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expense. 1 refer to the oil used on the machi
nery, to the quality of which it frequently hap
pens too little regard is paid. So very indiffer
ent are some in relation to this matter that they
have used common hog’s lard; many others use
the commonest whale oil because it costs a lew
cents less per gallon; while a few, better under
standing their true interest, purchase the best
sperm. This short-sighted, mistaken economy
entirely defeats its object, as will be apparent to
all upon the least reflection. Inferior oil leaves
a kind of glue which increases the friction
when the object is directly opposite; it creates
a heat in the bearings, and retards the speed of
the machine, thus diminishing the work; or
else a great addition of water must be applied
to the wheel, thus diminishing the head. An
effort to save only one hundred dollars in this
expenditure, would be a loss to the company of
perhaps thousands of dollars. “ P.”
Letter from Mr. Clay.
We give below a very interesting letter
from Mr. Clay in reply to a committee by
whom he was invited to be present at the agri
cultural fair held recently at the Stone Moun
tain.
It is, like every thing from the pen of this
great man, admirable in composition and senti
ment. It breathes a love of country, of every
section and interest, and will be read with live
ly gratification.
There is an eagerness to read anything from
Mr. Clay, which shows that neither time, nor
age, nor defeat, detract aught from his strong
hold upon the affections of the people. No liv
ing man possesses more devoted friends, or
kindles an enthusiasm so universal.
Ashland, July 31, 1846.
Gentlemen: —1 received.only a day or two
ago, your vefy kind and friendly communica
tion, inviting my attendance at a general meet
ing of our fellow-citizens from Georgia and
other adjacent States, at the base of Stone
Mountain in DeKalb County, (Georgia,) for
the purpose of promoting the important interests
of scientific Agriculture and Internal Improve
ments generally; and I request your acceptance
of my thanks, tor the invitation, and tor the
feelings and sentiments toward me, which have
prompted its transmission.
Recognizing among those who have advised
and will probably attend this meeting, many of
the most distinguished sons of Georgia, and
some whom I have the honor to number among
my personal friends, it would afford me inex
pressible pleasure to meet, and to confer and
consult with them on the highly interesting sub
jects which bring them together. From what I
saw and heard, when 1 was in Georgia, two
years ago, 1 was satisfied that that Stale, in a
quiet and unostentatious but effective way, had
accomplished more, in the great improvement
by Rail Roads, which distinguishes the present
age, than any state in the Union. And 1 should
be greatly delighted to inspect and witness some
of those improvements, in the very part of the
State, where the meeting is to assemble, which
1 had it not in my power then to visit.
But, gentlemen, if other circumstances had
favored the gratification of this desire, I did not
receive your obliging invitation in time to make
the necessary arrangements for so long a jour
ney. I regret, therefore, extremely, that 1 can
not be present at the contemplated meeting; and
must content myself with the expression of the
fervent hope, that its deliberations may con
tribute to the promotion of the laudable objects
in view, and to the further advancement of the
prosperity of Georgia and the neighboring
States.
Accept, gentlemen, an expression of my
gratitude tor the flattering sentiments, which
you have done me the honor to convey with
your invitation, and assurances of the feelings
of respect and esteem with which, I am
Your friend and obedient servant,
H. CLAY.
Messrs. George Robertson, John W. Graves,
L. Dean, W. Bolton, James Richardson,
Committee.
Later from Monrovia.—By the arrival of
the barque Chatham, from Monrovia, at New-
York, the Tribune has files of the African Lu
minary for April, May and June.
Gov. Russwurm, in company with an inter
preter and assistants, left Cape Palmas on or
about the 15lh February for the leeward, and
returned on the 26th. The object of the expe
dition was to purchase a tract of country from
the natives and form treaties ot alliance.—
Satisfactory arrangements were made with all
the towns on the coast between the country
heretofore purchased below Cape Palmas by
the Maryland Colonization Society and Tahhoo
which is distant about sixty miles. They met
with kind treatment everywhere and returned
highly gratified with the success of their enter
prise.
The Catholic Missionary establishment al
Africa, -n. French warlrigate had arrived with
a priest.
James Brown, Commissioner of Monrovia,
has succeeded well in purchasing a new terri
tory. He has purchased upwards of 35 or 40
miles of the coast, commencing from Little
Cess, Kroo Country. This, says the Lumina
ry, has long been a desideratum with every
Liberian. Mr. Brown’s purchase will include
different points of the coast. A number ot these
places have been and are yet invaluable Palm
Oil marts.
