Newspaper Page Text
■- ■ b Af#l & i i i rt rs r Ir-II \
te $ p w iriil I 8 i fek jJ 'III B w « M tl B Br fkWv Mr il W t I # m It
OLD SERIES, VOL. LVII.
THE CHRONICLE & SENTINEL
IS PUBLISHED DAILY, TRI-WEEKLY, AND WEEKLY,
BY' J. VV. & VV. S. JONES.
The Weekly Chronicle & Sentinel
IS PUBLISHED AT
Three Dollars per annum—or one subscriber two
years, or two subscribers one year for 85.
Tn- Weekly paper, at Five Dollars per annum.
Daily paper, at Ten Dollars per annum.
Cash System.—ln no case will an order for the
paper be attended to, unless accompanied with
the money; and in every instance when the time
for which any subscription may be paid, expires
before the receipt of funds to renew the subscrip
tion, the paper will be discontinued. Depreciated
money received at its value in this city.
Cprontdc ano smimrl.
augusta •
FRIDAY' MORNING, SEPTEMBER 1.
New Cotton.
The first load of new Cotton, seven bales, in
beautiiul square packages, was received in this
city yesterday at the Warehouse of Clark &
Roberts, from the Old Town plantation of the
late Paul Fitzsimmons, in Jefferson county,
which was sold at cents—quality about mid
dling fair. The first load received in this city
lasi season was from the'same plantation on
the 22d August.
The River is in very tine Steam Boat or
der, having risen several feet and now over the
lower wharf.
For the Chronicle and Sentinel.
Messrs. Editors: —Gentlemen—l perceive
that the Whigs have courteously invited their
friends generally to attend their Barbacue, to be
given on Saturday next, at Windsor. The in
vitation ol course embraces their Democratic
friends, and as I rank myselt among the num
ber, it will give me great pleasure to attend.
But for my own information, and that of my j
political associates and friends I should be •
pleased to be apprized in advance, whether I
will be allowed to address the meeting. There (
are others who might desire to enjoy the same |
privilege. <
A full and free discussion, if" conducted with '
temperance and fairness, I presume would not ;
be objectionable to the Whigs; while to the .
Democrats, an attendance at this meeting would •
be unpleasant, if they must remain silent and ,
defertceless. j
Wrll you be good enough to give this a place t
in your columns, and it informed on the sub- '
ject, answer the,inquiry. If not, I presume ’
those having the management of the affair, <
will reply in your paper of Saturday morning, <
I have deemed this course the most convenient, ,
as many, like myself, are in doubt on the sub- (
ject of my inquiry, whose attendance must de- I
pend upon the reply.
I remain, lespectiully yours, &c.
JAMES GARDNER, Jr. <
August 31, 1843. i
To say nothing of the modesty of the above
inquiry, it is indeed a very strange one, particu
larly when we reflect that the Barbecue is one
gotten up exclusively by the Whigs, and at ‘
which they expect to nominate their candidates ,
for the Legislature—it is the more strange, <
when we reflect that on no occasion since our '
acquaintance with the self-styled Democratic (
party of Richmond county, have they ever t
opened the door for a discussion during a can- .
vass, at any one of their meetings. But to show (
that the Whigs desire to avoid no opportunity t
for full and- /zee discussion of all the topics be- a
fore the people, we waive all .these eonsidera- (
tions, and pioalaim to Mr. Gardner, and as |
many of his co-laborers as can be heard, that 1
the Whigs will not “walkover the ground”
without competitors, unless tier/ fail to enter. ’
Arrangements will, therefore, be tirade for t
free discussion, which we are gratified to have i
the honor to invite and challenge. J
Jj-Hill’s New Hampshire Patriot, announ- 1
cesthe death of Jonathan Garnage, of Ft ye- 1
burg, Me., aged 90. He fought at the battle of
Bunker Hill, and was present at the late Bunker
Hill celebration and lost his reason frt.m ex- ■
citement produced by the occasion, in which (
state he died without any other apparent dis- '
ease.
i
The Lowell Courier says that the Merrt- ,
mack Print Works in that city manufacture t
rising 1000 pieces of calico per day. The Mer- j
rimack prints arc celebrated all over the conn- .
try for their beauty and durability.
Jj - The New York Courier & Enquirer of ,
Monday say :—The cars from Philadelphia
were detained last night by a young gentleman
said to be a midshipman on his way to join the
Savannah, falling off the cars just this side of i
Princeton, by which one of his hands was so
much injured as, it is supposed, will require
amputation. His name we have not learned
with certainty, but our informant thinks it is
Ridgel/
Sudden Adjournment.—We learn from the
Pittsburgh papers that a large Abolition meet
ing was held last week at Washington, Pa.
The house was crowded, and while one ot the
speakers was holding forth the centre sleepers
gave way, and the whole crowd was precipitated
some eight or ten feet, the floor forming itself
into the shape of a mill-hopper, and the mass in
clining with the natural principles ot gravita
tion to the centre. Men and women —persons
of all kinds and colors were consequently min
gled in one undistinguishable mass, aad for a
while the alarm was great, and the anxiety in
tense—No lives, however, were lost, nor limbs
broken.
The receipts of toll on all the Ohio Ca
nals during the fortnight ending on the 3lst tilt.,
exceeded those of the corresponding pejiod last
year by $13,314,48.
Correspondence of the North American.
New York, August 27.
All quiet here to-day—the weather fine, and
all app.-ar to be enjoying it.
The ship Memphis, late ashore near Ocra
cocke, arrived at quarantine early this morning,
in tow of the steamer Mutual Safety. The
hull of the ship is but slightly injured.
Great feeling is shown in relation to the yel
low fever cases, caused by the health officer al
lowing the schr. Vanda to proceed to Kingston,
(100 miles up the North River, to discharge her
cargo. Two persons died at Kingston on Fri
day, and many more are lying ill with it. It is
said that a billions fever is prevailing on Long
Island, terminating fatally in very many cases.
The alarmists say it is a yellow fever, in which
they no doubt are mistaken
Expenses of the State Governments.
The following table exhibits the annual expen
ditures ot the several Slates of the Union, in
their Judicial, Legislative and Executivedepart
ments. It will be seen that though New-York
is the first in population and wealth, she is the
fourth in the amount of her expenses for govern
mental purposes. There are some variations
in the expenses of the Legislative departuient,
asthereare long or short sessions, but the amount
below is taken as the average for a number of
years.— Buffalo Gazette.
Executive. Lee. Judiciary. Total.
Maine 55.700 S'-lI.IKU SiI,SIX) 537.1X10
New Hampshires.<MX) £0.183 10,959 36.1-1
Vermontls.lMo 7.325 24.115
Ma*sachu>etts 11.S00 65,283 51,28.5 131.36"
Rhode Handl.HV 8.100 1.750 11,650
Connecticut4.73l 11.M0 5.650 22.J34
New Yorkl3.3tk) •’‘Jns) 52.100 95,590
New Jersey3.oso 22.000 7.3**) 22.4-1“
Pennsylvaniall.6oo 33.»>1X) 45 516 90.746
Delaware 2.733 14.580 5.850 23,163
Marylandlo.9so 15.810 23.3 m) 50,090
Virginials.2s3 41.2 M 45.550 I(U»US3
North Carolinas.3oo V.»?’-20 24.330 79,250
South Carolina9.lo9 43.52) 33.000 85 620
Georgia 15.000 91.51*) 23.225 129.72-
Alabama7.ooo 45 000 33,<<75 85.97."
Mississippi 10.000 30.500 ti. 730 7■
Louisiana -1.-. MI to.<» 0 107. 8
Tennessee2s.47O 33.910 66.GH.
Kentucky j’??' l ; i ' , l’-0 71 Vi
Olho 5.760 50,»20 . I 3.«*) 57.6 ■
Indiana” W 2"OS0 13 :<)
"... 4,a» '”■*»
Mixsoui'i* * ....7.250 25.200 17 7.X) cU.AX'
5.200 H.-iS) 10.150 3<
M.ciisan.',lXW JB-900
Total 8195,470 X 747.253 8646,187-81,501.tKYi
From the News ts- Planters’ Gazette.
, To the Original Democratic
Voters of Georgia:
Fellow Voters: —
I'l he time has arrived when it becomes us to
assert our ancient right, viz: to support Union
men, or choose between-Nullifiera. Our late
convention, not satisfied with the bounty already
> paid to the three rene.ade Whigs—Cooper, Col-,
quirt and Black; nominated the first for the of
fice of Governor, over our beloved fellow-cni
zen Judge. Andrews, and the distinguished son
ot Meriwether county, Judge Warner. Nor
did they stop at that; but nominated over our
old distinguished candidates, Martin Van Bu
ren, a man who but a few short years ago, said
we “were a patty without principle and without
character, held together by the cohesive proper
ties ol the public plunder.” 1 allude to John C.
