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OLD SERIES, VOL. LVIL
THE CHRONICLE & SENTINEL
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eferomcU ans StHtiiteL
AUGUSTA.
FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 25.
Whig Prospects.
The subjoined letterfroin a gentleman, whose
sojourn at the Madison Springs has afforded
him a fine opportunity to obtain authentic intel-
I igence from almost every section ot the State,
will be read with interest, and we commend it
in an especial manner to the Whigs ot Rich
mond county, to whom their brethren through
out the State are looking with so much interest
for a most decided expression ol opinion in fav
or of their tellow-citizen, Geo. W. Crawford.
Madison Springs, August 20ib, 1843.
Messrs. Editors :—As our election ap
proaches, the Whigs are becoming more and
more confident, while their opponents arc last
losing that assurance which induced them to de
part from their usual course of nominating last.
The divisions in the Locoloco hosts, about the
Cooper nomination, seem on the increase, and
will dissipate their strength; while, from all
parts of the country, the nomination of Craw
ford has been received with rejoicing in the
Whig ranks — none wished another— and his pre
sence in many of the upper counties has, by
contrast with his opponent, increased his strength.
There is an issue in the present canvass, that
has never before been directly before the people
of Georgia, viz: Bank or Sub-Treasury
which will tell on the result, particularly in the
Cherokee Circuit. Many of the inhabitants of
those counties emigrated from Tennessee, where
the benefits of a National Bank are known and
lelt—and so popular is it, in fact, that one or
more (as you know) of the Democratic candi
dates for Ccngress, in that State, avowed them
selves to be Bank men. The people know that,
for nearly the whole of forty years, during which,
the government finances were managed through
the instrumentality of a Bank, the country was
prosperous and happy, —that when we had no
Bank, we were comparatively antl
often reduced to the depths 0/distress f and they
argue with Patrick Henry, who said—“l have
BUT ONE LAMP, BY WHICH MY FEET ARE GUIDED;
AND THAT IS THE LAMP OF EXPERIENCE. I KNOW
OP NO WAY OF JUDGING OP THE FUTURE BUT BY
the past.” And they are for holding on to the
noon old wav of their fathers, rather than
take up with untried expedients—which have,
nothing to recommend them but the advocacy of
politicians, who have changed so often as to ren
der them unfit to be leaders, particularly when
they propose to take us from safety and not Irom
danger.
In view of the success which awaits our ef
forts, let the Whigs of Richmond be encouraged.
That county, the residence faWottf, is look
ed to with much interest; and she is expected
to do, what others will do—to give an expression
of confidence and regard at the ballot-box;
which shall tend to bear our candidate on, tri
umphantly, to the Executive Chair—and shew,
that in the selection ot him as our leader in the
present exigency, we |iad determined to deserve
success.
Our reporter, says the Picayune of the
18th instant, was yesterday informed by Mr.
Smith, a gentleman who came passenger in the
sloop Washington to the Balize from Galves
ton, that a Commissioner on the part ol Mexico
had arrived at Galveston, for the purpose of
treating with the Government of Texas as to the
boundary line between the two countries. He
proceeded immediately to the seat of Govern
ment to have an interview with President
Houston.
The Proposed Illinois Loan.—Letters re
ceived in New York by the steamer Hibernia
state that the Illinois Commissioners have not
as yet succeeded in the object of their mission
—the raising ol a sum of money sufficient to
complete the canal. They are, however, very
sanguine of theirultimate success in the mat
ter. The writer of the letters seems to think
that it will be a work ot time, and that it may
be necessary to send out a person from England
io examine personally as to whether the sum
proposed to be loaned will be sufficient for (lie
completion ofthe canal.
Triumph in Tennessee. ,
'The Richmond Whig pronounces the follow
ing panegyric, upon the victory and victors in
Tennessee.—The Whig says : We have stated
that the Whig triumph in Tennessee was com
plete: That Gov. Jones—the able, manly and
uncompromising Whig, was elected by an in
creased majority—That both branches of the
Legislature is Whig—and that two U. S. Sena
tors—settling the political complexion ot the
Senate—will be the consequence of this major
iiy.
This is the most important political event,
which has occurred since ’4O. It is the most
important by its immediate effects, particularly
in its bearing upon the Senate: and it is most
important as indicating lire strength of parties,
and demonstrating the same great truth which
the election ot ’4O demonstrated, that a large
■majority of the American people aie Whigs,
■and only need to be brought to the polls to con
trol the legislation of the country. The contest
in Tennessee was a regular pitched battle. For
four months, the opposing candidates have been
actively canvassing the State ; —visiting every
county, town and hamlet and harranguing the
people. The points in controversy were ably
discussed, the issues fully and fairly uiadc up,
and then submitted to the sovereign people for
decision. HENRY CLAY anti the WHIG
POLICY were everywhere the rallying cries
ot the Whigs—ANTl-CLAY and ANTI
WHIGGF.RY the watch-words of the Demo
cracy. The former have achieved a lull and
complete victory;—not only bearing aloft the
banner of Whig principles, but rebuking most
gloriously the factious spirit ot Democracy, by
which the Constitution was violated, nnd the
State deprived of its due representation in the
councils of the confederacy.
It issi..ch events as this, which brace the heart
<>f the patriot, and nerve his arm to the great task
before him; which make him love more deeply
than ever the tree institutions under which we
live, and to utter with an intenscr fervor, «/<> pcr
jw7ii« !
We desire to pay due homage to the gallant
champions who have wrought this glorious
work—to the noble men, who, discarding all sel
fish considerations, have offered up themselves
a sacrifice to their country ;—to the Whig can
didates—to the Whig press, who battled with
a zeal and ability worthy ot the great cause—,
andabove all to the noble, independent and lib
erty-loving people of Tennessee, wiio have prov
ed themselves worthy m lead the hosts of Free
dom. We but echo the s?ntimcnt of every
Whig heart in this broad land, when we say :
Honour, glory and prosperity, here and here
after. to all the Whigs ofgloriou- Tennessee?
Mr. Calhoun and Direct Taxation.
Mr. Calhoun, it seems, has (bund it necessa
ry to disclaim all connection with the “free
trade and no duty” portion of the Democracy.
Tin’s is indeed strange. We had supposed him
the Achilles of the army—the originator of the
doctrine of direct taxation—its advocate and
champion in prospective, if not in reality. It
had been proclaimed and defended on the floor
of Congress by Mt Rhett, who is his bosom
friend, and the file leader of the par excellence
Calhoun party in Carolina—who was known
and acknowledged to be in the confidence of the
great aspirant, and who was daily co-operating
with him in his efforts to carry out his peculiar
views in reference to the government and its
policy; yet Mr. Calhoun never disclaimed the
doctrine. Though it was charged upon him
once and again, he was silent as the grave.—
Was it not natural, therefore, to consider him
as its advocate, however he might from motives
of policy avoid appearing publicly in that ca
pacity 2
As an evidence ot the correctness of this pre
sumption, we find his political friends and sup
porters in all sections of the country, proclaim
ing themselves in advance the advocates of di
rect taxation. Even the prudent, cautious Con-
stitutionalist, in its new born zeal for the old
Nnllifter, and with that i-.odesty and dignity
which is so becoming in its able and venerable
conductor, proclaimed itself old in the faith.!—
The Democracy of the interior of Georgia had
become vociferous on the subject—even the
cold ami phlegmatic New Yorkers—the descen
dants of the venerable Walter Van Twiller, and
all their cousins to the third and fourth genera
tion, had come out in its favor.
Yet under this state of things, and when this
full tide of free trade and direct taxes is setting
in upon our shore, what does Mr. Calhoun do ?
At his pleasant retreat, near Fort Hill, he dis
covers that he is not now, and never has been
in favor of the odious doctrine ; and that all his
great speeches have been uttered and intended
to obviate such a result! This revelation, too,
is made by a letter to one Dr. Edward Delony,
an individual well known to lame, of a certain
kind, in the Middle and Western parts of Geor
gia, but who, it seems, now holds forth at Clin
ton, La. If Mr. Calhoun has not been very
select in the character of his correspondent, it
matters but little, as the country will forgive
him in its joy at learning that his name and in
fluence (still great and greatly respected, not
withstanding his unstable and wavering poeti
cal course,) are not to be felt in favor of doc
trines which are at war with the genius of our
government, and the very adoption of which
would lead to anarchy and blood.
The letter reads thus:
Fort Hill, July 6, 1843.
Dear Sir:—l was absent from home when
your letter arrived, which will explain why it
has not been acknowledged at an earlier period.
