly to
j equality, as Ip give to party warfare, an increas
ing energy and bitterness of spirit. Meantime,
! the country languishes. Its foreign commerce
is diminished—its productive industry is paralyz
ed—its morals arc corrupted.
, The remedy for this, so far as burn ay means
may aflurd it, is with yog, ayd our Whig brelh
, ron throughout the Union. The Representa
tives ol the Whig party were called into power,
by a decisive expression of public opinion iti
Ihf*). Von and they (ell that the country was
suffering under multiplied grievances, which it
was necessary to redress. They entered upon
the task which was assigned them with honest
hearts, and with determined purjiose. Hitherto
their efforts have in a great degree been frustra
ted hy the combined resistance of a disciplined
opposition party, and of the Chief, who by a
mysterious Providence, now commands.
UOMI.OatON.
Fellow-citizens of Georgia! (sutler me lo speak
plainly to yon, lor they are words of truth and
soberness which I utter,) it is your apathy, and
that of our Whig brethren throughout the U
nion, wfiich has nerved the arms of our oppo
nents—it is your despondence which has pjesoiT
• led the great obstacle to our success. Jadmil
that there is in your situation much Ip discour
age. The inspiring hope, the confident expec
laliun which Were awakened by the elevation of
the patriot Harrison, were blighted by his un
timely death. You looked ip the successor lo
| his station, tor an exhibition of the manly vir
; tues, and s\ cordial support of thecherished prin
ciples ol the departed chief. Your expectations 1
have not been realized—your confidence has
been violated. But ponder, I pray you, the 1
words which follow. You have turned in dis- t
.just from a conduct *„ (breign l„ vour own l,o n .
orah e leeln.gs, ami hy declining lo mingle i„
what has <coined lo yon lo he an inoloriou"
strife, you have strengthened your omsrnJn.
ami paralyzed I he efforts of your Represemalivcs’
While under the influence of this fatal apathv
you stood aloof Iro.n the polls, and suffered sue’
cessrve elections to he carried hy your aneieni
foes, each one was bailed as their triumph am
as V .m r ,lefeal~ w -he evidence oUhcir
and ol novr neakness. A disciplined minority
in he halls of Congress united more
ai d that One man who stands between yon and
the accomplishment of your wishes, whose sin
gle voice can defeat any measure however essen
tial lo your prosperity, mistook thero,.sequences
ol your disgust, (or the evidences of vour appro
bal.cn ol Ins most extraordinary course. Unde
ceive him. Undeceive your ancient foes'
Nothing is requisite hut awakened enemy
and untied action. The gallant Harrison is ? ,m
more. But the same glorious Whin party w t,o
rushed fov,clary under his spot lei, standard,
still lives in a I Us pristine vigor-in all its physi
cal and moral imwer. Let those who then Val
bed under that standard. „ 0 w arise in their
strength. Wings of 181(1, once more lo the
rescue! Prove that to the inqsiluous valor which
snatches victory in the hour of battle, vou add
the indomitable courage which pursties and
grasps it amid prolraele.) warfare! It j, this not
permitted lo you to slake your fortunes upon a
single cast to wijMhe prize for which you will
contend hy a single blow. Prove ihenith.l
with a coinage as untiring, as it is ardent Vhi
can conquer in detail, Hie ohstac es whichlfc- •
|iedc the accomplishment of your wishes > IA
each successive election find vou at the polls* ,
animated hy the same spin!, which swelled in
your bosoms in tbe struggle of 1810/ Siteojc v
through the ballot box ! Speak in language re
specllul, but firm—as freemen mindful alike of
y..ur constitutional rights and duties. Speak in
memorial and remonstrance, to the assembled /
Representatives ol the nation—lo that advenlur- /
ous man, w hn buhls your fortunes in his grasp
that he may unclutch it, and leave vou loth/ *-
enjoyment of your constitutional rights /W
privileges, and the abounding prosperity
will follow in its train I
I ant, rcepeetfully,
Your friend and
JNG. MAr.‘Pi|Eu^HHHnHHH
W 'SUINUTON M
—pspeis “t' i';'-,ri ,fJ
ito sopjmrt or ralhrr apologize
I trsticn. While olheis wei } r.-'. - j'’j- ' '-.f
I trcsehily ol Capiain Tyi msiS
•woilhy of all rot fidtnee
linued lo hope, and to indulge tbe
would vet disspfvoint the unwelcome suticl|Hi|i||K
of all tlie world. But that paper has at I^H||S
bundoned, ami given him over as utterly re^H|
bale. In a well written article, horn which
roakeanrxtract.it assigns the reasons for
courn :—Hichmund Whig.