Another accession was made to the colony
by the arrival of 63 emigrants in the bark Roths
child. They sailed from New-Orleans January
25th, and arrived there on Sunday, March 15th,
all well.
On the 20th, the first cutter of the U. S. ship
Marion, with 17 men on board, on attempting
to cross the Mesurado bar upset. Midshipman
J. P. Bartlett, and seaman Johnson w’ere
drowned. The rest were saved from a watery
grave by the quick movement of the boat from
the ship. Someot the men have been quite ill
since their salt water bathing. Capt. Cooper,
pilot to the squadron on the coast, barely es
caped being drowned. The season had been
exceedingly dry, and the heat almost insuffera
ble.
The Luminary, June 10th, says: “Never
have we known supplies to have been so oppor
tunely received by any community than were
those brought by the barque Chatham, which
arrived at this port after a passage of 35 days
from New-York on the Bth inst. The ‘hungry
time’ had set in, and many of the people were
anticipating actual want and suffering.
“It is supposed that about 300 of the Congoes,
from the Pons, have taken to the ‘ bush,’ unwil
ling to submit to the restraints ot civilization.
These have committed sad devastations and
have thus increased the distress.”
The Missionaries give in the Luminary very
favorable accounts of their labors.
The U. S. brig Boxer would sail for Port
Praya, June 25th.
From South America.
By the arrival of the barque Pioneer, Capt.
Lambert, we have the following letter from our
correspondent at Rio de Janeiro:
Rio de Janeiro, June 30, 1846.
“We are pleased to report an improvement
in the financial affairs ot this Government. Its
revenues have greatly increased, and the Min
ister represented a few days since to the Legis
lative chambers that the Government receipts
were now fully equal to its expenditures; hence
it is reasonable to expect a gradual improvement
in our circulating medium, in its relation to
foreign exchange.
“From Montevideo accounts to the 10th inst.
are that the expedition up the Parana had re
turned to the River La Plata; some of the ves
sels had reached Montevideo and sailed fortheir
repective countries: and all were expected to
arrive within two or three days, consisting of
110 vessels, with 200,000 hides, wool, hair, &c.
Three grounded in descending the Parana and
were burnt.
“There is a diversity of opinion as to the
probable course of the war in the river. We
have a well authenticated report that Lord Aber
deen had informed the Buenos Ayrean Minis
ter in London, that the English and French Min
isters had gone beyond their instructions and
that a steamer would be immediately despatch
ed with orders to withdraw the English and
French troops, and to cease all interference. At
the same time we have before us acommuniea
tion from those Ministers to the Buenos Ayrean
Government, under date ot 14th May, in which
they declaie that they will enter upon no nego
tiation until the Buenos Ayrean troops are
withdrawn from the Banda Oriental; and under
these contradictions we remain as much in the
dark as ever as to the future course of affairs in
that quarter.”
We have already mentioned that a Mr. Hood
was on his way from England to Buenos Ayres,
with instructions to bring the intervention to a
close. It is possible that he had arrived, though
no mention is made of the fact. At any rate
his prtsence eannot long be delayed, and we
may expect soon to hear that an arrangement
has been effected.
There was a report at Rio that Gen. Rivera
had encountered and defeated a detachment ot
Oribe’sarmy, 1100 strong, compelling them to
abandon their horses, baggage and munitions.
The brig Abrasia. Capt. Porterfield, also
from Rio Janeiro, whence she sailed on the 7th
ot July,brings a report that the blockade of
Buenos Ayres had actually been raised; which
is by no means improbable.—A’. Y. Com. Adv.
EET !»o.—The descendants of the
•n J ,? n ' nss ’ haff a family
'" EEt n ?> 1“ this town during the last week,
which is the first, we understand, enjoyed by
them m thirty years. The whole number pre
“nt was 55 souls, as follows; Children and
rhi dren-in-law !9; grandchildren 36. Os the
children there are 11, (no deaths having occur
red among them,) ranging from 31 to 51- o f
the grandchildren 11 are dead, the whole num
berhaving been 69; and ot the great grand
children there are 7. A supper and religious
services were had on the occasion, and the
scene was one of deep and affecting interest.—
Normal* Gazette.
Correspondence of the Baltimore American.
TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS
Second Session.
IN SENATE August 10.
On motion of Mr. Evans, the Senate took up
the bill from the House lor the establishment of
the Smithsonian Institution, which had been re
ported from the Committee to which it was re
ferred, with sundry amendments.