You are right in the opinion which you attri
bute to me oii tiie subject of free trade—so far
from desiring or aiming at substituting a sys
tem of direct or internal taxes lor duties on im
ports, as the means of supporting the govern
ment, my object has been the very reverse, as I
have often expressed in debate. One ol the ob
jections 1 have urged against high protective
duties, is, that it would hasten the period when
a resort to a system ot internal taxation would
become necessary. 1 am, and always have
been, of the opinion that the duties on imports
and the proceeds ol the stiles of the public land,
are the legitimate sources of the revenue of the
union, and that it will prove a severe trial to
the federal.government whenever it shall be
forced to resort to internal taxes to meet its or
dinary expenditures; under this impression, as
well as for other powerful reasons, 1 have stead
ily opposed all schemes of alienating the reven
ue from the lands, or that’were calculated to
impair the source of revenue from the imposts.
With great respect, I am, &c.,
J. C. CALHOUN.
To Edwd. Dclony, Clinton, La.
From this, it seems that Mr. Calhoun only
differs from Mr. Clay in the single particular
relative to the public lands. Both agree that
the expenses of the government should lie met
fromdutieson imposts; both are in favor of dis
crimination. Mr. Clay contends that the du
ties should ba equal to the entire wants of gov
ernment; that the proceeds of the sales of the
public lands shall be given back to the Slates to
which they, of right, belong, and for whose ben
efit they were given in trust to the Union ; tha
thus, whilst, the General Government performs
an act of justice, it will, at the same time, get
rid of a fruitful source of patronage anti corrup
tion, and give uniformity and stability' to our
revenue system. Air. Calhoun, on the contra
ry, argues that the public land fund should be
permitted to remain in the Treasury, and con
stitute apart of the revenue of the government;
yet, MrCalhoun was in favor of an uncondition,
al cession of the lands to the States, within
which they lie’—he was in favor of the late dis
tribution among the States: he was the chair
man of a select committee in Congress, and re
ported in favor of an alteration of the Constitu
tion, so as to effect a permanent distribution in
stead of a nominal deposite with the States.
In the language of Mr. Tazewell, of Va., “He
was the very author of the distribution princi
ple—it was not original with Mr. Clay. Mr.
Calhoun, he says, was the father, Mr. Clay
the foster parent of the scheme.” Yet, “Air.
Calhoun repudiates his own offspring, and oilers
it a willing sacrifice to the remorseless cupidi
ty ol the new States.” What dependence can
be put in the man, however great, who thus
changes, with every waning moon, and who
alternately embraces and repudiates every prin
ciple and every policy at pleasure ?
LOWNDES.
"Sep hi* Speech on Prospective Pre-emption Bill, Jan.
12. 1811.
New Cotton.
The first Bale of New Cotton brought to our
market this season, was received yesterday at
the Warehouse of J. Alexander, from the plan
tation of Augustus Lamkin, of Columbia coun
ty, and sold at 8 cents. The color of the Cotton
is blight, the staple good, and the quality about
“Fair.”
American State Debts.
The London Observer of the 31st July states
that the gentlemen at the Hague who signed the
petition to the American charge d’affairs, re
specting the non-payment of the interest of the
North American loans, have recently received
an answer front the charge d’afiairs in the name
of his Government. The answer informed them,
that while the President fully feels the force
ot the obligation which the States have taken
upon themselves, in contracting their debts, and
is fully persuaded that their obligations will be
fulfilled at no very distant period, nevertheless,
he (the charge d’afiairs) is most strictly enjoin
ed by the Secretary ot State to declare, in the
most formal and positive terms, that it is thede
cided and irrevocable resolution of the General
Government not to agree to be held responsible
in any manner whatever for the non-perform
ance of those obligations. The chai ge d’afiairs,
however, states his conviction that the present
state of affairs in the U. States, upon the whole,
is such as to encourage the hope that credit will
be gradually restored.”
The Jury in the Phenix Bank Trials at
Boston, acquitted Brown, and were not able to
agree as to Wyman. The papers were then ta
ken from the jury, andthey were discharged. It
is understood that they stood 7 for conviction and
5 for acqttiital.
Judge Allen's charge was lull and able. He
agreed with the counsel fordefence, that ifWy
man's conduct resulted only from an excess ol
power, without Iraudulent intent, he was not
guilty of the crime charged against him. But
the argument of the government was a mere
form to deceive.
Brown's case was briefly disposed of, and it
seemed to be believed that lie acted under Wy
man's orders without beim?. a confederate.
The Court commented severely on the prac
tice ot the press, in making remarks as the trial
went on. lending to prejudice the minds of the
ju i y Ki>■ k or: y ■ '.
Election Returns.
Indiana.—The Indiana State Journal of the
15th inst. says;
The election in this state has resulted in the
success of the Locofoco Gubernatorial candi
date by a slight majority; in the certain success
of W. J. Brown, T. J. Henley, John Pettit,
Robert Dale Owen, T. Smith, and Dr. Davis,
Locofoco candidates for Congress, and perhaps,
a Locofoco majority of three or four in the
House. The Senate, by a majority of two, as
at present advised, we place dawn to the Whigs.
The Whigs have undoubtedly elected Caleb
B. Smith and Samuel C. Semple, Representa
tives m Congress, and the probabilities, at th
time we write, favor the election ot Dr. Thomp
son, (W) over Kennedy, in the Tenth District.
The returns from the Seventh District are as
yet imperfect.
Illinois.—The Chicago Democrat, extra, ot
August 11, thus sums up the result of the Con
gressional election in Illinois:
Democrats. Whigs.
1. Robert Smith. 7. J. J. Hardin.
2. John A. M’Clernand.
3. O. B. Ficklin.
4. John Wentworth.
5. S. A. Douglass.
6. J. P. Hoge. _
Kentucky.
The Frankfort Commonwealth of the 15th
instant, speaking of the Whig losses in Ken
tucky, says:
“This result is apparently a great gain to the
Locos; but it is actually a gain to them of but
one member. They had in the last Congress
two members; now they have five. Two of
these five Locos, however, (Caldwell, in Ows
ley’s district, and Stone, in Pope’s) have slip
ped in under the legs of our men, two Whigs
in each district persisting in running. There is
no doubt that these two districts contain an im
mense majority of Whigs. In another district
Tibbatts has succeeded over Wall where we
have undeniably a large majority. Tibbatts
managed his canvass most adroitly. He pledg
ed himself to vote for Clay, if theelection came
to the House of Representatives; and he is un
derstood to be in favor of a protective tariff, and
some sort of National Bank; though we are not
accurately advised on these points.’
We trust, adds the Louisville Journal, that
our Whig friends abroad will not be dishearten
ed too soon by our apparent losses. We have
in reality lost nothing. The Commonwealth
says:
“The greatest regret we have in relation to
the Congressional can vass in Kentucky is that
our friends abroad may not know how to ac
count tor the seemingly untoward result. We
can tell them in all sincerity that our disaster
has grown out of too great strength. The facts
prove it. Next year we will prove it. The
Whig party of Kentucky is unconquerable, and
they will prove it decisively and signally next
year. The result of the election this year will
arouse them, and they will put forth their migh
ty power next year as they did in 1840. Mark
the prediction. The Whigsare already inottm
ingoverthe divisions and apathy which they
allowed to damage them this year, and they
have already resolved to repair the injury.’
Prom the St. Louis Republican, Avgust 10.
Santa Fc intelligence.
Our correspondent at Independence has for
warded us the following further interesting in
telligence of the movements on the prairies. It
will be seen, from the contents, that the maraud
ing parties from Texas have emboldened the
Indians to annoy the traders; and finding a bo
dy of whites engaged in plunder, without flag
or authority, they have commenced robbing al
so. To stay this, our troops should take effi
cient and energetic measures, nor cease opera
tions until the wide prairies would fail to afford
lhem protection:
Independence, August 4, 18-13.
By some of Mr. Lupton’s company, who ar
rived this morning, we have more recent news
from the prairies. They confirm the report 1
gave you a short time since of the precipitate
retreat of Gov. Armijo and all his forces back
to Santa Fe. He haitiml-retunicsi, aslstaleifo.
to the assistance Os the*Coffipltnygoing odFneft',
but left them exposed to the rapacity of their
Texian enemies. The Texians, immediately
after their release by Captain Cooke, rallied
again and united with their friends, and at pres
ent number one hundred and eighty strong. —
They are well armed, and prepared for almost
any emergency, ft was their determination, as
expressed to our informants, to make an imme
diate attack upon the company which crossed
the Arkansas river on the 6th July; and long
ere this, I reckon, their fate is decided. The
Osage Indians, who are constantly roaming ov
er the plains, stealthily obtained eight or ten
mules from Lupton’s men as they came in, and
it was only by entreaty and much solicitation
that they would give them up. Asthey did so,
they declared that it was their intention hereaf
ter to lurk near the road and obtain as much
booty as they possibly could, either by fair or
foul means. 1 send you a copy of a letter, re
ceived by a house in our town from one of their
firm on the Santa Fe Road.