Calhoun. What was the object of this move
ment I Common sense answers it was done in
obedience to the requirements of our Nullifica
tion allies. Well, if our once proud party are
so humbled that they can’t maintain their prin
ciples and keep the old triumphant maj rily that
once so signally attended our elections, without
the aid, directftn and control of these New
Lights, then let it go down, at least without the
imputation ol bargainingtto suslatn it. It would
seem that the provision previously made tor
these men would have satisfied the appetite of a
cormorant; but no such thing, alter electing
them to a seat in Congress, they demanded that
their brother Harralson, of Troup, should have
a similar birth. Well, we yielded to their de
mands, and gave Harralson a sent also in Con
gress. Did they stop at this? No; for at the
next session of our Legislature, we find Colquitt
there in person, with his batch of renegade Nul
lifieis, demanding his eiection to. the (Jnited
Stares Senate. Well, we Heat our old triend
Judge Iverson, of Columbus, and run oft" the
field Chatham’s distinguishe ! son Matthew Hall
McAllister, (who would not stoop to become
his competitor with Union men,) to gratify their
demand We elected him to the Senate. Did
this satisfy them? No. What’s the next de
mand upon our generosity? Why, at our late
convention Cooper was pertinaciously pressed
upon us by this same squad, for the office of
Governor. Well, this demand was acceded to.
Did this satisfy them ? No, no, no—they de
manded that our first choice, Martin Van Bu
ren, should be set aside to make room for John
C. Calhoun. This our friends resisted and re
monstrated against, but to no purpose; the sac--
rifiCe was demanded, and the issue forced. We
were deli?ated. Now, fellow-citizens, this is an
honest picture, “nothing extenuated or aught
set down in malice,” of the whole transaction.
The question then comes up, how are we to
redress ourselves ? I reply, go to the polls on
the first Monday in October and vote for Craw
ford and Stephens, and continue to do so when
e-'er one of these new fledged Democrats comes
before you for your suffrages. This will be
yi ur redress in part —the Baltimore Convention
will make it complete, by nailing to the counter
John C. Calhoun as spurious coin. Bui you
answer, why vote for Stephens—Stark is a
Union man; I grant it, but he is lending him
self to these schemes, and making himself a
party to them, by associating his name on the
ticket with Cooper. Let him come before us
with clean hands, and none will be more prompt
than myself in giving him a cheerful support.
We want, in short, ro better evidence ol our
cmipleie degradation as a party, than the ad
dress ot Mr. Guieu of the Constitutionalist,
made to his “his old Union friends.” He there
addresses us precisely as though we were a par
cel ol Indians, without the understandings to
know our rights, or the independence to main
tain them. 1 tell that old man, that the Union
party of Georgia are quite intelligent enough
to know their own course, without the lecture
of a Frenchman, addressed too as if to so many
red men. GEORGIA.
5J- "Will the Democratic papers .copy?
Locofuco Managements
The Savannah Republican says:—There is
a most admirable parallel between the democrat
ic management of the National Treasuiy, and
that of the State of Georgia. In 182-8, the Dem
ocratic party came into power with loud profes
sions ot economy, of retrenchment, and ot rota
tion in otiice. In 1838 they had increased the
expenses of Government from thirteen millions
a year to near thirty nine millions. They had
exhausted the Treasury and retired from office
in 1841, leaving outstanding obligations tor (
the Whigs to provide for, amountingio more ,
than ihiriy eight millions ot dollars, and an
actual i-lelic debt or absolute deficiency of ,
more than tw knty soc u mi llions, for the Wbigs ,
to pay by making a loan. This we have shown
by unquestionable public documents within the ,
last lew days.
The Whigs came into power say they with
gourd vines, coon skins, and songs, 'r/icii came
in with hickory poles and brooms, and every
true hearted American will remember with deep
indignation, a song sung by their party through
out the nation, and that too to a National air,
having reference to a dinner given to Mr. Clay
by a fellow citizens of Lexington, Ky., the re
frain of each verse being as follows :
“And the Lexington dinner —oh ! long may it save,
From the people’s displeasure, Hit traitor and knave!”
Why show the parallel between the grand
National Democracy and the Slate of Georgia
Democracy? We have followed out the his
tory of all >hc assaults ot this party on the
Treasury, as well as the gallant detence of the
Whigs.' While the Central Bank was accord
ingio its original charter, confined to its appro
priate sphere as fiscal agent, all went on well,
and its bills were at par—in 1839 however,. the
restrictions were removed by the Democracy, and
the Bank made issues on all the worthless notes
and bunds in its vaults. Happy were political
favorites in those limes, when they could get as
much money as they wanted, all tor the benefit
of the dear people. Measure after measureu-as
had, seizure after seizure of the money was
made, until the State of Georgia, from being in
1833, when the Democracy seized the power, in
a mote prosperous condition than any Stale in
the United Stales, is now what we see her, her
millions squandered away, her treasury de
pleted, her good named sullied, her credit for
feited. But there is a remedy and it remains
for the people to apply it. Sound and whole
so -e National and Stale laws we want.’
We see evidences every whereof new lile
and activity in that vast array of W higs who
carried with whirlwind impetuosity the elec
tion ot 1840. We see in Georgia, a determina
tion to do justice to that noble patriot and states
man —Henry Clay. We see that our p-ople
are not going to tbiget, notwithstanding all the
malignant assertionsoi his enemies, that Henry
Clay was the author of the Compromise Bill,
so acceptable to the South; and we know that
they are content to rest upon his solemn declar
ation in his two last addresses made in the U. S
Senate, that he is still resolved to abide by the
principles of that Compromise Act. The stai
of Clay has long been obscured amid the clouds
of envy drawn around it by the insidious acts of
selfish men, but its own inherent lustre is fast
dissipating the gloom, and even now its increas
ing brilliancy is apparent.
Statistics of Manufactures.—By the last
census (1840) the amount of capital invested in
manufactures in the U. Slates was $207,726,579,
while the amount of the articles manufactured
was nearly three hundred millions.
There has been a remarkable change in the
prices of some kinds of goods within the last
lew years. Before the introduction of power
loom machinery, plain cottons sold for 30 cents
a yard, and now sell for 5 and 6 cents. So of
woollens. Broadcloths which in 1816 were
worth S 6 to $8 per yard, can now be bought for
82. The following table is, we believe, very
nearly accurate
Manufactures ot Amount in dollars.
C0tt0n46,350,453
W 00120,696,999
Leather 33,134,403
F1ax322,205
C0rdage4,078,306
Mixed manufactures6,s4s,so3
Silkll9,Bll
Pa per 6,153,092
Cast ironß 607,090
Bar ir0n13,806,310
Cannon and small armsl,ooo,ooo
Hardware and cut1ery11,451,967
Machinerylo,9Bo,sßl
Hats caps and bonnetslo,lßo,B47
G1a552,890,293
Earthenwarel,lo4,B2s ,
Drugs, medicines, &c 4,151,899
Soap and Candles<l,ooo,ooo
Musieal Instruments 923,924
Carriages and Wagons.... 10,897,887
Ships..<
Furniture7,sss,4os
Sugar, refined3,2so,7oo
Confectionaryl,769,s7l
Gunp0wder1,795,459
Precious meta 153,734,960
Various meta 15.9,779,442
Dcmestie goods, made in fam-
ilies
Non enumerated articles... 34,785 353
Total 8294,106,772
A Good Speech.—The followingspeech was
made by a Washingtonian in Connecticut: —
‘There is no mistake about it. sir—Rum never
lid. nor never will make tire man rich that drinks
-t. Tire last winter has been a hard season foi
us poor folks, generally. But I have lived bet
er—happier—'aid up more money during tin
winter—although destitute of work more flirt
i halt of the time—than 1 did last summer, wliei
I had work every dav. 1 have not one heli s,
much labor, and still I am twice as well of
And, sir, the re ison is this— lartsummer Idran':.
-■ 1 d'- r '■ r s
From the Macon Messenger.
Home Matters.
Why will not our opponents abate a little of
their zeal and ardor in the cause of National
1 politics, and lor a tew weeks give their attention
1 to our affairs at home? We are told that the
■ man who neglects his own household, is worse
than an infidel, and most certainly the politician
■ who forsakes his immediate interests, the con
cerns of his State, to dabble in the troubled wa
ters of Federal politics, cannot merit the appel-
1 lation of patriot.
The Locotoco party and press in Georgia, are
electioneering in a manner peculiar to them
selves. Such small matters as the affairs of the
State, arc beneath their consideration; all their
energies, time, and labor are directed to the con
cerns of the Genera! Government, and the n-ore
important and dignified matter of President ma
king. The moral of their long winded editori
als, and labored disquisitions, is, that the wel
fare and prosperity of the State ol Georgia, are
entirely dependenion the election al John C. Cal
houn to the Presidency in 18441 All attempts to
bring them to the scratch upon questions of local
policy, are utterly vain; they a-«Z dodge every
subject involving State interests; and by no pos
sible way, can they be brought to the discussion
of those questions, in which out people have an
immediate concern. They trill merge S/aZeinto
National politics.
Our State elections for Governor and mem
bers of the Legislature, are but a few days over
a month off; yet from the zeal and animation
exhibited in discussing the comparative claims
of Clay and Calhoun, one would inter, that we
were on the eve of a Presidential election, rather
than on the very threshold of an important Slate
election.
Wfio is jnbe ihe President :-f.tlre United Bta>» I
on the -Ith of March 1815, is doubtless a question I
of interest to the people of the State ; but how it
shuu d be made to influence the election of our
Governor, we can only devise in one way. The
Democratic party in Georgia, have so far come
short of the just and reasonable expectations of
the people, tnat they need, and must have aid from
without to help them along. They can no long
er make promises and pledges, as they have here
tofore done; because the people, who have been
so often deceived, will no longer confide in them.