Mr. Evans moved that the amendments be
disagreed to, which motion prevailed, and the
bill was passed precisely as it came from the
House. Yeas 26, nays 13.
Mr. Evans offered a joint resolution which
was adopted, appointing the following gentle
men regents ol the Institution : Rufus Choate,
of Mass.; Gideon Hawley, of N. Y.; Richard
Rush, ol Pa.; Wm. C. Preston, of 8. C.; and
A. Dallas Bache, and Col. J. G. Totten, ol
Washington.
Mr. Lewis, from the Committee of Confer
ence on the Civil and Diplomatic Appropria
tion Bill, made a report similar to that made in
the House, which was adopted.
The message from the President returning
the French Spoliation bill with his objections,
was read.
Mr. J. M. Clayton said that this was the first
time in the history of the U. Slates that the veto
had been applied to a private bill. The Presi
dent had undertaken to veto this bill, and to pro
nounce the claim a doubtful one, without hav
ing, as he confessed, examined it thoroughly.
Mr. C. did not intend to make a speech a
gainst the veto power, or toexpress a desire to
have it expunged from the constitution, but he
wished to say that this was one of the cases in
which it was never designed by the framers of
the constitution that the power should be exer
cised. Such an exercise ol it placed the claims
of individuals in the hands ot one man without
the power to appeal from his decision, except a
mere nominal appeal. Ancient democracy
sought to restrict the Executive power—modern
democracy, on the contrary, seeks to enlarge it.
Mr. C. then entered into a briet review ot the
reasons given by the President for his veto, and
exposed their fallacy.
Mr. Allen said he should not enter into this
discussion, further than to read a small para
graph from Jefferson's Manual. He then read
that section which prohibits any member hav
ing a pecuniary interest in any bill from voting
upon it.
Mr. Clayton. What does the Senator mean 1
Mr. Allen. I mean to read the law.
Mr. Claytoa. Does the Senator mean to in
sinuate that any one upon this floor is interest
ed to the amountot a sixpence in those claims?
Mr. Allen. I mean to read the law in the
case, which I have a right to do upon any ques
tion.
Mr. Clayton. No one denies the right, but it
the Senator means to insinuate that any one
here has an interest in these claims, we ought
to know who it is.
Mr. Allen. I have read the law that any one
interested may know' what it is. It no one is
interested, it applies to no one.
Mr. Webster said he must forego what he in
tended to say upon this and upon the first veto
of this administration—but if an opportunity
should offer, not here, but in mingling with his
fellow-citizens, he intended to discuss them both
at length.
Mr. W. said he would now content himself
with protesting against this veto—protesting
against its principle—a principle new and a
larming in the history of Executive power. He
protested against the veto as inconclusive,
weak, even in its reasons, and as an act of great
and crying injustice to hundreds and thousands
of persons who have been applying to their
country for upwards of 40 years and are now
reprehended for having applied so long.
Mr. W. said the principle of the veto was
dangerous. No question ot Constitutional law
had arisen. It was a private claim, and had
been investigated by Congress through Com
mittees ol both Houses, and passed, and the
President who could not and had not investiga
ted it, had undertook to veto it.
Mr. Benton detended the veto, and said it in
volved a principle older than any constitution
al question, and that was whether a government
was bound to go to war to recover a debt due to
its citizens, or to pay it.
Mr. Morehead briefly replied, and contended
that the question presented by the Senator from
Mo. was not the question at issue—but that the
real question was whether the United States
was not bound to indemnify these claimants for
their claims which it had undertaken to relin
quish to France for valuable considerations.
He concluded by protesting against the veto as
a new and dangerous exercise of Executive
power.
Mr. Webster briefly stated the question in
volved in the bill. It was not whether this go
vernment had prosecuted these claims with
proper vigor or not—it was not whether it was
bound to go to war for them, whether quasi or
actual—but it was simply whether, having
made use ol them to procure the relinquish
ment ot large claims which France held against
it, and thus precluding their prosecution by our
citizens against the French government, our
government was or was not bound to pay them.
Mr. Dix briefly defended the veto, and alluded
to the small majorities by which the bill had
passed in both Houses.
Mr. Huntington protested against the veto
would pass m spite oi it.
Mr. J. M. Clayion again saici a few words as
to the nature of the claim, and took the occa
sion to state tnat neither he, nor any relative,
nor any one in any way connected with him’
had any interest, director indirect, to the amount
of a single cent in them.