“Pawnee Rock, July 20.—We have just met
M.Lupton’s wagon.' They tell us they haveno
doubt but that the other company has fallen in
to the hands ofthe Texians, as they saw the
Texians xyell armed, and said they would take
them. We are just in sight of the first buffalo.
Our teams, as well as ourselves, arc very much
annoyed by the musquitoes; they are worse than
1 ever saw them. We will getto Pawnee Fork
to-morrow. We are all well, and expect lo fight
our way through the Camanches, as we learn
a large body of these Indians are on the Semi
rone. Yours, &c.”
If this state of things continue, our Govern- j
inent troops must use more efficient measures to (
disconcert the schemes of these desperadoes
than they have heretofore done, or else our trade ,
with Mexico across by land must cease. c
Yours, &c. |
Mr. Ward, a gentleman just arrived on board I
the lone, from Fort Leavenworth, further in- ;
forms us that the arms which the Texian party i
yielded up to Captain Cooke were principally I
those they had captured from the Alexicafh par- 1
ty, which they had previously succeeded in ]
overcoming, and that their own rifles had been i
hidden in the woods. i
i
from the Washington New*. J
Justices’ Court.
Tlie Act of the last Legislature, changing the ,
time of holding Justices Courts from once a ,
month to once in every four months, merits ,
marked disapprobation from the community. In
place of operating as a measure of relief, which
'it was intended for, it has been found oppressive,
as almost totally preventing the collection of
small debts, infringing the rights of creditors,
not benefiting debtors, throwing much of the
business formerly done by Magistrates into the
higher Courts, thereby increasing cost and liti
gation. In fine, it has operated to the almost
complete destruction of Justices’ Courts: for
the custom formerly prevalent of dividing large
debts so as Io bring’them into a Alagistrate’s ju
risdiction is now done away, and many credit
ors think it better to loose small debts than have
to wail nearly a year for their money with the
chances against its recovery increased by the
increased length of suit.
We have heard that it is asserted that this law
was not a party measure, and even that it was
passed by the Whigs 1 We have examined the
Journals to ascertain this point ahd have found
that it was enacted by a vote more nearly paiti
zan in its character than such laws are general
ly passed by. On the final passage of the bill,
the vote stood Yeas 71 to Nays no, ol the 71 yeas
10 only were Whig, but of those who,voted a
gainst the bill 40 were Whigs I—How shell can
any one have the impudence.to say that it was
passed by Whig votes, by a Legislature too in
which the Democracy had a large majority I
A reference to the Journals will effectually put
down the falsehood. It was introduced by a
Democrat, advocated b” democrats, strongly
opposed by the Whigs, and finally passed al
most entirely by Democratic votes ' That par
ty had made electioneering promises which they
not only never intended, but which they knew
they were utterly unable to fulfill, and this mis
taken measure was meant to manifest that they
still had an amiable desire for the welfare of the
dear people. Let them have all the ci edit wnich
is due for so notable a liiltillmcnt oftheir prom
ises.
The result of the elections lor members
of Congress, in the different Slates, secures for
the Loeofbco party a strong and hearty majori
ty in the next House of Representatives, lae
Senate will be Whig—not as strong—but as de
cided as am. Whig could wish. We shall now
see the “harmonious” action ol the President
and his friends in the House—and compare it
with tl:e.aetion of his opponents in the Senate.
We shall see. should the sub-treasury be again
passe, 1 , if we are to have another veto. We
shall see who are to be the go-betweens from
the Capitol to the Executive mansion. Finally,
“we shall ree what we shall sec.”—-4/ea'. <•'"-■
j • The Washington correspondent ot the
New Vm k Aurora contradicts the rumor ot Mr.
i Wickliffe's going to France, and of Mr. Ken
> dall’s succeeding him in the administration ot
the General Post Office.
AUGUSTA, GA THURSDAY MOINING, AUGUST 31, 1843.
SATURDAY MORNING, AUGUST 26.
The Whig Address.
In'tliis morning’s paper will be found a com
munication from “a Whig member or the Le
gislature of 1838 and 1840,” in defence of the
Whig address and in reply to the comments of
the Constitutionalist, which we cordially com
mend to tlie perusal of our readers. The Wri
ter places the matter in its true light before the
country, and exposes as he deserves the game
which the Editor of the Constitutionalist is en
deavoring to play on this subject.
JjrTlie cotton of this section, says the Alba
ny (Ga.) Courier of the 22nd inst., w e are in
formed by some of our planters is being serious
ly injured by the wet weather. In some fields,
lhe squares are dropping off to a fearful extent.
An abundant corn crop has been matured; but
most ol the fodder will be lost for the want of a
season to harvest it in.
The Columbus Enquirer s-aj •»: Thus. Bug
Benton hails the signs of the times as indicative
of the restoration of the “Jocksoniuu Policy.’
What do Mr. Calhoun’s friends say to this?—
Van Buren seems to be using thegreat “Solita
ry” as a kind of extinguisher upon the South
ern light. It is a light in which we have no
concOTi —who has?
from the Columbus Enquirqr.
Whig Address—Spirit of the Press.
The Address of the Committee appointed by
lhe Whig'Convention, which assembled at Mil
ledgeville in June last, we this day la}’ before
our readers. It is precisely such a paper as
these times require. The Convention had as
sembled to nominate a candidate tor Governor
of the state, and the Committee have confined
themselves strictly to State affairs. How admi
rably does their address, in this particular, com
pare with the nonsensical lanfaronade which
the Democratic Committee lately put forth!
The Whigs have drawn a picture, to the life,
ol lhe past legislation of the Democratic party
in this State, and have submitted that picture,
in all its naked ugliness, to the eyes of the peo
ple. Can any honest man, who loves the pros
perity of the' State more than lhe triumph of
a party, look upon it without loathing and dis
gust ? We think not.
May we venture to ask that portion of the
Democratic party who yet leel sonic desire for
the prosperity of Georgia, 10 read this address
with care! Forget, if you can lor awhile, to
which side of politics you belong, be only a pat
riot lor a few moments, and in those lew mo
ments read this document, and if you do not
rise from its perusal a changed man, we shall
regard you as belonging to the tribe of Ephraim
and will let you alone.
The Address is short, plain, conclusive. No
flourish of trumpets, no attempts at wit, no tar
reaching inferences to deceive or mislead the
people. From first to last, it is a history of the
past ten years, blurred and blackened, it is true,
by every species of mal-adniinistration. time
serving expedients and wilful public, profligacy;
but still it is a true history, and will go down as
such to posterity. We are sorry it is so, and
will do what we can in order that the next edi
tion may be freer at least from so many inten
tional blots.
Prom the Georgia Journal.
The Address of a Committee ot the Whig
members of the last Legislature will be found
in our columns to-day. We call the attention
of our readers to it-
Prom the Southern Recorder.
It will be remembered that the Whigs of the
last Legislature appointed a Committee to ad
dress the people in relation to the public con
cerns of the State, its legislation, and the policy
generally by which we have been governed tor
the last lew years; the power in lhe mean time
being wielded entirely by our opponents. In an
other part of our paper will be loun.t the address
of the Committee, and to it we would invite the
attention of the reader.
Prom the. Washington News.
Whig Address.—This document Hilly expo
ses the wiles of our adversaries in attempting to
turn the attention of the people from the bad ad
rival candidates for the Presidency. Noticing
is heard now from the Democrats, or read in
their papers, but arguments against the tariff, a
bank, &c.—of the insupportable taxation, of the
dishonor and disgrace brought upon the State
bv their own mismanagement they are silent.
Their address, lately promulgated, contains not
a word on State politics, though in that the peo
ple of Georgia are most vitally interested; for
what is il.to us, whether the National govern
ment is conducted on Whig or Democratic
principles, if we are oppressed and disgraced
by the government of the State? Let us first
cast the beam out of our own eyes; let us first
reform our State affairs, and when the proper
time comes we shall, with a better grace under
take the reform of tiie National government.—
The Whig Address is properly devoted to those
affairs in which the people ot Georgia are most
immediately concerned.