A Democratic candidate lor the Legislature, has
not impudence enough now, to promise, as he
was in the habit of Uoing, relief to every poor
man from his embarrassments. We do not hear'
a word now-a-days, no not even a whisper, about
relief or taxes. Instead of them, the people are
diverted with longwinded tirades about the Ta
riff, a National Bank, Federalism, Henry Clay
and John C. Calhoun. A most earnest anxiety
is manifested by the conductors of the public
press, and party leaders, to instruct the people in
political science; to give them enlarged views
upon questions of general or Federal policy—
and to keep them ignorant upon their own,' or
the affairs of the State. Our elections take place
in about six weeks. They involve in their re
sults, important, very important principles, af
fecting not only the interests ol the people, but
the honor and cha acterof the State. Yet, upon
all these subjects, our opponents maintain a
most importable silence; they cannot be pro
voked to an exposure; whenever we try to pin
them down, they flj- off in a tangent, and talk to 1
us about Calhoun, and a Tariff and a National i
Bank. All this is design—party tact, “throwing
a tub to the whale.” But it won’t do. Ihe peo
ple are very creduious, and very gullible, but <
they cannot be diverted from their Ziuaiea/atrs —
they want to know, and must know, the opinions
of their candidates, upon certain questions, in
which they have a direct and immediate interest <
an - all the trick and cunning, and firmness of
their leade.s, cannot divert them from whattbeir ’
experience, and common sense tell them is the -‘
true issue. , (
Democrats as well as Whtgs, are interested in j
the subject of Internal Improvements. Millions
of money have been spent in Rail Roads, con- !
netting, or rather designed to connect the ex- S
tremes of States, and lurnishing to the planter, ,
an easy and cheap transportation of the products
of the soil to market. The prosperity, of at least 1
Central Georgia, is contitiger-t upon the prose- <
cution of these Roads to Completion. And yet
there is not a Democrat hereabouts, can tell j ou
whether Maj. Cooper is for or against finishing
the State Road, neither can they tell you, wbeth- .
er he would approve a Bill, should one be pass
ed, authorizing the State to pay a just debt, a !
solemnly contracted obligation to the Stockhold- .
ers ot the Monroe Rail Road. Will Maj. Coop- !
eiklend his influence to the completion of our
State Works? Will he sign a Bill to pay two l ,
hundred thousand dollars, (as ihe State engaged 1
to do) to the coiupletion -r-F-tho-SMoprpe Rail ‘
Road? These questions have been asked over
and over again, thej' have not been answered, .
and they will »ioZ be answered. Neither Major ,
Cooper nor his friends dare loonswer tiu.m. And {
why? because a response either affirmatively or ,
negatively will materially affect his electioneer
ing prospects. The Democracy in Musct - ]
gee, and the counties on the Chattahoochee, as
well as in the counties of Putnam, Jasper, Mor- '
gan, and the counties eastward, are electioneer
ingagainst Mr. Crawford, because he is in la- '
vor ol this appropriation, ami the Democracy in '
Bibb, Monroe, Henry, and the counties up and
down Hie line of the Road, are kept still and
quiet, and diverted Irom this home subject, by the
agitation of subjects ot general amt National
policy —the Tariff, a United States Bank and
the merits of Calhoun, Van Buren and Clay. ,
Will, we ask again, our op; onents come dov.'n
from their stilts, leave off Pn sident making for 1
a while, and discuss matters in which we have
a direct and local interest? Will they enlignten
the people, and tell them how Maj. Cooperstands
affected upon these important home questions—
Internal Improvements, The District system, The
Centra! U-uit:, u nit Ihe Payment a] th State I) bi!
It has been intimated in terms, almost am tint
ing to all alihmation that he is opposed to works
ol Internal Improvements, that he is against the
appropriation to the Monroe Rail Road, that he
is against the District system, and that whether
he is for or against the Central Bank, and Re
pudiation, no one knows. These are important
matters, more so at this time to the people ot
Georgia, than Ihe Presidential election. Will
the Press or any ot 'ts friends enlighten the peo
ple upon these point.’. ? Or is it expected that
the Union Democratic party should rest satis
fied with the assurance that Mark A. Cooper is
ihe fast friend of John C. Calhoun, and as good
a Nullifier as he was in ’32, and therefore fully
entitled lo their suffrages for Governor.
Greenoi on’s noble statue of Washington,
which was injudiciously placed in the rotunda
of the Capitol, will soon be removed to an ap
propriate spot in the grounds lyil g on the east
side of the Capitol. Apaiagiajh in the Na
tional Intelligencer says—
Passing through the East Capitol garden last
Saturday evening, we had an opportunity of
viewing and examining two immense blocks of
granite, lately arrived from Quincy, Massachu
setts, which are intended, the one as a base and
the other as a pedestal, fbrGrcenough’s colossal
statue of the Father of his Country. -These two
large blocks of granite weigh forty tons ; they
have been safety placed within the temporary
building that covers the site ot the magnificent
statue. On one of the sides of the pedestal is
cut in large and well-formed letters the inscrip
tion, ‘’First in the hearts of his covn'rymcn."
A number of persons were viewing these im
mense blocks at the time we happened to be
preser.t. Indeed, the progress of the work con
nected with the removal of this statue to the ap
pointed site, seems to be an object of public in
terest.
The Post Office Department.—The pro
gress ol this branch of the public service is il
lustrative ot the rapid growth of flic country, I
and the extension of the resources of our peo- I
pie—their means ot communicating intclli- :
gence, the advancement of population, and the I
settlement of the different sections of the Un
ion. The following table will show this pro- |
gress:
Yeats. Receipts. [Expenditures. No. miles. I
1790.. 37,935....8 32.140 7,375
1795.. 160,620.... 117.843 .... 1.799,720 J
1800.. 280.50-1.... 213.994.... 3,057.964 I
1805.. 121,373.... 377,367.... 1,250,000 i
1810.. 551,684.... 175,769.... 4,694.000 :
1815.. 1,043.065.... 748,121... .5,001,000
1820.. 1,111,927.... 1.160,026.... 8,800.000 '
' 1825.... 1.307,525.... 1,229.043... 10.634,680
1830.. 1.919,300.... 1.959,109... 14.500,000
1835.. 2,993,556.... 2,763.0-11.. .25,869,486
1840.. 1,379.313.... 4,627,716.. .34,996,525
Thus, from the small beginning ot 7,315
miles of annual mail carriage, and an expendi
ture of $40,000, has this arisen to be one of the
most useful and important Departments of our
Government, requ ring the agency of about
14,000 postmasters and their clerks, 3,000 con
iractors, besides a large number connected with
the department in various wavs. To carry on
the complicated machinery of the General Post
Office, in all its minute details, without confu
sion, requires svstem, method and business tal
ents of the highest order, foresight, capacity,
anil an attention to the business of the depart
ment, unceasing and unremitting.
Cockneyism.—The following dialogue-not a
bad illustration of the Cockney tongue—lately
l ok ] lice at one of the Metropolitan police of
fices :
"Witness —“This here feller broke our winder
with a later, and hit issabeller on the elber as
-he was playing on the ; inner.”
Mar’strate—“The conduct of the prisnn’, nr !
his general characta’, rent er it propa’that he
shot Id no longn’ be a memba’ of society.”
AUGUSTA, GA THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 7, f 843.
SATURDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 2.
The Whig Convention.
'l To-day, the delegates appointed to select and
n nominate the Legislative candidates of the
e Whigparty, assembleat Windsor, to make and
e proclaim their selection to the voters of Old
Richmond. The occasion has been dffbmed, by
- the Whigs, a fit and proper one to give a Bat-
■ becue, and extend to every ettizen a cordial wel
, come to the feast. It has also been deemed
- meet and proper to endeavor to get up a general
; warming up of the Whig Church; and, among
r other speakers, the committee will have the
. pleasure of introducing to the auditory, that
- sterling Whig, Robt. Toombs, Esq., of Wilkes.
It is quite possible that there may be drscus
, sion, as the “Democracy'' have some “young
- things’’ whom they may desire to enter for a “gal
lop,” byway ot rendering them familiar to the
new bridles. If so, we shall have some “sport,”
. and we trust that our Whig friends, who feel an
interest in the cause, will generally be present
to witness the scene, and to welcome their can
didates to the canvass.
The following named gentlemen are the dele
gates appointed by the Whigs of Richmond
county, to assemble in Convention at Windspr,
to-day, fbr the purpose of nominating Whig
candidatesfor the Legislature:
Biiidgh District,
-WWW
Middleton Sego, JamesDoyd,
John McDade.
Tarver’s District.
Samuel Tarvei, JamesCfishin,
James Brandon, David Palmer.
Bellair District.
John Skinner, Sr., Augustus N. Verdery,
Wm. Summerall, William P. Beall.
Island District.
James Brandon, Sr., Wm. J. Owens,
R. A. Watkins, Chas. A. Bugg,
First Ward.
Wm. E. Jackson, Samuel Milling,
Henry F. Russell, Foster Blodgett.
Second Ward.
B. H. Warren, D. B. Hadley,
John Campbell, Benj. F. Chew.
Third Ward.
A. G. Bull, H. O'Neil,
Jno. Finn, H. Blinn.
Fourth "Ward.
C. W. C. Berryhill,
Wm. PhilipW. A. Beall.
More New Cotton.
Eight Square Bales of new Cotton were re
ceived yesterday from the plantation of J. P
Greene, Esq., ol Burke county—quality fully
fair—tor which 7J cents were offered and refus
ed.