The question was then put, “ Shall this bill
pass, the objections of the President to the con
trary notwithstanding?” and, the yeas and nays
being ordered, resulted yeas 27, nays 15.
So two-thirds not voting in the affirmative,
the bill was lost.
The report of the Committee of Conference
on the Navy Appropriation bill, was agreed to.
A number of private bills, as well as sundry
appropriation bills, were agreed to.
On motion ot Mr. Lewis the bill from the
House placing ®2,000,000 al the disposal of the
Executive for the purpose of negotiating a trea
ty of peace with Mexico was taken up.
The bill having been read, Mr. Lewis moved
to strike out the proviso to the first section re
specting slavery.’
The second reading of the bill was called for
and ordered.
The bill having been read a second time, Mr.
Evans moved an amendment to the preamble.
Mr. Lewis insisted that his amendment was
first in order.
Mr. Evans said his was first, as Mr. Lewis
had offered his bill before the bill had been read
a second time, and consequently it was not in
order.at the time he offered it.
Mr. Lewis said that it would not be in order
to amend the preamble of the bill until the sec
tions had first been acted upon, and the Chair
so ruled.
Mr. Davis then took the floor, and said it
was too late in the session to consider th is bill.
What did we want with two millions to make
a treaty with Mexico? We owed nothing to
her and she was largely indebted to us. The
object is to purchase, not a peace with Mexico,
but a part of her territory. It was a proposition
to acquire territory and no more, and we had
no object in extending our limits. It was not
long since we annexed a large territory—an ex
tensive acquisition on the southwest, and an
other on the Pacific Ocean. The House bill
provides that if we have more territory it shall
be free. Is any one here willing to state that
Mexico would concede Calilornia to us? No
one. But there was a strong design on the
part ot Mexico to preserve the integrity ol her
territory. Yucatan had already refused our
overtures.
Mr. Lewis said there were but twenty minutes
left of the session. As the gentleman was anx
ious Io discuss this bill, would he yield the floor
to enable him to prolong the session ?
Mr. Davis was opposed to this, and went on
to say that if we had more territory we ought
to have no more slavery in it. The interests
ot the old States were destroyed by the intro
duction of so many new ones. If we passed
this bill it was an instruction to the President
to protract the war until he could acquire the
Californias.
The hour ot twelve having arrived, the pub
lic cession ceased, and the Senate proceeded to
the consideration of Executive business, and in
ten minutes adjourned. Nothing was done in
Executive session.
HOUSE.
The House met at 8 o’clock this morning,—
not a quorum ot members present.
The House went into’ Committee of the
Whole on the State ofthe Union—Mr. Cobb of
Ga in the Chair.
Mr. McKay moved that the House disagree
to the amendment of the Senate adding 83 000
tor the payment ot Invalid Pensioners which
previous to 1844, had been paid from the Priva
teer Pension fund.
The House Commiltee disagreed to the a
mendment, but before the decision was announ
ced, Mr. Davis of Ky. called tor a division ot
the House.
The Chair (Mr. Cobb) refused to entertain
the motion.
Mr. Davis appealed, and the Chair refused
to entertain this motion.
The Commiltee rose withouta quorum, when
a point of order was raised in regard to the ex
traordinary proceeding in Committee, but the
Speaker said that under the rules he could not
take cognizance of what occurred in Commit
tee.
The yeas and nays were called upon the ques
tion of concurring in the Renort oftheCommit
tee in not giving 33000 for invalid pensioners.
Ihe House and the Committee of the Whole
both disagreed to this amendment.
Mr. 1 hompson ot Miss, offered a Resolution
calling upon the Secretary of War to report at
the next session of Congress the report made by
the Indian Agents attending the wild Indians
from Texas to Washington.
Mr. McKay moved to suspend the Rules in
order to offer a resolution from the Committee
ot Ways anil Means calling tor all the returns
from the Collection Districts ot the U. States
and in the form of Districts.
The rules were suspended, 95 to 35, (about
the usual attendance) and the resolution agreed
to.
Several Senate bills were passed which were
upon the Speaker’s table, and not objected to
The Committee ot the Whole were discharg
ed from all unfinished business, after submitting
a large number oi reports.
Scores of motions were made to take up pri
vate bills in Committee and in the House. One
third of the members bad power to object to any
bill whatsoever, and they did so accordingly.
The Civil and Diplomatic bill was agreed to
upon the report of the conferees, and upon the
terms of which I wrote you last evening.