Truly did Calhoun once say, that flip party
wibi wliichhe is now linked, were “held togeth
er by the cohesive properties of the public plun
der,” and never was that truth more forcibly ex
emplified than by their administration in Geor
gia; they found the people of Georgia prosper
ous andfree from debt—they are now .embar
rassed and their credit is dishonored; they found
the Treasury lull to overflowing—it is now
bankrupt; they found the people untaxed—they
are now overloaded;* in consequence ol Demo
cratic wastes ulness. Let tiie people look to these
things, and beware of the cunning of a set of
men who profess one set ot principles and prac
tice another, and who would blind their eyes to
the incapacity and corruption of their 1 tilers. —
In the words of the experienced Editor of the
Constitutionalist:
“How has the democratic party car ried out
its own principles? What benefits have result
ed from the measures in accordance with those '
principles? Has not Georgia been paralyzed in
her resources, depressed in her financial means
and blasted in her credit? Why has it been so,
when it could have been otherwise? it would
have been otherwise if democratic principles
had been strictly adhered to. Is it democratic
principles which led a majority ot the legisla
ture to consume a large portion of every session
in scuffling for the election of men to office? Is
it democratic principles which prompted the re
jection of wholesome measures, for the main
tenance of public credit, the improvement of
internal resources, the relief of the citizens in
their depression and embarrassments, and the
establishment of a sound currency; and the a
dtptionof measures which originated in ignor
ance, in personal interest, in ambitious aspira
tions, and in a total disregard ol the honor, rep
utation, and future welfare of the State? be
do not believe that democratic principles could
have adjusted such measures, so detrimental to
the reputation of the democratic party, and so
well calculated to lessen it in the estimation of
all good citizen-. But, we may be asked, it
(.emociatie principles ate good, andean lead
■ he community that profess them to prosperity
;nd freedom; why have measures so injurious
been adopted, and measures so appropriate to
the times been rejected, by men who profess
those principles? Because; we would reply,
those citizens who had the choice of represent
atives, did not follow the maxim, “principles
owl men.”
from Uic Savamuih Republican.
Address totui: Priori.s ro-Ghorgia.—We
urgently request every one who takes in hand
this morning’s paper, to read with attention,
the address which will be found in its columns,
signed by a Committee of the Legislature,
Alessr-s. Toombs, Millet, Foster and Sayre, a
noble anay of names of men, who are reliable,
true Whigs, who never lent themselves to lhe
propagation of falsehoods, and who never have
been instrumental in passing base acts of legis
lation, of men in short whom we all know to
be honest and beyond reproach. We beseech
every- one, Whig or Democrat, to read this doc
ument, and we call upon all honest men of both
pat ties, to place their indignant and solemn rep
robation upon such nefarious misconduct,
whether it eomes in the shape of legislation or
in any other form.
Read we say and digest tiiis address. It is
worthy ot the time bestowed upon it by any
10-er of troth, even it it be read for the fiftieth
time. Let any man go back and examine the
records and say if it is not all true. Let any
man call to mind those measures of last winter
and of the previous winters, and say if -this re
capitulation of the attempts at legislation by
Loeofocoi.'i.i, are not true. They are true as
the light of the day. and ,w trvr, that scare, ly a
Democratic paper in the Stale has ever ventur
ed to gainsay them, or explain them away, and
they may nut attempt to do it. for they cannot.
We ask again, and again, for this document a
perusal, and let it be pronounced if ever dur
ing the tide of time, since the operation of ar
bitrary, monarchial governments, more gross
impositions were foisted upon any people; it ev
er more gross deception, more shanielttl. mal
-1 practice, more reckless extravagSnre. and lame
subterfuge were resorted to by <-■ ; ait-. —
We speak not as a mere -party mini: V/e
speak as an advocate of sacred truth, of truths
> which are palpable and known, and a con
temner of impostures, come they from people
- bearing the name ol -Union Democrat'.'' or
f any other name, however acceptable t j those
who are controlled by the magi.- of names.
Par the Chronicle and-fntinel.
The Constitutionalist of the Id instant gives
us the first instalment of iff reatened attack
upon the Whig Address. TJ. attack is thor
oughly democratic; it confail not a single
truHi honestly slated. The ’Hirers, disasters,
weakness and wickedness,”i »I||N democratic
pany are neither denied or deterfd, but are at
tempted lo be extenuated, or raet set oft, by
pretended similar acts of the WJ£ party whilst
in power. To accomplish this qect, the ven
erable editor finds it necessary ,<. male a fact!
which fad is contradicted by tlmublic records
of the State. He charges the 'b.igs with the
legislation of 1838, and alleges hat they were
in a majority in the legislature fit year. The
Whigs had a majority of t.brecn the Senate,
and the Democrats a inajorityift .two in lhe
House of Representatives. lure Dohgherty
wa s elected President of the dnd;Joseph
Day Speak.t of the Hotis*'- Jo man knew
these facts better (han ihafjdilofot the Consti
tutionalist, bill they did noi.ji‘l his purposes.
The Whig pany in a minority n the House ol
Representatives, where aloO»k our Constitu
tion revenue measures canorLatc, were found
where they have always bei found, baiJJjk':
me mmne.al blnumSM.. foU'eo
Deiitffcfene [tarty; arid iha'W? ■..iwf’w
ceeded in defeating a similaweasiire of finan
cial quackery to that, the ado’ion ot which in
the following year, |>e Democratic
party with so much diseraedgy)] entailed such
lasting injury upon lhe Come, Mr.
Guieu, stand by your owfHKllling. It is a
dirty trick io swear it on vljjpr eighbors; be
sides, it is lhe best favored of® ofhe flock, and
if you can stand tire othersyqSpu’ht to be proud
ol this one.
For the session ol 1840 tlra.Vhigs are res
ponsible; they cheerfully asKsahat responsi,
bilily, and for their conduct aforig that session
they claim lhe public approSktia. This cun
ning driveller asserts, that" iirfßilhe revulsion
of 1837. the Whigs have iiot .j’oposed “one
practicable and efficient niusth* for the sup
port of lhe State’s credit ajd ti? relief ot the
people,” As to “the relief fit’thepeople," I re
fer him lo the Whig Address for nswer lo that
part of the charge. So far front is being true,
that the Whigs have not proposei “one practi
cable and efficient measured for the support of
the public credit, the Whigs <>llß4o proposed
and carried out a series ol wise’jnst and patri
otic measures lor that have al
ready partially effected that objict, and would
have fully done so, but for. the suspension of
them in 1841 by the Demoeraic Legislature,
and the persevering and cbntinied efforts of a
Democratic Governor and, other public func
tionaries, to thwart and defeat uihers for party
purposes and party success; Isnot taxation “a
practicable and efficient mensue:’’ for support
ing public credit? The Whigs proposed and
catriedout that measure, whicltthe Democratic
press took very good care to inform the people
of in 1811. They cannot complain that it was
not carried far. enough; for they clamored vocif
erously against its enormity. Is not converting
the whole of the means of the State into money,
the sale of its stocks, the collection of its debts,
and the appropriation of theirproceedsto the dis
charge ofthe public “practicable and
efficient measuresfor suppo: ting the public cred
it?” The Whigs ol ’4O directed by law that these
things should be done; tb,at it was not fully
done, was solely the fault ol the Democratic
Cfovemor and the officers, appointed by him.
Are not lhe the honest ackpowigdgement of our
■ Uhi.—ns, their, as soon as we
could'colie&fj the gfiriflgjfonf creditors
the evidence of such debts in shch form as they
preferred, curtailing our expenses in order that
we might be better able to apply our means to
the discharge of our debts, and doing every oili
er act that honest debtors could do who have
not the money to pay, “practicable and efficient
measures for the support of the public credit?”
The Whigs of 1840 did all these things; yet in
lhe face of all these facts, supported as they are
by the public records, an editor can be found in
Georgia, and one too who affects decency, and
prates of candor and honesty and Irutli— who
asserts through a public journal that the Whigs
have not “proposed one practicable and efficient
measure (since 1837) lor the support of the
State's credit!” It ought not to be a matter of
surprise, that with such editors as this at the
head of public journals, they are in such gen
eral discredit with lhe people.
To set-oft' the fraudulent and corrupt act of
the Democratic Legislature of 1839, authorising
the issue of hundreds of thousands ol dollars of
the bills of the Central Bank for paying their
own extravagant and profligate appropriations,
without making any provision whatever for re
deeming them, and the further issue ol other
hundreds ot thousands of dollars ol their bills
for the purpose of making loans to buy votes,
this same editor charges the Whigs with hav
ing themselves ordered the issue of three hun
dred thousand dollars, “instead ol providing the
ways and means for the payment of the current
expenses of the government, and ot all other
State debts.” The Whigs did order lhe issue
of that amount, indeed a much larger amount;
their appropriation bill was reduced to a little
over two hundred thousand dollars, besides a
large amount of Rail-road cash Scrip, which
had been issued by Rail-road Commissioners
under authority of law, which was to be paid
by the Central Bank; both these sums were or
dered to be paid with the bills of the Bank.—
They did it because their predecessors had left
them a bankrupt treasury; these sums were
due the public creditors and necessary to carry
on the government. A sufficiency ot money
could not be raised by taxation, or by any other
means, in time to meet those debts, and those
persons to whom the money was due preferred
payment in that shape to any other within the
power of the State. Wasjhis “a fraud on the
creditors of the State ?” 'lflie charge is utterly
false; and this hoary headed political cheat
well knew the fact. He was present at Mil
ledgeville, a spectator of the whole scene, anti
knew the whole truth.