From the Express.
.mb txtkb’s HKTBIAAL op TIE WHJ^BTr
The time has come when it becomes necessriy
for every Whig citizen to take bold and decided
ground against both the Executive and the prom
inent measuits of the Executive National Ad
mmistiation. We behold the novel and extra
ordinary spi ctaclc of a Whig elected President
abandoning and abandoned hy the men who
gave him, and from whom he received all the
honors and emolumenls of office. We see an
anomaly not < nly ot the age, but in the history
I f politics and of mankind. Tbe inanchusin by
wbigr to represent whig principles, elected by an
overwhelming vole over an opponent of JilUr
enl principles, has thrown himself into the aims
of his old cmm es, and wronged, outraged and
denounced Ibuse lowborn be i wed every thing
worth the having in his possescion. That dark
est of almost all sins, ingratitude, lies al tne door
of the President, and it it does not knock hke a
fiend at his heart, it is because,he is more ur leu
than man.
Ambition is mi excuse for Mr. Tyler’s course
since he bicame President. As the Executive
iflke-r of the Government, he has not Uco Hue
to the Government. As the head of the ration,
he has not been a Hue or a just man. As the
President of the Untied Btalcs, in those social re
lations of hfc where the man and the msgistiale
art together, I e has been treaebi tons lo his friends,
yielding to bn enemies, and false lo bis princi
ples. Elected by the Whigs, he is no Wing.—
Oppnci d by tbfj Loco Focus personally, morally
and politically, he is wedded to them and to their
principles. The men who sci lied at him ami
would have sliuik him down, if they could, a ,d
who even now ridicule at heart, bis person ami
his whole i onise of action, ate big bosom friends
an I his boon companions. Nay mine, and we
say it in true sonuw of heart, the President clrt-.
led by tire Whigsof the Union lo cairy ovn «oj
maintain Whig principles, even seek ; to win the
favor of his old adversaries, and that by a sacri
fice of personal independence and bh abandon
ment o! the chaiaclet of his office. Eveiy ad
vantage of tbi-ita, ISiuugh it ‘.«e but a wink or a.
nod is tr,cl by a twofold ailganccniv bis purl, atvT*'
Olicu to an extent lo make it obvious to all, tVf*l
be is more anxious lo seek their favor an,d thei
support than they arc to render il, though,
all the rtwaidsof Executive fgvyaand patronage
are to go (o those who rqnk themselves upon th*
side of the Piesiflypl. Yv’hat a spcclacle to iho
eytsof t’ tt n worbl docs the existing position U
thy | ofltical afiTjirs ofour country present 1 Who;
a picture of change and uncertainly ! What an
ex exhibition of ingratitude,—of ambition,— l l
public oli'ci.cc ami National wrong !
From th s VWturnpka Tiniee.
, The Whigs, ?s a party, it be rQnet j,j_
have been patiiotic in V tlf „ ei ,deavors to relieve
the country Iroro *„, e present embarrassing state in
which it is oivcdvci, brought on by the uuwi-e
j rneasDivfl t>( a former adminisUation. Not
? W Ifae place, the will ol the majority in
: the clepaitment of the Govcriiuient,
the Pi evident resorted to the Veto power and ot
( strutted the course et h gisiation, and holdly attack
■ cd the currency, whim at that time was ?he
f in the civilised world —circulatiugliuoughout con
i tinentil Kurope, and well known loihecomnereul
l woihi as n currency of the best kind—that had an
. yw ered in the Tea trade within the wall of Canton,
j and uperior in Koginud to the Uank of England
notes. Ask the merchants of Uio Janeiro, Val
paraiso, Calcutta, and if you please, Manilla, if
( they know how the currency of tbe C. S. stood
I some years ago —they will promptly tell you that
il had character with them. Ask’them how it
’ s’ands now—they will tell you they know nothing
of it. *- uch has been the change biought about by
* an impolitic train of measures, and the people cl'
the United Males have felt and do feel that the
I country is dt'ordered. The calamity has borne i ea.-
vy uimjq them—public credit is down abroad—eu
} eigy ii relaxed, and the people calling upon the
X government for relief. Just look over the cala
| logue ol petitions sent from eve y part of the
{ .United States to our last Congress loudly complain
ing of rnc general prostration of business, anda-k
--iug relul of ihe hands of their representative?