To the Editors of the Chronicle and Sentinel:
Mr. Guieu, of the Cohstituti'jnalist, is on a
“long gallop,” in reply to some correspondent
olyour paper, whose communication! have not
seen ; and, as he is commencing a long series
of articles predicated upon fuels, 1 ask the priv
ilege of correcting sYime of his errors at the out
set—such as are contained in his-paper of the
29th of August, not all of them—fori have
scarcely read an editorial in any respectable pa
per, with hall the blunders, errors, uncertainties
and imperfections, as are therein contained.—
What I design to notice, is the following:
“iVe stated in onr article of the 22d instant, ,
that the whigs were in the majority in the legis
lature ot 1838 and 1840. 'lhe writer of the
communication admits the fact in regard to the i
legislature ol 1840, but denies it in regard to the ,
legislatureof 1838, in whjch, he says, the wbias ,
had a majority of three in the Senate, and the .
democrats of two in the House. According to ,
his own admission, the whigs had a majority of ;
one on joint ballot. But « e say that the majo- t
rily ol rhe'Wtitys irTliie Seiiar"--was-molT: v.-din
three, it was six or seven. Judge Dougherty t
was elected by forty-seven votes, while General (
Echols had only forty-two. Five votes majori- -
ty, to which must be added one whig vote given ;
for Mr. Peter Lamar, and one whig Senator ab- (
sent. In the House, Mr. Day was elected; he ,
received eighty-eight votes, and Mr. Meriweth- ]
er eighty-six; but we distinctly recollect, when
this result was announced, to have heard sever- ,
al whigs express their surprise at this election, ,
as there was undoubtedly a majority ol a few :
whig votes in the House; and the fact-is, that ;
Mr. Day was elected by a few whig votes — ,
personal friends.”
Mr. Guieu is wholly mistaken in his state- i
ment. —The Whig majority in the Senate was J
not three, nor five, norsix ; it was an unreliable ,
majority of two only. Judge Dougherty recei- ,
ved Iwo Democratic votes, and one which was
uncertain. The vote cast for Mr. Peter Lamar
was well understood, and known at the time, tu ,
have been given by a Democrat. If Mr. Guieu 1
had added up his figures, he would have found (
that he was out a vote or two.
Dougherty 47
Echols42 J
Lamar I
Absent Whig 1
Total9l votes;
Not the whole number of Senators.
As to the House, Mr. Guieu has made a
much greater mistake.—Mr. Day did not get a
solitary Whig vote; Mr. Meriwether received
two Democratic votes. His friends believed
that lie would be elected, because at the com
mencement of the balloting, a like* number of
Whigs and Democrats were absent; and it was
known, or believed, there would be a lie. And,
on the second ballot, another Democrat had
pledged himself to vote for Mr. Meriwether—
this would have secured his election by two
votes; but, during the balloting, the absent
Democrats came in, and turned the scale.—The
Democrats had a majority ot three in the House,
the Whigs a majority oftirooniy in iheSenate;
yet, from personal, and other considerations, the
Whigs most usually had a majority of two or
three on joint ballot.
These facts are within my own personal |
knowledge ; and a«»ies could be given if neces
sary or proper. N. T.
Henry Clay.
Who speaks of Henry Clay without a word
cl prats-. ' There is no intelligent locoloco in
the country who will not, when his name is
mentioned, (tor the locofocusare, alter all, good
Americans tn heart,) couple it with a promt tri
bute to his genius and patriotism. They may,
I and no doubt do, conscientiously differ from him
I on points ..f national policy; but they are 100
■ generous to withhold from him the praise which
; is due to candor, honesty and genius.
I A friend tola us, some time since, that in a
I railroad car, a circumstance arose in his pres
; ence in relation to Henry Clay, in which afor-
■ eigner, with a strong German accent—a jentle-
i man ofgre.4 Hebrew erudition—spoke ol Hen- I
j ry Clay as a dishonest man. A gentleman op
posite,a distinguished member of the Ohio bat ,
! interrupted him, and after a courteous nj ology
lor the liberty which he took, said—“ Sir, 1 am
' the most violent locotoco in the strongest loco-
I toco district in Ohio, but in my section there is
I not a democrat who would not take off his coal
1 | to chastise tire scoundrel who would dare to say
1 I that Henry C lay is dishonest. The Whig par
-1 | ty has no exclusive right to the glory of Henry
' Clay’s character, it belongs to the country.—
’ His'political foes, and lam among the most ar
' dent of them, will oppose him—defeat him if
' they can —but they will permit no man to say
" that Henry Clay, whom we glory in while we
' oppose him, is not an honest man. The dis
pine wastnded. — Phil. liulcpen.
i IZj’ The Alabama papers state that the Rev.
i Dr. Manly, of the University of that State, lias
t been elected President of Mercer University,
" Georgia, to fill the vacancy created by the resig
nation of the Rev. Otis Smith. The Tuscaloo-
- sa Union expresses the opinion that Dr.
Manty will not leave his present station for the
t one tendered him.
The Crops.—The planters of this region ate
beginning within a few days to cornj-laiti wi”,.
-ome bitterness. It is becoming very evideta
r -hat the Co’ton crop will ti-Il short, "t he rainy
s weather has prevented the boils Imm firmim
and the little that has come to anv account, is
1 about tu be destroyed by th-rot. ’Wcliearthesc
e recounts from mi’st parts of this State and Luuis-
I iana.—N'lVUc , f the 22.; ul!.
Interesting Corresiioiulencc.—tietier from
Mr. Clay.
I The Chambersburg W hig contains a letter el
oquent and strong, from the “Chambersburg
Clay Club” to the Hon. Henry Utyy, with his
‘ letter in reply. The Committee introduce with
1 the following passage a graphic staetch of the
progress of misrule in the country for along
perio t past:
“Why is it, Sir, that with a of
Government so admirably adapiettelo human
welfare—enterprize so vigorous—iMKans of in
tercourse so rapid and comtnodiouiMrid litera
ture so cheap and abundant, we aroKzt now as
formerly, a prosperous and hapWf nation—
proud of our retrospect, and exultitigjin the pro
mise of'the future? Why is it that all the great
branches of our national industry aqi in a state
of prostration or ruin? Our soil taSd climate
have undergone no change fbr the wrse; our
machinery for abridging labor antfcfperfecting
its product has not deteriorated; pop
ulation has lost nothing in point of energy and
skill. Whence is it then that our pr&penty has
been thrown into abeyance that tiwcapitalist
finds no outlet for his means, and ( ®e laborer
remains without employment?” 1
The length of the Committee's letter forbids
its insertion entire. It is written frith great
force and spirit. Mr. Clay replies&*follows:
Sir. Clay’s Reply.
Ashland, 25th J'lilß43.
Gentlemen:—
1 have the honor to aeknowiefVeceipt.
ot the. couAiiiunicatioa which
Cl ,j t. ol
association, to co-op
erate with similar institm.J? our ri hig
fellow citizens generally, in disseminating and
establishing sound prineijilesof Government in
the United States. You are also pleased, gen
tlemen, at the instance of the Club, to request
my acquiescence in the various nominations
which have been made ot me for the office of
Chief Magistrate of the United States. I hope
the success of the exertions of the Club, in the
propagation and establishment of-correct prin
ciples, may be commensurate wit.i its laudable
and patriotic aims. And I tender it my cordial
thanks and grateful acknowledgments for the
friendly sentiments and wishes which it enter
tains towards myself. lam infinitely obliged
to my fellow citizens for the numerous testimo
nies of their confidence and attachment, in man
ifesting their desire that 1 should fill the highest
office in their gift; and whatever may be the fi
nal result my heart will ever be animated by
feelings of the liveliest gratitude. The lime has
not yet arrived, 1 think, when 1 ought to decide
whether I shall give my consent or not to the
use of my name, as a candidate for the office of
President of the United States. When it does
1 shall give lo all the considerations which
should influence my judgment full weight, and,"
among them, the frienuty wishes of the Clay
Club ot Chambetsburg.
1 concur with you, gentlemen, generally in
the retrospect which you have presen'cd oi" the
administration of public affairs, during late
years, and in the measures of policy which
ought to guide it. If we are not utterly deceiv
ed in the theory of free Government, the people of
the U. States ought all along to have.becn and
should now be, the happiest an most prosper
ous people upon the earth, but our condition has
been, and continues to be, far otherwise. It is
impossible lo contemplate the Administration
of the Government, during nearly the last fif
teen years, without teelings of the deepest re
gret and bitterest mortification. That long pe
rio.t has been marked by relentless proscription,
similar in spirit, if not attended with the same
effusion of blood, as that which is recorded in
Roman history to have been perpetrated by Ma
rius and Sylla: by reckless experiments and the
overthrow of valuable institutions; by the des
truction of the best currency in the world, and
consequent de anaement in all the business of
socielj; by extensive and scandalous peculation
on the part of public functionaries; by extrava
gant and profligate expenditure of the public
money; by attempts to subvert the long cherish- (
ed policy of the country, under which it had em- ,
inently flourished and prospered; by relaxation ,
in the respect and authority due to the law and
Constitution; by widespread and alarmitigdemo- .
ralization; by a fearful growing and cojiupt use
cf the power ol the Executive branch o; the Go- ;
vetnmenl; and, finally, by a degree of perfidy in .
the head ot that branch, of which do equal ex- (
ample can be found in this or any oilier ccun- .
try, in this.or any other age. Alttregi.uimence
nrehror-rne aairtiuis-rranju “rut--’
Chief Magistrate, the leaders oi'-> iea
opponents, with a few honorable exceptions, as
siduously courted and caressed him; flaattering '
and praising him for his violation ol the just I
expectations of a confiding people. They
marched up, in solemn column, arm in arm, a
long Pennsylvania Avenue to the Presidential I
Mansion to thank and congratulate him, tor ex- i
etcising a Royal prerogative, to deleat the wish- ;
es ami hopes ot the People. Men, under the ;
abused mime of Democrats, loudly exulted in >
the failure of a measure demanded by the ur- I
gent wants and voice, and essential to the pro-. I
motion of the interests of the people; exulted in I
the perverse and corrupt will of one man, over- i
ruling the will oi a large majority of the na- I
tion! In the dispensations of an all wise Prov- i
idence, retributive justice is sure lo Come soon- i
er or later. The acting President, so much 1
wooed by political leaders, in the’ beginning of
his administration, now, as its.' n I approaches, i
in his turn, and very much to their annoyance, j
exercises all his blandishments ujtbn their par
ty. Nor is their danger or regrets diminished, i
by the fact that, whilst their instruments ot se- I
duclion were honeyed words, his are the lucra
tive offices of Government.