The Whig Legislature of 1840 were bound
by honor and public duty to satisfy the public
creditors, in any way they could, consistently
v ith right and justice. This mode of payment
was in the power of the Legislature—it was ad
vantageous to the State, for the notes did not
bear interest —it was demanded by our creditors,
and therefore it was ordered. But the Whig
Legislature did not leave these bills in the
hands of the people unprotected. They levied
a tax equal to their own expenditure, by which
means, at the end of the year, the bills, or an
equal amount, would have returned to the pub
lic treasury, and the public would not be injur
ed by an increased circulation of the Bank.
Those bills which had been previously put
in circulation by the Democratic Legislature,
could not be redeemed. The Bank was with
out coin, or the means of raising it, except thio’
the sale of its bank stock, and the collection of
its debts. In the then state of the country, that
would necessarily be a slow process The
W hig Legislature therefore ordered bonds Io
be issued, bearing the high rate of 8 per cent
interest, to be given to such of tiic holders ot the
bills as desired them, and to borrow gold and
silver in any market in the United States where
it could be had for their redemption. Ent the
Democratic party not only spent our money and
run us in debt, but had ruined oui credit. Not
a dollar could be borrowed, even at that high
rate of interest. The Wing Legislature could
do no more. They were unwilling to raise an
enormous additional ta.x to take tip these bills,
before its debtors had been compelled Jto pay
their notes. They considered lhe holier - .-J
th-‘ e b Ils as least entitle? of any ol ourjpiiblic
creditors to stringent measures for their protec
tion. They took them as bad money. They
knew they were issued without the means ol
prompt redemption, and must tely chiefly upon
tedious collections for redemption. It is true,
they were payable on demand, but that lie upon
their faces deceived nobody.
* Where is the analogy, then, in the issue of
these bills by the Whig Legislature ot 1840, and
the previous issues by the Democratic party ?
None whatever. That by the Whigs was ne
cessary, proper, just, and for the pulic inter
est and the protection ofthe public credit; that
by their opponents just the reverse.
The wisdom of such of the measures ol the
Whig party of 1840 as have been honestly test
ed, has been amply demon- trated. The public
credit has revived mfder the operation of lhe tax
law. The bonding of above four huadred thou
sand dollars ofohe Central Bank bills under the
act ofJIB4O, has greatly increased the value of
those remaining in circulation. The Constitu
tionalist and its party associates desire to con
ceal these lacts from the people. The Whig
Address strongly presents them to lhe public;
hence that common sewer .of filth and falsehood,,
the < fonsiiiptfont)list, hasopmed itsdiny
JJc-Someof the newspapers, --ays the Colum
bus Enquirer,.are complaining lotttfly that the
President and his Cabinet are scattered all over
the country, and none of them attending to their
business. We make no complaint. It is in
deed a poor government that can’t get along
belief without their attention than with it. Ve
ry little would be lost if they were to keep on the
travel during their term of office.
From the Columbus Enquirer.
Domestic.
Our Opponents seem lo be making a desper
ate effort to turn the eyes of lhe people from
what has been done in the councils ot their own
State, to what should be donb by the Federal
Government. They forger that, their first great
duty is to see that the interest of Georgia is ad
vanced and promoted, whilst they fight with
more than partisan zeal against the giants
abroad, which have been conjured up to fright
en the natives. There is, no doubt, more of
policy than patriotism in this maneuver. At
this time, it would not be very pleasant lo con
template the past conduct of those who have
controlled-tiie legislation of this State tor a long
series of years. The present condition of the
people, however, drives them to some, thought
fulnes on this subject, and compels them to think
of something nearer home and more immedi
ately connected with their pockets and their
firesides, than the election of a President, or the
triumph of a humbug.
It is doubtless the most important matter con
nected with the whole - system of Government,
that the financial concerns of a State shall be so
managed as to insure the public burthens to be
as light, and the public taxes as small, as possi
ble. The Central Bank has, for a number of
years, been used as the fiscal agent ofthe State
Government, and whilst it was confined in its
operations to the limits of the old charter, it an
swered the purpose, and its bills were at par.
That chatter xvas, however, too limited and
guarded to admit of such issues as were deemed
necessary to insure the triumph of its friends, in
the annual political struggles. Consequently,
in 1839, the restrictions were taken off, the Bank
was allowed to issue its bills, two tor one, on
all the old bonds, notes, and other evidences of
debt in its vaults—thousands of which capital
was as worthless as brown paper—and a lojutof
seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars Inade
to the people. This was done by the democrat
ic legislature of 1839; and at the meetingofthe
legislature in 1810, the bills ofthe Bank in cir
culation, together with other liabilities, amoun
ted to upwards ofa million and a half dollars.
There was nothing to redeem them with, and
that legislature thought, as well they might, that
it was time to stop tiielssue. until some show-
TngcbuiaTie made towards rcdosmrtng tho mon
ey already out. Was not this-policy dictated
both by necessity and honesty? The country
was already flooded with the money; the bills
were even then at a ruinous discount—and the
day before lhe act passed, preventing, as far as
was prudent, any larther emissions, the money
would not purchase a pocket handkerehiet with
in two hundred yards of the State House door.
The Whigs (for they were in a majority that
mill/ year) saw the credit of the State m the last
gasp, the money of the State institution at a
tearful depreciation and still sinking in value,
and, as was their duty if their party sunk-under
the trial, they fearlessly withstood the clamor
of the moment, and dared to do their duty to
themselves and the people. Is not thistrue ?
What followed? permit us to enquire. The
cry was raised that there was to be no more dis
tribution; the people were to get no more mon
ey ; and, in ’4l, the democratsagain coming in
to ]>ower, repealed the act of 1810, and opened
again the flood-gates of the Bank. The result
is known. The money went rapidly down, the
people were compelled to submit to every kind,
of shaving and toss, until at the meeting ot the
legislature in 1812, the money had sunk so low
that it would scarcely pay lor a negro’s supper.
Whose fault was this ? Will the people look
back upon this matter, and ask themselves, who
is to blame for the losses sustained and the inju
ry done them by this wretched system ol politi
cal financiering? Can the}' wonder that their
taxes are high, when money was borrowed by
the Central Bank at 8 per cent, an.! loaned
again at t> per cent interest ! 1 low did they ex
pect the money could ever be made good, when
there was already millions of it in circulation,
thousands going out every day, and nothing to
redeem it with ? There «as a plan, we believe,
adopted, of taking up the large bills by an issue
ofsmall ones—the people, however, soon dis
covered that this was all smoke.
We come now to the point we stalled for.
The Federal Union and other kindred prints, are
boasting that the money of the bank is rising in
value, and that thousand ol it is periodically ta
ken up and burnt. This is all true. But might
it not he well enough to enquire how these bills
are finding their way back? Is it supposed that
they are redeemed, and that there will be no more
difficulty with them ? This is the impression
made on thepublic mind. But is it true? There
is of course a portion of these bills that are paid
into the bank in satisfaction of debts due the
State, but the large mass ol them arc funded
under the law allowing the people to send them
in and take the bonds of the State bearingß per
cent, interest. Now these glot ious bon-fires and
conflagrations look large and loom high to the
public gaze, but how and when are the bonos
to be paid off and burnt ? li'Az.c//c prayw. are
taxed, and the money drawn from their piirlrls to
pay them, and not before. Much of this heavy
indebtedness, which hangs and will iiniig lor
years like millstones to the uecks of the people,
has been created by indirect effort-, to advance
partj’ interests and secure political power. The
dancing is over. The managers have had their
sport. Now, who pays the tidier ? Tun Peo
ple.
But why do we write about the condition of
Georgia ? It is almost regarded as vulgar to
turn Irom the splendid scenes of president ma
king to the humbler vocation of awakening
the people at home to a sense of their past or
present wrongs.—Who cares what becomes ot
bur State or its citizens? What t ight has the
people to complain ol bad laws or bad govern
ment at home ? They must look" abroad; they
must turn the whole of their thoughts, bend all
their energies to the promotion of some vile
scheme hatched from the brain of some , viler
demagogue that figures on the national arena.
Let the people sutler for the want of equal and
wholesome laws. Let them bow down under
the weight of heavy taxes, rendered absolutely
necessary by the most w retched .system of finan
ciering humbugry. But let them not complain.