The Conferees upon the Naval Appropria
tion bill reported that they had agreed. The
Senate recededjrom the amendments lor a Dry
Dock at Pensacola and tor the Naval School at
Annapolis. The Report was agreed to, andthe
bill has become a law.
There were two hours left when this point
was reached, but though most valuable in con
sideration of the pending and important ques
tions, they became nearly valueless from the
bad uses which were made of them.
A message was received from the Senate an
nouncing that that body had receded from its
amendments to the Naval Pension Bill.
The bill was soon signed by the President.
A communication was received from the
Senate announcing the passage ot the bill es
tablishing the Smithsonian Institute.
The Speaker under one ot the provisions of
this bill immediately announced the Regents of
the Institute, as mentioned in the Senate pro
ceedings.
In addition to these, lhe followingare, by vir
tue of a provision in lhe bill, made Regents in
the University.
The Vice-President of the United Slates,
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Mayor of
the city of Washington.
[ There is an error in lhe Smithsonian bill in
regard to one ot the Appropriations, but it is
not material enough to prevent the enfbicement
of the provisions of the bill.]
Mr. Shenck moved to go into Committee of
the Whole upon the Bill tor the rebel of the
Widow ot Alexander Hamilton—a bill which
proposes an appropriation of SIO,OOO for the
publication of the works of Mr. Hamilton, and
310,000 for the manuscripts. The majority ot
the House were in favor of this Bill, but two
thirds were necessary to lake it up, and this vote
could not be obtained.
The Bill for the relief of Elijah White, (the
author of several Oregon letters which appear
ed in the Union in lhe early part of the session
ot Congress) and an Indian Oregon Agent, gave
rise to some debate. It was twice m transitu
between the two Houses, and was agreed to just
one moment too late to be signed by the officers
of the two Houses.
The Post Route and Post Office Bill from
the Senate, in like manner, came back amend
ed by' the Senate, but just 100 laic to be signed,
and is, therefore, amongst the tost bills.
Three motions were made to go into Com
mittee ot the Whole upon the Private Bills troin
the Senate. The last soon after eleven o’clock,
which prevailed by a vote ot 83 to 38—but the
members continued by motions and general up
roar to prevent all definite action upon any
question.
[During all this time, frequent messages
were received from the Senate and from the
President, and the Speaker and Chairman ot
the Commitee ot the Whole were alternately
out and in. The scene at limes was ludicrous
and exciting.]
Twelve o’clock came apace.
Mr. Winthrop of Mass, reminded the Speak
er that the hour and minute hands of the clock
before him were together. There was, howev
er, some eight or ten minutes’ difference be
tween the clocks of the Senate and the House.
He wished to know by what lime lhe Speaker
would be governed.
The Speaker said by the House time.
A message was received from the President,
announcing his signature to several bills, and
immediately the Speaker rose and said that
“the hour agreed upon by the two Houses
of Congress for adjournment had arrived, and
I pronounce this House adjourned until the
first Monday in December next.”
The members separated with a shout and
with mutual congratulations.
[A Committee had previously been appointed,
on motion of Mr. Hopkins, to wait upon the
President and inform him ot the readiness of
the House to receive any further communica
tion from him, if he had any to make. No an
swer came to this, and lhe President and House
separated withoutthe mutual communications.]
The President and his Cabinet were at the
House until twelve o’clock on Sunday morn
ing, and at 8 o’clock this morning. The bills
were signed in the Vice-President’s room, and
Irom thence came the veto ol lhe French Spo
liation bill.
From Washington.
Correspondence of the Baltimore American.
Washington, August If, 1846.
There is a secret as well as a public history
of the two millions Bill, asked lor by the Presi
dent of the United States, which ought to be
writien before the proceedings ot the first ses
sion ol lhe 29th Congress cease to be recorded.
1 had but time to give a briet sketch ot lhe de
bate on Saturday evening, which took place in
the House upon the Mexican Peace Message,
and the bill proposing an appropriation ot two
millions of dollars to buy a peace with Mexico,
or rather to take possession ot California. The
debate and action took a most singular turn du
ring the two hours allowed to the discussion.
Those who defended lhe bill generally voted a
gainst it upon the question ot lhe final passage,
—an or wnten was accounted mrvy tne amend
ment fn regard lo slavery.
For the first lime perhaps in the history of the
Government there was a sectional vote upon
this momentous question, and the friends of the
Administration Irom lhe Free States led off the
opposition to their Southern brethren. They
remembered the “badfaith” ot the South, as
they called it, upon lhe Oregon question, and
were resolved that no more Slave territory
should come inio the Union with their consent.