The great political event of 1840 had an ob- <
ject far more elevated and important than that 1
of a mere change in the high functionaries of
the Nation. Il was to bring about a radical im
provement in public policy. And what, after ,
that event, was the manty, liberal, and pa
triotic course which the defeated patty should
have pursued? It was to have cheerfully ac
quiesced in the will of the People, proclaimed
by an unexampled and overwhelming majority.
They should have said: “The people disap
prove of our system. They require a sound
currency of uniform value. They are opposed
to tire Sub-Treasury. . They demand a distribu
tion of the jiroceeds of the sales of the public
lands, among all the States. They insist upon
an honest and economical administration of
their public affairs. They are opposed to the
encroachments of the Executive department,
and require salutary restraints upon its power.
We shall continue,by free discussion and fail
arguments to recommend our measures, and to
expose those of our political opponents; but
tlu-y are entitled to a fair trial of their system of
policy, and we will make no factiousoppositten,
nor throw any unreasonable obstacles in their
way. Above all, we scorn to employ any arts
to seduce, irom the path of bis duty, the man,
who has reached his elevated station, in spite of
our strenuous exertions ag-inst him, by the
confidence which they generously reposed in
his honor and lid..lily."’ How far the leaders of
the other j-arty have conformed to this upright
and straight forward course, passed and daily
passing events sufficiently testify. They prove
that the acting President, and the party, which
has assumed the name Democratic, without the
least color of title to it, are now completely
identified, closely united, one and indivisible.—
If, in the sequel, they should find him an incon
venient associate, they have no body but them
selves to reproach.
The last warwith Great Britain taught the
patriotic lesson that, during a contest with a fo
reign power, it is the duty of all parties cordial
ly to unite and to give our arms the greatest
possible effect and vigor; and that any party,
which violates that principle, is sure to lose u.e
public confidence. Our experience, in a season
of peace, will, 1 trust, inculcate another impor
tant lesson that treachery and perfidy are alike
detestable, at alE,.times, and will demonstrate,
i still more cleaitv,that invaluable but too often
neglected truth, in public affairs, that honesty is
the best policy.
It is painful even to gaze on the picture of
ihe Administration of the General Government
which 1 have faithfully sketched. It would
have been happy for the people of the United
States, il it were a mere fancy piece to survey.
But their long, general and intense embarrass
ments have unfortunately too severely assured
th mos its actual reality. It would have been
a much more agreeable*task ty ine to portray
the purity, disinterestedness, honor, probity and
fidelitj’ of ail in the charge of our public con
cerns;'the wisdom of their measures, and the
consequent general prosperity of the country.—
But wc now know the nature, extent and causes
if the public disorders, and, what is no less im
portant, theii remedy. That remedy is in the
aands of the People. Under other forms of
Government, where public spirit is not entirely
crushed bv'arbitraiv power, flic People would
i.>ng since have "sought redress by violent
.a..!' convulsive means. It is our peculiar
go-el fortune to have in theballotbuxarem
■ iy, which supercedes a necessity of resorting
to'them. and which is quite as efficacious, and
more certain, as well as more peaceful, than
the use of the bayonet. And it affords me in
expressible : leasure to say to yon that it is my
firm belief, from ail ihe signs of the times, from
ill the causes now in operation, and from all
.11“ i. I'.ir.nation which i derive from every quar-
>r ot the I nion, that a great and glorious cc
liveian-e a;, ails and that the People wiil,
in 1811. nobly vindicate their rights, and mani
est anew thi-ir capacity tor Self-Government,
■i“ a trinm-h more brilliant, more decisive, and,
r"t.-re. nuspitfious than that ot 18-W.
t That accomplished, most of the vie vs of pub
lic policy, which you suggest, will I trust be en
forced, and we shall once more bahold our coun
try honored and respected abroad, beloved anu
prosperous at home, and steadily advancing tn
- the path which leads to greatness and grandeur.
I am, with high respect,
Y our friend and obfi servant,
H. CLAY.
JUessrs. Sam’l. Seibert, 7hos. J. Early, Jas. Cal
houn, and G:o. A. Madeira.
Democracy.—Mr. Brownson, whose writings
in the Democratic Review we have sometimes
referred to, says the Baltimore American, thtows
ortt now and then some right good things in a
forcible manner. In an address recently deliv
ered by him at the Anniversary ot Dartmouth
College the following passage occurs, as report
ed by the New York Tribune:
“ I’he tendency with us and throughout Chris
tendom is to make all responsible to the people
—bjit the people are responsible to whom ? In
evety thing we do we have an eye solely to the
public sanction. Now, so far as this tendency
is realty one of progress, Mr. Brownson said he
did not contend with it. Whatever tends realty
and truly to benefit the mass, he said he was
prepared to defend—both in religion and morals.
But he denied that this was the tendency.—
Democracy, when it means simply lo follow the
will of the many, is worthy of nowise man's
support. It requires us not to sacrifice our
selves to the mass, bul/ar the mass. Theirown
good often requires that we should withstand
them.” *
Our notions of a free government inthiscoun-
? ener;,ll X> xgueand Ifc.-e
.Kw W egptyigjtyc of
people have thegoverningpowerisanßKurance
perfectly satisfactory ot good government.—.
These persons, however, forget that other re
publics have perished when the popular sway
was at its highest.
Liberty with us is for the most part a negative
idea—that is, it implies freedom from the rule
of a monarch—lreedotr. from the rule ofanv here
ditary power—and not much more. Having
gone through a terrific struggle to throw off the
oppression of a king and of an aristocracy, it
was natural that this feeling of deliverance
should enter largely into our notion of Liberty.
Tyranny is associated in our minds with this
despotism of a king—or with tne oppression of
a hereditary government. But in truth sov
ereignty may be abused by the mass—there may
be tyranny ot a majority—there may be despot
ism, with all ils injustice, in a popular govern
ment as well as in an absolute monarchy.
To vest the power of government in the hands
of the people is to guarantee security against
regal tyranny and the oppression of apriv.leged
class. But to secure good government as a
positive thing, something more is wanted. In
order to have good government it is necessary
that there should be intelligence, patriotism, firm
and manty virtue in the governing power where
soever lodged. If the supreme authority rests
with the great body ol the people, then these es
sential qualities must abide in them—otherwise
there will be blindness, inconsistency, violence,
disorder in the administration of the publie af
fairs ; faction will assume to speak in the name
of thejreople; and speedily there will be an
archy.
Il may often happen in a democracy that the
true champions of human freedom may be found
steadfastly resisting the popular numour. Men
who adhere to principles must soffielim s do
this—for it is by no means certain that the ma
jority is always right. There is, in short, a
higher power ,'than that of the people—a sove
reignty above thalofthe crowd; to which the true
man owes allegiance. A happy thing will it be
for this Republic wtyen the number of such men
is great in the public councils. A just and in
trepid statesman, strong in purpose, enlightened
in intellect, honest and pure at heart, is the
choicest treasure which a self-governing people '
can possess; and when such a man fails to be 1
appreciated and sustained the fact is becoming
apparent that self-government with such a peo
ple is pretty well on the decline. For it is ab- 1
surd to talk of .self-government at the hands ot ■
demagogues and time-serving self-seekers with
out capacity to comprehend principles or hon
esty to help even their blind ignorance. :
The genuine man, fit for governing -himself I
and others, in one who puts neither his con- .
science nor his reason in other men's keeping,
but is so endowed as to be able to walk steadily '
by the light within him, vindicating by the wis
dom and goodness of his actions that truth and
honesty are hisinward companions.
yvhigjmd Democratic - v —~
We have seen that the cash on hand in ths
Treasury, when the Vv higs/tame into power on
the 4th ol March, 1841, was only $862,055,
while the liabilities of the Treasury at that time
were no less than $34,665,269. This wassnown
by reference to a well authenticated public doc
ument from the hands of Mr. Van Buren's Re- 1
gister, T. L. Smith. But there were appropri- <
ations mace by the Wings in the extra session
in Order to meet outstanding obligations con
tracted by the Locolocos, which mu-t be added
to the above. For pay of Florida troops, among
them the famoas sedentary militia, for Georgia ,
militia, for arrearages for roads, harbors, &c.,
for Grt enough's statue of Washington, for the
navy pension fund which had been exhausted
t>y them, amounting to more than half a mil
lion. Then comes appropriations in 1842, not
included in the ordinary estimates to carry into
effect Indian treaties, more than $1,006,000, to
pay Maine, Louisiana, Georgia and Florida
militias, for other services than the above, and
expenses of the 6llt census, &c. &c., about
8876,000, making, with the above, the enormous
sum of thirty-eight millions, one hundred and
twenty-three thousand,five hundred and twelve
dollars, thrown upon the Whigs, with the other
burdens of Government, on the 4th of March,
1841.