Greater matters are on the tapis. Have we not
all reasoned in this way too long ? Is it not
time, and we pul this question to the honest
men of all parlies, lor ns to pause and look the
present condition of our Stale steadily and '.irm
ly in the lace? We feel that her formereondition
cannot be restored in a day: we know that years
of systematic trifling with the interests ot the
people has flung over the face of every thing
around them the blackness the. precedes the puli
of death; but we know at the same time that
there is virtue and intelligence enough yel ex
tant to drive that blackness bark and reinvigor
ate the corps ■of public cieiiit. What i it to
the fconie of Georgia whether one man or ano
.ithei sits in the presidential chair, it while lie
sits there our State is groaning under the curse
ot bad laws, 1 adly administered .’ V. !■-■' ■ >od
can result from our fiery and over-zealous con
flicts sorta n seeking federal jiren.i: ... i. the
mean time the interests, honor ami even the
safety of our Slate institution ipet ish in the ..'on
te.t? Do men preach about X/.z,'. zie'i/s who
are doing what they can to ' .’.ads th.own
State and make its citizens target that there is
such a thing as a State at all! We shall con
tinue this kind of plain home pun talk until we
discover a betr-r spirit tliron; .out the lan-l ’h■•!.
now exists. The federal g • ■.. rent will al
ways be stroi • .ugh to ....<• care o: itself.
The people “iar.l tl-.rit domestic inMitn
tions.
Prom the Baltimore. American.
The Free Trade Principle.
Here and there we find a consistent advocate
of free trade. For the most part the noisiest
clamurers for that principle are either insincere,
or ignorant of what they are contending for.—
It is clearly evident to any one who will consid
er the matter, that tree trade is as incompatible
with revenue duties as with protective duties,
since there is no exaft limit to either kind of
imposts. The revenue duties of France and
England on our Tobacco are far higher than
tiie highest rales of protective duties in our ta
riff.
But here and there, as xve said, there is to be
found a consistent advocate of “free trade.”—
The Augusta (Ga.) Constitutionalist says:
“Whig papers in the North and Georgia arc
ascribing to Mr. Calhoun what, we believe, he
never advocated, the doctrine of direct taxation,
lor the support of the General Government. It
is true that several of the friends of that gentle
man, declared oh the floor of Congress, that
he}' were in favor of the system; but we do not
recollect to have read or heard, that Mr. Cal
houn had expressed an opinion in favor of or
against that system. If he had expressed an
opinion in favor of it, we, if nobody else, would
certainly praise him for it. We were the first
in Georgia to advance the opinion thatsooneror
later the people ofthe United States would have
to resort to direct taxation for the support of tiie
General Government, and abandon the system
ot indirect taxation, bv which no man knows
wiiat taxes lie pays, tor every thing he wears or
wofetn of direct taxation tor the supported the
General Government by undertaking to show
that no vexatious difficulties need-be apprehend
ed in* the application of the system, inasmuch
as the same process by which the State collects
its taxes might be easily enlarged so as to in
clude the collection of the National taxes also.
It predicts the future adoption of the system of
direct taxation as a National policy, and adds:
“The subject even now is attracting attention.
A few years ago we were almost alone the sup
porters of the system, at present there are hun
dreds, and we might say thousands of the most,
intelligent among our citizens who are enlisted
in defending it.”
Very probably it must come to this if the
free trade men are to prevail. When the party
which now denounces the protective policy
commenced their war on the National cur
rency they had no intention, we presume, at
first bi going to the extent of a circulation ex
clusively metallic. Yet the principle upon
which they started, and which the great mass or
the partv did not comprehend any more than
they comprehend the tree trade principle which
they make so much noise about now, carried
them as a matter ot course to the ultraism ot
a specie currency. The Sub-Treasury was so
tar from the view of the party in their first
movements against the currency that it was ut
terly condemned by Gen. Jackson, by the Globe,
the Richmond Enquirer, the Albary Argus and
other organs, when the idea of it was first start
ed by a Whig member of Congress, as some
thing better than the deposite Bank system. Yet
the Sub-Treasury is now the essential test of
“Democracy.”
The tendency of the tree trade doctrine towards
the abolition of all duties and the establishment
of direct taxation is precisely anatagous to the
progress of the anti-bank mania towards a me
tallic currency. We respectfully notify the
party of this fact. Whether they are willing to
believe it or not theit course is rapid and direct
towards the consummation. The unfair prac
tice. moreover, which is pursued in various quarj
ters ot denouncing protection as a policy yet
stipulating for the protection of a particular in
terest, must tend to hasten the result. For there
are many who uphold the tariff as a general Na
tional policy, who will have nothing to do with
it as a partial system, selfishly perverted tor the
advancement of some interests and for the des
truction of others. Its ablest defenders, dis
gusted at the illiberal course of narrow-minded
politicians who would sacrifice the National
prosperity for their own little purposes; wearied
out by the inceessant warfare of the factious,
and despairing of any permanency to the sys
tem on its true basis, may with reason abandon
the.contest, and prefer the abrogation ot all du
ties to the incessant conflicts, arising from inef
fectual attempts to adjust them.
As tor settling a distinctive limit between rev
enue duties and protective duties thq thing is
impossfolo. To talk of giving protection with
in
any definite signification; the phrase may mean
one thing or another, according as different per
sons may interpret ii. There can be no settle
ment on the tariff question on such a basis. If
duties are laid at all; protection must be involv
ed in the imposition of them, and the question
is al last one of degree only—more or less.—
Thosewho are really hostile to protection in it
self have no alternative but to oppose all duties.
The Tariff of 1842.—N0 measure ol any
age or country more thoroughly or more com
plete!}- realized the theory and expectations of
its advocates, than has the Tariff of 1842. The
benefits expected were, Ist. The revival of the
depressed Manufactures of the country.' 2dly.
The inrningof the balance ol'Trade in ourla
vor. Hilly. Importation of specie. 4th. The
reduction of foreign goods, and the use of our
own. All these results have already occurred;
and not only occurred, but are the theme of loud
praise, bv those who have been most violently
qpposed to. the measure itself! —Who has more
exulted in the increase of specie, produced by
this measure, than those who denounced the
measure itself! Can any man in America
give a reason why specie should lie increased by
importation from abroad, except by the restric
tion on importations of goods, which formerly
were exchanged for our produce? That the
balance ot trade has been turned in our favor
by the Tariff and that, only, is a fact, no longer
disputed by l lie free trade theorists ot the Atlan
tic cities.' The fact, recently stated by us, as
exhibited before the British Parliament, is so
conclusive on this point, that no one. can any
lougerdoubt the decisive influence of the Ameri
can Tariff, in restoring a favorable balance, and
in giving a free scope and profitable employ
ment to American mechanical genius, through
out the world. Look at two of these tacts, in
dollars and cents.
British Exports to the United Slates
in 18311, $60,656,524
Do. do. in 1842, 17,220,578
Reduction, $43,435,946
The amount ot British goods imported into
this country in 1842, then, is less by forty odd ■mil
lions of dollars, than it was in the crisis year of
1836. The reduction in our total foreign im
portations, as compared with that year, isnearly
double this great sum!
No principle of Political Economy is mote
incontrovertible than that our debt to foreign no
tions could be paid inno other way. We had not
the gold and silver to spare: And unless we
had restricted the importation of foreign goods,
and fostered our Domestic Industry, we never
could have paid. We never could have resus
citated credit in the least degree. Our Govern
ment and States would have been still depress
ed. Our Manufactures in ruin. Money at
high interest: and the same career ol disaster,
which marked the eta of 1837 to 1841, have con
tinued to prevail, diminishing our own self-con
fidence and the respect of foreign nations.
We have now restored a foundation for a Na
tional Currency. Is there any good reason why
we should nothave one? Is there any reasona
ble man, who expects to do away with paper
money? Is there any reasonable man who
thinks that the Currencies of twenty-six Stales
and six hundred Corporations is better than that
of the nation’s? The signs of the times indicate
returning political sanity. Men who recover
flora the loss of reason, usually do it very sud
denly. It is not impossible the American Peo
ple may recover from the delusions ol passions,
and. with their returned faculties, investigate
and act upon political problems, with the same
wisdom and decision which characterized the
days of Washington and Madison.— t'ineisinnh
Cucei.tv to House.—A man was tried in
tin: West Chester (Penn.) Court on Monday for
cruelly beating a horse. It. appeared that life
miseteant, 011 the occasion of perpetrating the
offence, was hairowing corn with the animal,
winch he beat in an unmerciful maimer, and
put out one ol his ey es, though Ihe testimony
showed that I:: 1 uhinial was a tractable and
good worker. Verdict, Guilty. Sentenced Io
one year’s imprisonment in the jail of Chester
comity. ''ln i-.lmiiiistering this verdict (says
the Village Record) the <'oiul ic narked that
regard had been had as well to the enormity of
the crime, the reform ol the evil passions ot the
defendant, as the wholesome influence which
lheexampb would have in deterring thouglit
i;l, re.’i'Oiis from - imilar offences.’'