j- and senator 6. \\ h. t was the result ? An uun
vailed and ever allc nipt on the part ofthe
Whigs o( Copgiess lo ameliorate their couditiuib
ap.d aitfiMt! them re lief from Ihe weigh! of their op
presskiis; and though opposed in almost ever ai
tempt by \l,c uncompn nitsiog and unyielding Lo
cofocos c«n the one hapJ, and by the aimu>t unpre
cedented sl» ps k.f n.c Executive on the otlu r, they
t lia\edo',ir owie Ihar any prectdihg Congie.-s, ami
the admiring host ol )ii*eral-mu'dcdl
men, ami \ « re lauded lor iheir persevering edorts
even Ly il.e vene.-t Dpiosets it their principles. A
It is tiue that they failed in the attempt lo
into e I Ut; i Mir leading measures—prevenUd hy h
a strange interjhimiion ts Executive power—bwl, J
that delta Is noilni'g from Iherr unweariedirtdus- J
try, and atones lui tm g the purity of titeir ■
legilmn.i. principles. As a party, tl cy have xbilt- m
ty,expt lin ce ur .i a h gh regad for nation at iute-A
rest. 'I bv.t have lahoud for the good of the
hHve declaimed against woful
ganre ai)d I xeculive usurpation, if such we
and can qai! it—guarded the cons ti lot ion a i rrgbS|
[ of the nati-n —exposed in Mil in , IHllWffl n!i m
l vutmui ma
quence they have arrested measures dtshorciive off
the eods of the government. Marred by every
opposition, they have attained the highest admira
tion as unflinching champions of liberty', and still
recommend thei i doctrines as best calculated le ren
der the nation happy and prosperous, and turn Ih?
tide of affairs »n ihe chauncl of ISJ.3-6, when ail ,
things were easy', business active, and the currea**
cy good th.e bauks accommodating, the peoplo
with money that would pass from Maine to Louis*
rana. Now let them succeed io electing a Presi
dent of their politic?, such a man as Clay', and a
gum the desert wastes of this nation shall bloom
and bear —-their wise counsel? shall repel the cloud
and mist, and let in the luilliant sunshine of pros
per ity--and again shall we taste the blessings of a
tree and enlightened people.
Expunge is the Worn*.—Tho Madisonian
of yesterday gives a prominent place to a com
munication, in which u is urged that the House ok
Representatives ought to expunge Mr. A Jam’s
teport on tbe Veto from the Journal .• Mr. Tylec
must bo courting a tleeper-tlisgracc than has yet
ever overtaken him. In his better days, when a
ena or in Congress from Virginia, he resigned
hrs seat rather than vote for tbe “black line” re
solution ol Mr. Benton, for which the Virginia
Legislature instructed him to vole ! Il was that
act of resignation by Mr. Tyler which exalted!
< ‘tint in the estimation of the people ofthe coun
try. But having proven a traitor to every otkev
pledge, lie is in a condition to urge the expunging'
process. It would he a fitting finale to his politi
cai life, t make his character complete.
If there ever was any thing left to hope ofsuch
men as have called themselves Whigs, but jet
have so far “held oat“ with Mr. Tyler, tnd not
felt rebukes of conscience, we might ask. what
would Mr. Wise say to this proposition which
renounced In unmeasured words as sinking into
the basest infamy those who supported the ex
punge of Mr. Uenton 1 We might ask others,
what they think of it, but men who have not air
ready found in the treachery, in the political dis
honesty, and the moral baseness of Mr. Tyler
*utfrcient reason for opposing kirn, will not falter
now when he qrges them to tbe last act ot
radation. rr£alt. Fat .