Now comes the question, who is responsible for
the nationaliteil ?
True, say the Democrats, we left the above
amount to provide tor, but it included ihe ordi
nary ap;>roprialions for 1841, and yon Whigs
had the receipts from customs, (yes, under a 29
percent tariff! I! I) and the proceeds of .he sales
of'the public lands (yes, but they brought al
most nothing) to provide for it. Weil, how'
much was there ! Why, the receipts from cus
toms, public lands, <S:c..'the three first quarters
of 1841 were $12,755,487, of wliieh the Locos
spent $2,428,247, 1 etween the Ist January 1811,
and 4lh March 1811.1 taring the actual receipts
but $10,327,240.
Then the estimate of the Secretary for the re
ceipts of 4th quarter, i.c. from the ist Oct'her
to the end of the year, was $4,390,317, exclusive
of any thing from Treasui y Notes or the loan.
But this estimate was increased $1,717,555, by
the Whig tariff" on such luxuries as winesand
silks, passed at the extra session, so that the to
tal receipts during the four quarters should be
stated at not more than $13,000,000. To which
a id, as we have seen, cash in hand on the 4th of
Match, $862,055, and we have resources am
ounting to $13,862,055, to balance outstanding
liabilities 01"538,123,512, which leaves a public
debt or balance unprovided for by Mr. Van Bu
ren’s administration, of more than twenty-four
millions of dollars.
The Whigs were compelled, in order to pay
the above debts, to do two things—/t'/sZ, lo meet
the most pressing claims, as the Locos did by
issuing a batch of Treasury notes, but this was
not pry ing the debt, but changing the t nrm of it:
and se mi. Zy, to create a loan to extinguish this
debt There never was so broad and sham less
and unjnst an assertion made in this world, as
the one ever repeated in the Democratic papers,
that the Whigs created that national debt. Who
is responsible ? the Democrats who made the
debt, orthe Wings who borrowed mo .ey to pay
for it ?
But this is not all. Wc shall prove that the
Democratic system, far from leaving enough in
the receipts of 1811 to extinguish the debt due
when the Wings came into power, would not
have extinguished this debt in two years. In
other words, we shall show that ail the receipts
for 1842 and 1842, with thcaidofthe Whig ta
riffon luxuries, wines, silks, &c., did not pro
duce enough to extinguish the debt left by Mr. I
Van Bunn on the 4ih of March, 1811, by mere
than six millions of dollars.— Snr. Rtpub.
John Ross not dead.
The St. Louis Republican of the 22d inst.
•says—
The rumor of the death of John Ross, princi
pal chief of the Cherokee nation ot Indians, is
set at rest by later accounts liomthat quarter.
He is not t,illy .mt dead, but lias been re-elected
principal chief by a majutity of Bt>o votes.
Mr. Dt NV.it., Esq Atting U. S. Agent among
the Cherokees, in a letter to the Commissioner
of IndianAfiairs at Washington, dated Fort
Gibson, August 9, says—
It becomes my duty to inform you that on
vesterday—so report says—lsaac Bushyhead
and Elijah H.cks(both “Ross men”) were both
murdered, and David Vann, Tter.surer of ti;e i
Nation, dangerously wounded. The ditl.culty
occurred at the Court House in Saline di triet
the place designated for the judges of election
of the different pi eci nets ol said Dist, ict lo meet
;he d. v after the election to make out “returns."
1 have nut I ■ it able to learn to whet exten it
> likely to go, b;itsh::l! start in ::n hour to Mr.
Hoss's,' where I witl be able to learn more ac
“■itau iv the.-t..: i f affaits, and report to the
Department tree ecingly.
Tire common, ing officer of this post h's b-cn
. opnaeu by me o. ~ -trouble. :uaihemty te
a :.i. incss ■ ~
MONDAY MCf? ING, SEPTEMBER 4.
“I am, and always have been, of the opinion, tha
the duties on imports, and the -procxedi of, the sal.
of the public lands, are the tegitimate sources oj
revenue. I have steadily opposed all schemes oj
alienating the revenues from the land, dj-c.—Cal
houn’s Letter to Delony, July 6, 1843.
The above are Mr: Calhoun's latest declared
opinions relative to the public lands. The pub
lication is perhaps, intended as a supplement
to the volume of speeches which lately appeared
under his own auspices, and which he declared
w r as compiled to give the people a correct know
ledge of his present, his ■nuiture opinions on the
exciting topics of the day.
Unfortunately for the distinguished Caroli
nian, his mania to be regarded as consistent, and
his burning, blazing ambition, to attain the first
office in the giftot the people, are driving him to
the use of means and declarations which will
tarnish his good name, anil destroy the confi
dence of the country in both his private and po
litical character. •
Our impression is, that Mr. Calhoun declar
ed, on the floor of the Senate, had never
changed his opinions on the leading questionsof
the day—and the first distinct confession ot his
tergiversations is contained in his recent letter
to 'he National Intelligencer, in which he excu
’ ses his defence of the Bank, the Tariff , and In
ternal Improvements, on the grounrLthat if he
.i'-’ni'l-i'v-rr.:.’, it -
atism mA the country. What a comment upon
his present position.
But Mr. Calhoun says, “he has alwaj-s oppo
sed the alienation ot the revenues from the land;”
n other words, he has always opposed distribu
tion ! Let us see how tar he is sustained by
facts.
“I have heard Mr. Tazewell, who teems to
know your history well, declare that you were
the very author of the distribution principle—
that it was not original with Mr. Clay—that
you were the father, Mr. Clay, the foster parent
of the scheme!”— See Eoibnde’s Letters to Mr.
Calhoun, No. 9.
At a public dinner in Charleston, as late as
1837, Mr. Calhoun shewed the necessity- of the
Compromise Act
“The completeness of its final < peration, to re
duce the revenue, to the wants of'the govern
ment, and in the meantime the necessity of dis
tributing the surplus among the States, to whom
it belonged. He pointed out the motives of'the
dominant party in opposing the distribution,
and shewed that in spite of their momentary and.
miserable triumph, the measure w-ould yet pre
vail—interest, patriotism and every good princi
ple would unite to carry it into effect.
He i.lluded to Mr. Walker’s Land Bill, by
which was attempted to be introduced and legal
ized, more than the present mischiefs, of W estern
speculation and, Executive patronage.
After having given a true and unvarnished
picture of'the present disorders, he proceeded lo
express strong confidence in the ultimate tri
umph of the good Itvef the evil—the reform ol
the Government and the restoration, of the Con- 1
slit.ulion. He saw his wav through his present
confusion—the distribution measure would pre
vail—he believed that the PUBLIC LANDS
WOULD BEGI VEN UP TO THE STATES
—the Administration must yield to these meas
ures, or fall.before them.”— See Cii-arteslon Mer
cury, March 20, 1837.
Mr. Calhoun was chairman of a select com
mittee in Congress, raised on his own motion,,
and reported in favor of an amendment of the
Constitution, so as to c.lable Congress to make
a temporary distribution of the proceeds of the
sales ot the public lands.— See Calhoun’s Speech
es, p. 427.
The measure recommended was not adopted,
and a year afterwards, Mr. Calhoun, willing
to dodge his constitutional scruples, moted the j
amendment to Mr. Wright’s Bill, on which the |
surplus was deposited with the States—the 1
Senator himself declaring that “it never would )
be withdrawn unless in case of war.” Thus, ;
on Mr. Calhoun’s own motion, was the distri- j
Congress, and Calhoun's Speeches, p. 429.
Let the reader compare the reasons given bj- i
Mr. Calhoun above, in his Charleston speech,
with his subsequent declarations in ’4l, that his
policy was prompted by the plethoric condition
of the Treasury alone, and he will find it diffi
cult to reconcile the Senator’s position with old
fashioned notions of plain, straight-forward po
litical honesty.
But Mr. Calhoun is not only the father of the
distribution scheme, and the advocate of the
deposits or virtual distribution act of 1836, but he
is more recently the originator anil advocate of
“a cession of the lands to the new States, with
in which they are located.”
He says, in his speech of Jan. 12, 1841 •
“I have given to this question the most delib
erate and careful examination, and have come
to the conclusion that there is, and can lie, no
remedy short of cession —cession to the States re
spectively in which the lands are situated ! Th#
disease lies in ownership and administration, and
nothing short of parting with I oth can reach it!
Part with them, and you will at once take away
one third ol" the business of Congress—shorten
its sessions in the same proportion with a cor
responding saving of expense; fop off" a large
and most dangerous portion ot the patron; tge of
the government; arrest these angry discussions,
&c. &c.”
Again, page 405 of the same speech,he says:
“The Constitution gives to Congress the un
limited right of disposing of the public domain,
and of course without any other restrictions than
what the nature of that trust and terms of ces
sion may impose.”