A DllOl.l. i-t mt:< The Picayune tell.- the
following: There was a droll subject—an
Irishman —up before the Criminal Coin’ye--
terdav. on the charge of having in his posses
sion forged notes, knowing them to be
It, von know you. right-. -aid th
Judge. Not so weil a Ido mV «»>»■-'■. saw
he ; ‘fol we haven’t been such m
taneesol late. Well, you have m 1 ght o
challenge the 12 men who will - -1 .
t • . said the .Indue. ’ Bon me sow), thin,
said me prisoner, I m not gom’to exercise n
. I__| a one—but that’« a nice job you’d be alter
. . . lorn;; 10 chalenge and iignt
ZL u reu—one .; >wn and another come on, I
~t ~s , > oli no, von can 1 come it Judt’c.!
The jury acquitted him, more for drollery
than for the clearness of his case, we believe.
MONDAY MORNING, AUGUST 28.
Mr. Morehead's Speech.
The pertinacity with which our opponents
adhere to their determination to drag into the
present political canvass, the question of a Na
tional Bank, has induced us to present to our
readers the very able speech of Senator More
head, of Kentucky, delivered in the Senate in
1841. Although it was probably read by many
immediately after itsdelivery, it will well repay
another perusal, and we most coidially com
mend it to the calm and dispassionate considera
tion of every voter into whose hands it may
fall. It treats most ably a question involving
the interest of every man, and one upon which
they must decide sooner or later, and as we have
ever been anxious to make the question fairly be
fore the people of Georgia, we cheerfully invite
its investigation.
COMMUNICATED.
O’ Mr. Guieu has given a striking evidence
of his perspicacity and candor in Saturday’s
Constitutionalist. Some errors occurred in
the communication signed “Justice,” in
Thursday’s Chronicle, in which by the omis
sion ot the scparalrix between the mills and
cents place, certain European debts were nuuls
to rewt dollars, instep ofdolto rs, cents anflemills.
The error was discovered and correctednofore'
the weekly paper went to press on that day. It
was also noticed in a special errata in Friday’s
Chronicle.
Yet Mr. Guieu who must, or ought to. have
seen both these corrections has the unfairness>
the disiugenuousness to publish the error and
hold it up as an evidence of the'lalse data on
which the arguments of Justice arc based. It
has often been said that the man who attempted
to deceive, must either be very shrewd or be
come occasionally very ridiculous. “Justice”
will accept with pleasure the proffer of the old
gentleman’s “spectacles.” He has a curiosity
to examine their construction, which must be
both unique and novel, as they seem to keep
their wearer either constantly in a fog, or to help
him
“ Often times 1 ween
To see what is not to be seen.”
It must be by means of these same spectacles
that the good old man has become so skilled in
perversion and political crabbing, that he is
rendered totally incapable of discovering any
mistake or falsehood in his paper however glar
ing. They must also have discovered to him that
Barratarian plank off which he threatens to
walk the whole Whig parly into the gulf ol Di
rect Taxation on the Ist Monday in October.
Justice.
Ijocol'oco Nomination.
We learn that the following gentlemen were
nominated on Saturday to represent Richmond
county in the ensuing Legislalure:
For Senate, E. Starnes. Representatives,
William Longstreet, James Gardner, Jr.>
and Etheldred Tarver.
The District Systsin.
We feel confident that no measure has ever
been brought before the people more popular, or
more universally supported, than the district
system, and we hardly believe it will meet with
serious opposition from any quarter unless per
haps, irom a lew who wish to have things their
own way, whethet right or wrong. If such men
should persist in assailing honest democrats, and
in attempting to excommunicate them, lor sup
porting the district system, they will soon find
themselves in a very lean minority. These high
priests will be lelt alone, entirely alone in their
glorious work; while the sovereign democracy
will go to district the State.
No enemy to the district system can show
wherein it is anti-democratic in a single partic
ular; and every one is obliged to admit that it is
perfectly democratic—allowing the pepnle to
m their’trtvn district of coittrtty,repre
sentative whose talents and virtues are known
to them, and in whom they can place implicit
confidence. Not so under the general ticket
system —the representative being often selected
front a distant portion ofthe State, and utterly
unknown to the gteat body of the people he is
called to represent; and who, in the true sense
ofthe term, is no representative at all.
We must say that the district system is, and
must be popular, and we do not say so upon oh
mere beliel that it is right and just, but from the
indications in its favor, manifested in every por
tion of the Slate.— Pilot.
Our cotemporary is right, not only in his •_
views of the justice and propriety of the district .
system, but in his opinion about its popularity.
The people of Missouri will hereafter be repre- 1
sented by men ol their own selection—those in J
whom they have confidence and who understond
their wishes and sentiments. The voice ol the j
Democrats in each section ot the State will be ]
heard, and the man of their choice elected as ,
their Representative in Congress. No opportu- j
nity for intrigue and management will be left to
the wire-pullers; and our elections will be res- ,
cued from the control of “an unseen and irre- ,
sponsible power.” The proofs that the district ,
system will command an overwhelming majori- .
ty at the next election, are too strong to be doubt- ,
ed; and those who now denounce its friends as j
federalists, made to hide their diminished heads ,
for very shame at their ignorance, proscription ,
and stupidity.— Missouri Reporter. ;
The above extracts, says the Rome Courier, ,
show the favour with which this valuable meas
ure is received by the honest portion of the De- i
mocracy in a distant section of the Union. We
have iitlie doubt that throughout the Union, an
overwhelming majority of the people are tn fa
vorofthe alteration made by the last Congress
of the manner of electing Representatives. In
Alabama, with a Democratic majority of six or
seven thousands, where all the force ol party
discipline was brought to bear against it, the peo
ple tiiumphantly sustained it, and wherever in
Georgia or elsewhere the question shall be re
ferred to their decision, we have no doubt that
the result will be the same. They are suflicieut
wearied ol that system which practically trans
fers the power ot selecting members to Congress
from them to a caucus, which limits their agen
cy to this most important duty conferred upon
them by the Constitution to a near assent to the
previous edict of a caucus. The people .under
the general ticket system, have no voice in the
selection of men who are to compose their delega
tion in Congress. They are allowed to decide be
tween the opposing tickets which arc presented
to them, but for any power they have tocxclude
bad men or to secure the services of good ones,
the tickets say “Whig” and “Democrat,” might
as well be voted for in blank, and filled up by
the caucus after the election. One man upon
the ticket may be a drunkard, another a dunce,
a third may be both, and all unworthy the station
for which they are proposed, but where the whole
slate must be canvassed opposition by thousands
would be useless, and remonstrance unavailing.
Instances need not be cited in Georgia where
men without proper talents, without moral char
acter, and without personal popularity, have
been foisted by the machinery of those caucus
nominations upon the people' as their represent
atives, who, if they had been left in obscurity
until those who lived in their Vicinity and knew
them best had elevated them, would have passed
down the stream of time as “unknown” as they
would in any station have been “unhonored.”
Nor are cases less frequent where men of sterl
ing worth and capacity, of long and tried public
service, and by large odds the choice ol the peo
ple in the section of the Slate where they resided,
have been thrust aside, and condemned to private
station by conclaves which assemble at
M illedgeville as ignorant often of the jiopular
w ill, as they are reckless of the public good.
The District System is designed to restore
to the people the privilege ol choosing front a
mongst themselves theirrejiresentalives in Con
gress, long since in effect, usurped from them.
It is purely a .Democratic measure in thcjiropci
sense of the term; was introduced into U.m
me sbv a democrat, Mr. Campbell of Bott I
tfotolitia, and efficiently and ably sitjiporfed b}
' ’"'in their cot:ore upon thi- subject the leaders
Os V eentoermic pmtv in Georgia exhibit the
, -ions ofrfttachment to
th.-'-.'eoi-le No sooner is a law enacted which
v'< efli'ci’i d‘- destroy the ti ire-working, and
•' .'v'e.lul'a- a' “* cliques, and restore theelcc
live franchise m the untrammelled choice of the
than die whole power of the intriguers,
\i Lethe.” ot maaageme.it, argument or a resort to
the “rightful remedy” is employed to defeat it.
I , nemost amongst ihe opponents of this meas
ure, stands the Hen. Mark A. Cooper, now as
piring to a station where like (iovenior McDon
ald, he may bv his sole voice drown flic expres
sion of the’ will of the people, given with most
singular unanimity, and pin e the state in an at
titude of hostility to the General Government.
Will the voters of Georgia consent to his eleva
tion? Are the citizens of the upper counties of
the State willing that their favorite District sys
tem shall be sacrificed only to prove to the world
that nullification is not yet dead? and that the
gallant “Georgia Major” still dares in imitation
ofliisgreat prototype of 8. Carolina to nullify a
law ot the United States?
VOL. VII-NO 35.
Jj-The amount of money loaned by the cir
zensof Wilkes county is $415,730, as appear
by the Tax Book.
Al a meeting of the Whigs of the 119th Dis
trict, at Belair, on the 26th of August, 1843, for
the purpose of appointing delegates to attend
the Convention to be held at the “Old Muster
Ground,” on the first Saturday in September, to
nominate candidates for the Legislature, John
Skinner, Esq. was called to the Chair, and W.
G. Nimmo requested to act as Secretary.
On motion of Col. Doyle, the Chairman was
requested to appoint the delegation, who report
ed the following:—Wm. P. Beall, A. N. Vet
dery, Wm. Summerall, and Seaborn Skinner,
Esqrs.
On motion of Judge Verdery, it is
Resolved, That any vacancy occurring in the
delegation, those members who attend the con
vention, shall proceed to appoint othem.
The meeting then adjourned.
JOHN SKINNER, Chairman.
Wm. G. Nimmo, Secretary'.
At a meeting of the Whigs of the 4th Ward,.
held at the Richmond Hotel on Friday evening,
the 25th inst., the following gentlemen were ap- •
■p-doied Deletetes o thf-Wliig county Conven-
C. B. Hitt, Wm. Philip,
Wm. Wm. A. Brai.l.
From the Arkansas Gazette
Defaulters tcjthe General and State Gov
ernments, in Arkansas.
7b the General Government.
James S. Conway, Ex-Governor, as Agent of
the United States while Governor, to pay oft
volunteers. Money retained, and judgment in
the Federal Court, $13,419 43.
Littleberrv Hawkins, as received at Helena
about SIOO,OOO.
Davis Thompson, late Senator from Philips
county, as Receiver at Helena, about $14,000.
Caleb S. Manly, as Receiver at Batesville,
about S3OOO.
Benj. S. Chambers, as Receiver at Little
Rock, about S4OOO.
Laban C. Howell, as Receiver at Clarksville
about SSOOO.
• Richard D. C. Collins, as Disbursing Agent
about >270,000. ’
Wharton Rector, as Paymaster, fin suit)
about 80,500.
William C. Scott, as District Attorney, in
j udgment about 81,260.
Ambrose H. Sevier received, in 1839, for
William McClelland, then Indian Agent, which
Jie has not paid for (in suit) about $375. ’
Edward W. B. Noland, as Postmaster at Fort
Gibson, about $9,000.
James W. Pullen, as Postmaster at Pine
Bluff, about 8500.
7b the Stale Government.
James S. Conway, Ex-Governor, for 4 per
cent, fund, retained about 3 years and paid in
Arkansas paper, about S4OOO.
John Hutt, as State Treasurer, about $4,400.
William Field, as President of the State Bank,
about $1950 in Arkansas money—s266s in
Mississippi Bank paper.
William McK. Ball, as Cashier of State
Bank at Fayetteville, about $4:>,000.
Great Storm in New York.—A storm
passed over New York on Tuesday evening.
The Tribune says that an immense amount ol
damage was done by the overflowing ol side
walks, flooding of cellarsand basements, wash
ing in of yards, side walks, &c.
O’J- C. De Si'. Romes, formerly editor of
the Louisiana Courier, died in New Orleans on
the 21st inst.
Labor Saving Machine.—Everything in
this age shows the onward march of improve
ment and the mighty struggles of genius to de
veiopc its vast resources. Among other proofs
of this, is one in the neighborhood ol the Poor
House, where an ingenious Dutchman, having
an eye to the value of time, has constructed a
Water Wheel, driven by the little brOok of that
neighborhood, which is just about sufficient to
rork a mutts, and to that duty has he put it.
When the plump baby, with a full stomach is
disposed to seek the arms of the rosy God, the
machinery is applied to the the baby stow ■
cd snugly away, and the willing water, tickled at
its novel duty, rocks, and rocks, and rocks the
cradle while the babe slumbers sweetly, and
Mynheer and his Vrau labor industriously, pat
terns of contentment and genius. Who will not
say that the world is not going ahead, with a
rush ?— Eichnumd Star.
Upwards of sixty tons of wool, consigned Io
houses in this city, from the west, were landed
at the freight depot of the Albany and Boston
railway on Tuesday, for manufacturing estab
lishments between Boston and this city, on the
line of the railway. Ohl that wicked tariff!—
Albany Daily Advertiser.
Tut: Santa Fb Makauders.—The St. Louis
New Era of the 11th inst. says:—“We are
promised, in a day or two, the views and infor
mation of a gentleman who accompanied the
last Santa Fe expedition to the Crossings of tip-
Arkansas, and who is cognizant of every thing
which took place up to the time of their separa
tion from the dragoon corps under the command
of Captain Cooke. Meanwhile, it is proper to
say, that there is not a word of truth in the ab
surd story about the captured Texans having
palmed offupon Cooke the useless guns taken
from the Mexican prisoners, and retained tlieii
own. He received Irom them their own arms,
and they were in excellent condition. This
gentleman also informs us of a fact, of which
we were before ignorant, that Jive of the men
belonging to Warfield’s band of robbers had
been captured in New Mexico, and shot by the
authorities ot that government.
Front the Mobile Advertiser, 228 inst.
Duels.—We have the melancholy duty to re
cord the death of John Hueston, Esq., editor of
the Baton Rouge (La.) Gazette, who fell in a
duel between himself and Gen. Alee Laßranche,
member of Congress elect from Louisiana. A
difficulty occurred between these gentlemen, as
we understand, on Thursday evening last, un
der tpe following circumstances. Luring the
canvass for the election, some two months since,
Hueston, it is said, made some allusion in his
paper to Gen. L. to which he took exceptions.
The two individuals were personally unknown
to each other, until last Thursday evening, when
by accident they met in the billiard saloon ol
the St. Charles Hotel in New Orleans. Some
person accompanying La Branche, pointed out
Hueston as being the editor of the Baton Rouge
Gazette. Laßranche immediately walked up
to him—enquired liis name and being answered,
gave his own name. At which Hueston, with
out thinking probably there was any cause of
enmity between them, tendered his hand in
friendship. La Branche, instead of reciproca
ting the overture, raised his cane, and struck
H. in the face. Friends instantly interfered,
and farther conflict between the parties at the
time prevented. A challenge however from
the paily aggrieved, immediately followed,
which of course gave to the aggressor the choice,
of weapons, distance, time, &c. The challenge
was accepted—the weapons were double barrel
led shot guns loaded with a single ball—dis
tance 40 paces—the lime and place Saiurday
evening, the 19th inst. at half past 5 o’clock, ai
a place called the “Oaks." They met —three
shots were exchanged without effect, except
that the second and third shots of La Branche
grazed Hueston without personal injmy. After
the third fire, we tindersftmd an attempt was
made by the mutual friends to effect a reconcili
ation, La Branche manifesting a disposition to
make satisfactory acknowledgemehts, to which
Hueston firmly objected. At the fourth fire
Hueston received the ball his antagonist in his
left side near the lower rib, which passed through
the abdomen and out near the spine. He fell
without firing his piece, and at half past 11 o'-
clock the same evening, expired.
The deceased was not personally known to
us. though as an editor, and one of more than
ordinary talent and originality, and one too that
shared largely in :W)mlar favor, both at home
and abroad, we have known him long and well
His intimate acquaintances speak oi him as a
generous and liigii-mindcd man. Added to our
other regrets lor his melancholy death, we have
to mourn the In of his prompt and vigorous
arm in the same political cause in which we ate
engaged—a cause which had but recently es
noused. Until within the last four or five weeks
lie spirited print overwhich he prcsided,has been
neutral in politics, since which the name of
Henry Clay, and the banner ot the Whig cause
have stood forth in proud and bold relief nt tin
head of its columns. Wo mown, therefore, for
a devoted and noble hearted co-laborer, as well
as for one who has ever heretofore shown him
self the friend ol morality and of man.—We
doubt not some one, who knows him better, will
do justice to his memory.
A duel took place on Saturday altcrnooc.n on
the Bayou Road, New Orleans, as we learn
from a memorandum on the manifest of the
steamer Monmouth, arrived yesterday, between
Mr. Jos. Dyer and Mr. Lablanc. The former
received nineteen wounds and tlie latter three,
noneol which were mortal.
• We have heard of two otheryduels, that wen
to have come off yesterday, one at New Orleans
and the other at Pass CfefWian.