It is not necessary here, to allude to the “na
ture of th j trust and the terms of cession,” fur
ther than to say, that the lands were granted for
certain specific purposes, after the accomplish
ment of witich, they were to “constitute a aim
mon fundfor the benefit of the States.” The rela
tions of trustee and cestuy quf trust were estab
lished, and the lands belong, in fact, to the seve
ral States, and can be disposed of only for their
several and equal benefit.
Now what were the conditions of Mr. Cal
houn’s proposed cession ? The new States were
to take the lands, survey and dispose of them,
and pay into the Treasury annually only 65 per
cent, ot the gross proceeds of the sales—at the
fixed government price of $1 25 per acre!
Thus it seems, Mr. Calhoun, who declares
that he “has steadily opposed alienating the re
venue from the lands,” is willing, at one dash,
to give away 35 per cent of their prime value to
the States, in which they are located! And, tn
answer to the objection that the States, once get- |
ting the lands under their control, would pcssi- '
bly act in bad faith, and retuse to pay the gent r- j
al government anything,—he says, page 413 of [
his published speeches:
“In the one case, wc would loot' r'll'ing but
shew is far less than usually estima’cd, &c!”
Now, it mutters not what is the value of these
I lands. 'I h v were given to the U iite.i States
in trust for the several States, to w i tch ih y l.c
long. "VVhat tight, then, has Con; t Tess to give
away one third of their estimated value to the
new States, and risk the safety of t the re naming
two thirds, which, if it should ever-be recovered,
would then be used for the benefit of all the
Stales, new as well as old? What will the
people of Georg ia, and the cedjng States, say to
this false and faithless cond'act on the part of
the trustee?
The Jews of Berlin.—At alate session ol
the municipal council o', the Russian Capital,
the Pre-ident of the body proposed a resolution
conceived in these teems :
Consi feting the liberal a.id which the Jews
■if Beil n have contributed, during the last foul
yvais, t;> the different charities cf tire city undei
the government of Cltristiati-s, arid considering
ihalibey have amply 'tipplie : :he wants of'iheu
own poor, whereby a great saving ofi-xpensc
has. resultedto the people oi'L. iiiu, the- triuiiici
pal council orders that the wain i.f; v.• ■.t’:-
dollars l.e appropriated, on*, ot'tlie city - :< v.:.
[ ties for the current year, irovt.tth - < nrtrttc
lion ol ore ho-spital which Jews'. ■ "B- rim ate
now* erecting for tie’o. t'Oieirown laith.
~i.- v.. ■■: ■ ■ "thunt discus
! »n. I, '....1 u. ■ v "■ e vciee,-tha
I t .a- iu j -i ■; eco ut.cil. an.
ibgt..’.ucd It.-.a vot ng.
Whig Nominal folia-
The Whig County Conventiun met on Satur
'ay, and nominated the following named gen
ilaman candidates for the Legislature:
For Senate.
A. J. Mita be.
For II presentation.
. C. J. Jeniins,
Robt, A. Allen,
Jonathan Palmer.
The announcement ol their names was recei
ved with a burst ot enthusiasm, which fully at
tested the estimation in which they are held by
the Whigs of Richmond.
There were present a large nu mber of citi
zens ; and, as we anticipated in our notice on
the morning, we had “some sport”— sport it was,
most truly, tor the Whigs, but death to the self
styled Democracy.
The speakers on the occasion, were Messrs.
Miller, Jenkins and Toombs, on the part of the
Whigs—and Messrs. Gardner, and Lawson of
Burke, in opposition. We cannot notice, in de
tail, the speeches of the several gentlemen, but
to those who were present, the countenances of 1
the tew Democrats who attended, were a correct (
index to their feelings.—Daring the speech of (
Mr. Toombs, they Ipoked for all the world as t
though they felt as a Democrat did, who, when t
1 describing the late discussions between Messrs, j
anff Lfimjikin ■ at Rome, remarked, with great
earnestness—“ I think our cause is good, but it’sin (
d—d bad hands.”
Death by Lightning.—Robt. McDonald, 1
Henry Bugg, and two negro men were sudden
ly killed on Saturday afternoon, the 2d instant, ,
while taking shelter from the rain under the cot- j
ton packing screw of Mr. George Magruder, t
in Columbia county ; one other was seriously
injured, and four others who were under the
shelter escaped unhurt.
Campeachy.—By the schooner Washington, '
arrived yesterday, we learn that the Mexican <
steamer Guadeloupe touched here on the 15th 1
instant, having instructions to demand certain '
men from the Vucatan Government, which de- 1
mand was, however, refused. The general tin- 5
pression is that hostilities will be recommenced 1
on the part of Mexico, early in the fall.— N. s
O. Bee oj 21)1/1. •
From the Savunnah Republican. '
v
Democratic Promises--Whig Promises— t
The National Debt. |
We have seen from the most incontestable '
evidence, that the wtiole amount of obligations
left by Van Buren’s administration ip 1841, for
the W trigs to settie, was more than thirty-eight t
millions of dollars, and that the actual poetic- |.
debt left by it, alter all tne receipts into the Trea
sury from customs, lands, and every other
source, (excepting of course tne Whig foan !
and issue ot Treasury notes,) amounted to less t
titan lout teen millions ol dotlarq, leaving a pos- (
Hive public debt unprovided tor ol neatly twen- r
ty-Jour ana a half million of aolla,s. The proof
ot this all came Irom T. L. SSmith, Mr. Van ,
Buren’s Regi>terer of the Treasury. But we t
asserted more than this. We said that the «
whole revenue of 1841 and 1842, not only the
revenue as the Democrats left it, but with the a
addition of that furnished by the Whig tariff" on .
wines and silks,was nut enough by six millions L
to pay off this debt, and now to ttie proof.
The amount ot liabilities on the 4<h March, ®
1841, when tire Whigs came into power, has
been shown to be $38,123,512. "
The whole reuenue in 1841, including the
cash on hand, has been seen to be $| 3,262,055. j.
The revenue tn the two first, quarters oi 1842 0
from customs, lands, and other sources, (Senate s
Doc. 371,) was $8 733,834. That of the two s
tost quarters of 1842, was (Sen. Doc. 98,) Irom j,
customs, $6,421,877; from lands, &c., $759,145, 0
making the total revenue for the year 1842, s
$15,914,856, which, together with the revenue a
tor 1841, makes $29,176,911. This sum deduct- s
ed from the liabilities, leaves a balance of lia- j
bililies alter paying out all the revenue for 1841 j
tne Democratic liabilities not included in Doc.
281, tiiere will still remain a deficiency of more ,
titan six millions. So much for the shameless ,
assertion thatthe Whigs created the public debt ,
It iniay well be asked alter this, if the Bourbons, J
witit their wasteful extravagance shall again be ,
restored. t
The Locos, naj’, those who plume themselves c
on fairness in estimating ftetr expenditures, s
■zit/Zinclude (insultto common intelligence)their
issues of Treasury notes, but in estimating the j,
expenditures of the Whigs, they do snclude c
Treasury notes; of this we cannot complain t
however, as it is of a piece with all the rest ol
their financial!! policy. j
Now, let us present another point— bearing in ,
tnitMtl hat notwithstanding the receipts ol two j
years were not sufficient to pay the debt left by .
the Democrats, by six millions, they always as
serted that there lias revenue enaugA for all lia- ,
bilities, which was utterly false, and bearing in s
mind too, that departi tg from the 20 per cent la- ■
rill left to the Whigs, and going back lo the s
Jackson democratic high tariff of 1832, the du- ,
ties, and therefore the revenue was always in- t
creasing. Let us now, we say, pres nt another ;
point, and in doing so, let us furnish the state- j
ment of the Secretary o f the Treasury. It is t
Doc. No. 2 ot the Extra Session: r
Doc. N o. 2. t
From the year 1816 lo 1807, ape- r
riod ol twenty-one years the re- ,
venues constantly exceeded the t
expenditures. The average an- 1
nual surplus during that time
was $11,464,226 87, (see tabl -s (
1 and 2)* making an aggregate
excess of $2 4 0,7 4 8,7 6 1 27.
W ithin that time there was ap
plied to theextinction of the na
tional debt $208,792,127 44, and
there was, under the provisions
of the act of the 23d ol June,
1836, deposited wifi the States, • 1
$28,101,644 91, and there re- ,
mained on the Ist of January,
1839, in the Treasury of the U.
States, including tie fourth in
stalment due to the States a sur
plusof $17,109,473 26
There were also, outstandingdebts
due and fallingdue to the Trea
sury, arising from other sources
than those of the ordinary reve
nue, and which were paid be
tween the Ist Jan. 1837, and 4th
March, 1841, the amount of (see
.statement D.) 9,121,747 00
Th ere were also, issued within
that period, and outstandingon
the 4th March, 1841, T.casurj’
Hotesfo the amount of 5,648,512 40
Making the aggregate available
means which were in the Trea
sury on the Ist of January,
1837, and which came into it
prior to the 4th of March, 18-11,
I over and above the current reve
nues 31,862,732 66
! From which deduct the amount
i (less the trust funds) remaining
tn the Treasury on the 4th of
March, 1841. 572,718 46
And there app ars an excess of ex
penditure over the current reve
nue ol $31310,014 20
Thus and to this extent, within the la st lour
. y. -its, were the expenditures pushed beyond the
amount ot the revenue. They were m ade to
absorb the surplus in the Treasury, at'd the
ouiMta nd hi? debts due to. the United so
that the Treasury was, on the 4th ol M arch,
1841, exhausted of its means and subject to
hci.’.’f and immediate liabilities, it was alrea
dy burdened with a debt incurred in ;ime ol
j/eace, an 1 without «nny adequate resources ex "
ccpt Uve autiiuiity gianted by law to ailment
that debt. ,
Now, the above statements were made a
sand times during the Harrison campr
They are facts which no one can contra
ft apneats from them that Mr. Van Buren
made wav, in tour years, of all those av Silable
mean’, and of ail lire revenue he could 1 ay his
hands on. It a Pi ears that not only did he
lente for the Whigs a debt of twe,tyfonx mtl-
U.S of b'i< besides spending all U te ret -
nue accruing, he spent miLlioM if dollars
\ v-ar* or in other words, all the surplus in the
r’u*asnrv, amounting to more than liiiTly-one
.t:: rms't'l no'lms Now, suppose Van Buren
■ : ; <j tbiind an empty Treasury, as the Whigs
id—notwithstanding his large revenue, his
■ uManding obligations on the 4th ot ? darch,
‘/I, were as we have seen, more than thirty
iiiittionir. To this add the surplus ex pend-
.* ias above; (rUf/rRf/zijg /Ac l ’.s) or
,502, and we shall have ibe sum ot ar
■j-'y-four inillions of dollars, as ihe actual «i cbt
vhich would have been saddled upon the xco
de by those rigid economists of Mr. Van Bu
t n's Dcmocra ic term.
’There wan.also; a balance in "the Treasury ori ihe
»t ot January, not tak«n ij .w view iu lues* la*
VOL. VII-NO 36.
Cotton Kxports.
The exports of Upland Cotton from Charles
ton and Savannah, tor the two last years, ending
Ist instant, are as follows:
1843. 1842.
F*m Charleston to foreign p'ts. .257,u35.184,706
“ “ Coastwise... 78,532. 70,44«
T0ta1335,558.255,147
F’m .Savannah to foreign p'ts. .186,655.135,410
“ “ Coastwise 86,681. 79,191
T0ta1273,336.214,604
Total exports from both p1ace5.608,894.469,751
Nf.w Orleans.—The report ol the Charity
Hospital shows the following statistics of yel
low fever fbr the 26th and 27th of August:—
Admitted 10—discharged 14—died 3—remain
ing 43.
On the 28th ult. there were five deaths from
yellow fever in the Charity Hospital.
A Tyler Victory.
Robert Rantoll, Jr., of Gloucester, Mass.i
has at last obtained the office of Collector of
Customs at Boston, vice Hon. Levi Lincoln,
(ex-Governor,) removed. Mr. Lincoln was a
fellow delegate with John Tyler, acted with him
throughout, and aided to make him Vice Pres
ident. He has got his pay.
A most disgraceful riot and drunken row w
centty occurred in Boston, between some ne
groes and sailors. Unfortunately, none of the
rioters were shot by the police.
The New York Courier and Enquirer says:—
The advanced rates on France has caused an
increased demand for silver for shipment—the
last Havre packet took out $130,000 in specie,
and a number of ordets ate yet unexecuted.
From the Macon Messenger.
The District System.
The most democratic Slates tn the Union
have recognized the right of Congress topass a
law providing for the division ol each State into
Congressional districts: and in coufotmity with
the provisions of this law, their Legislatures
have proceeded to lay off their Stales into dis
tricts, and ihe people have elected their repre
sentatives from those districts. On one side ot
us, Alabama, with a democratic majority of
seven thousand, ha elected their members under
the district system; on the other side of us,
South Carolina, entirety democratic, and al
ways ready to nullity any law of Congress,
wnich she even apprehends encroaches ujion
her rights, passed a law in accordance with the
provisions of the law passed by the last Con
gress, without the least hesitation, and in accor
dance therewith, elected her representatives.—
Georgia, under the administration of a Union
Governor, nullifies this law, and uisregatding
the voice of the Constitution, elects her mem
bers under the general ticket system.
Major Cooper is one of the most violent op
ponentsoflhe District System. Gov. McDon
a'd vetoed the bill passed f y the last Legisla
ture, trout apprehension that it would seem to
the world that Georgia had been driven into the
measure. Major Looper is a man ol ditierent
metal; he would boldly veto the bill, and will
veto it, should he ever have an opportunity, tor
the very same reasons that he would have nulli
fied the Tariff 0f1832.
The District Sy-tern is a democratic measure,
and is so regarded in every part of the Union.—
Every where else, it is considered an important
measure—why is it that the Democracy inGeor
gia are so indifferent upon the subject I
The following articles are from Democratic
papers in Missouri.
The District System.
We feel confident that no measure has ever
been brought before the people more popular,
or more universally supported, than the district
system, and we hardly believe it will meet with
serious opposition Irom any quarter, unless per
haps from a few who wish to have things their
own way, nhetherright or wrong. Ifsuch men
should persist in assailing honest democrats,
and in attempting to excommunicate them, lor
supporting the district system, they will soon
find themselves in a Very lean minority. These
high priests will be left alone, entirety alone in
tin in y 1 ■wwogu'iO'ik.s.Kdv laj !>»»)«»"■>»»■»» dsm ■
No enemy to the district system can show
wherein it is anti-democratic in a single particu
lar; and every one is obliged to admit that it is
perfectly democratic—allowing the people to
choose, in their own district of country, a rep
resentative whose talents andvirtuesare known
to them, and in whom they ran place implicit
confidence. Not so under the general ticket 4
system —the representative being selected from
a distant portion ot the State, and utterly un
known to the great body of the people he is call
ed to represent; and who, in the true sense of
the term, is no representative at all.
We say that the district system is, and must
be popular; and we do not say so upon our
mere belief that it is right and just, but from'the
indications in its favor, manifested in every
portion of the State.—PiZoZ.
Our cotemporary is right, not only in his
viewsol the justice and propriety of the district
system, but in his opinion about its popularity.
The people of Missouri will hereafter be repre
sented by men of their own selection—those tn
whom they haveconfidenee and who understand
their wishes and sentiments. The voice of the
Democrats in each section ol the State will be
heard, anil the man of their choice elected as #
their representative in Congress. No opportu- ’
nity for intrigue and management will be left
to the wire pullers; and our elections will be
rescued from the control of “an unseen and ir
responsible power.” The proofs that the dis
trict system will command an overwhelming
majority al the next election, are too strong to
be doubter!; and those who now denounce its
friends as federalists, made to hide their dimin
ished heads for very shame at their ignorance,
proscription and stupidity.— Reporter.
Domestic.
Old Father Guieu, says the Columbus En
quirer, lays down the following “cardinal prin
ciple” of the democratic party in relation to the
domestic economy of the State Government:
fj»A wise and efficient system in the man
agement of her financ s, by v. hich the public
credit may be entirety restored, a sound cur
rency established and maintained, the public
engagements punctually (aid, the good name
and credit of Georgia triumphantly
We are altogether disposed to treat with seri
ousness, any tiling coming from so respectable a
source; but this “carcinal pr nci| le,”as appli
cable to the conutltt ol our opponents, is rather
more than a good natured man can well bear.
“Wise and efficient system in the man: genient
of her finances!” Our old shoes! When did
this happen ? In what page of our legislative
history will this strange affair be found record
ed? You told us Mr. Guieu, just after the ad
journment of the last legislature, that the demo
cracy had in that body “trifled with the best in
terest of the State.” That they might have
placed the finances of Georgia in a good condi
tion, and did nut do it; and many other truths,
un, alatahle and Lard to sw. flow, you rhe n and
there told, uttered and published. Now ve
should like to know how you have the hardi
hood to brace upyoiu trembling nerves, and dis
course in this vise about “cardinal’| tineij.les ’
and last of all, just such a “cardinal” as stands
above quoted. We know that you were a hard
ened old sinner, rtat although you would some
times screw yourself up to the point,: nd tell the
truth on your party ; yet that you still loved the
prosperitv of your State; still we had no right
lo think that you would, with all the past finan
cial history ol Georgia before your eyes, ven
ture to lay down such a “principle” as attach
ing in anv sense to the conduct of your friends.
Be good enough (and if you will not we know
the people will) to look back at the efficiency of
your financial system. Look, if you please,
"with what a vengeance the public, credit has been
restored; with what an awlul punctuality the
p rblic engagements have been paid; with whai
triumphant glory, the good name of Georgia has
been retrieved. We have seen some hard blows
dealt ujon the temple.of democracy, hut this
“cardinal principle” is beyond any thing extant,
the unkindest cut we have ever read. Spare
your friends, we beteech you, hereafter. Such
remenescences as this “principle” is calculated
to awken, should be left, at least by you, to sleep
if possible the sleep of death.
We know that the policy indicated in the a-
■ hove “cardinal” is set forth as what the demo
t cracy shall in future preach. Well suppose
■ thevdo; who dothet reckon will believe them?
■ The people have hail promises enough, they be
i gin now to want a little performance. T hey
< know, at arty rate, that the democratic party
s have been in power a dozen years or more, and
still no efficient system of finance, no restoration
-of credit, no sound currency, no punctuality in
- the pavment of public dues, no retrieving of
r Georgia’s good name, has been the result ot
r their labo s. Do they expect the people to take
t another “cardinal” promise, and trust them a-
- gain? They have complimented the good sense
-of the peopilc, repeatedly, by asserting that they
were carried awav in 1840, by ret! peppet and
green gourds, lut'if they expect to swallow this
” last dose they surety look upon them as totally
‘ demented.