Mr. Wilmot of Pa. (the only member from that
State who voted tor lhe British Tariff, and who
has been much lauded therefor since, as the on
ly (rue friend of the South from the Northern
States) introduced an amendment prohibiting
forever the existence of Slavery in any territory
which should be purchased with the two mil
lions ot dollars—with some modification, not
affecting the principle, this amendment prevail
ed ; and then came the changes of opinion to
which 1 have referred. The Bill was made
palatable to lhe North and West, and unpalata
ble lo the South and South West, and hence
lhe vole.
This bill was not sent to the Senate until yes
terday morning at half past eight o’clock, but
in lhe mean lime a secret influence was at work
to kill the bill and at the same time to save the
appropriation. The Joint Committee of Con
ference undertook to settle the matter entirely
to their own satisfaction, and yet very’ covertly
to all the rest ot the world. Not having charge
ot any such subject, they undertook to take
charge of it in their own way and in their own
time. In along and laborious meeting from
nine o’clock until halt past two, they settled all
lhe points in dispute upon principles which 1
have named, but nothing was then whispered
of the two millions bill tor making peace, or of
making an application lor any such object.
As night approached there were signs of in
trigue on toot. Mr. Johnson ot Md.,the Whig
member ofthe Senate, among the three Senate
Conferees, (Messrs. Lewis of Ala., and Benton
being his associates,) and Mr. Severance ol
Me., lhe Whig member among the Conferees
ot the House, (Messrs. McKay of N. C. and
Boyd of Ky. being his associates) were sent for
privately. The gentlemen all found themselves
at the Capitol on Sunday evening, where, as
“ murder will out,” the secret was known.’ It
was here that the attempt was made to kill the
House Bill by stifling it altogether, and to add
two millions of dollars to the Civil and Diplo
matic Bill, for the purchase of Calilornia!
The Whig minority were powerless and of
necessity yielded all to their associates, not,
however, as I believe, without a protest against
what was here attempted; but as soon as the
design was known abroad, which was not until
early yesterday morning, the members from the
free States, and some from lhe slave States, de
siring no more territory, look fire at the fraud.
When the House met yesterday, lhe excitement
was like that of a smothered fire ready to burst
forth at a moment upon all around. The in
stant the Chairman of the Committee of the
Conferees (Mr. McKay) should rise to submit
his report, was to have been the signal for the
bursting ot the storm. Every preliminary mo
tion from the Ways and Means Committee
was resisted, and for half an hour every thing
threatened a breaking up ot Congress without
passing the heavy appropriation Bills, or any
action upon the pending measures between the
two Houses.
The majority of the Committee of Conferees
foresaw and had in part foreseen the clouds that
were rising over their heads. They consulted
briefly and seasonably, and wisely abandoned
their measure, and left the bill to be reported as
they had agreed upon at their long session on
Sunday. But tor the abandonment, Congress
would have broken up in a row, and as it was,
there was deep indignation against lhe Commit
tee, particular!}' among the members from the
Free States. The tact that five of lhe six. Con
lerees were from lhe Slave States added greatly
to J}*,'? excite ment. But “all’s well that ends
well. The wrong contemplated was not con
summated, but those who designed the wrong
will be long remembered.
It was said last evening that the Speaker had
s'g ne d th® kills establishing Post Routes, and
tne bill lor the relief of Elijah White. Thev
were handed to him at the last moment 1 be
lieve, but not while the House was in session
They are, therefore, not signed and not lawsi
Up to the last war, the practice was to si*n bills
wherever they could be (bund, sometimes in
the Clerk’s office, and sometimes in the Speak
er’s room. Such is the custom in many of the
State Legislatures. After the war, falling more
in love than ever with the practices ot the Bri
tish Parliament, lhe practice was adopted of
signing bills in open session. The Speaker
did not feel at liberty to depart from it, and the
Post Route bills establishing about two hundred
Post roads is therefore lost.
The Senate were engaged much in Executive
business during the last week of the session.
The Cherokee Treaty, though ratified by the
Senate, after being once rejected, was not car
ried into effect. One hundred and seventeen
thousand dollars were necessary to give effect
to the treaty. Some of lhe parties to the treaty
are in the city, and suffer much by this omis
sion.
Washington, August 12.
The Post Route Bill, upon inquiry, proves to
have gone into the receptacle of lost things.
The effect will be to leave matters precisely as
they were. The Post Office legislation of the
existing Congress, thus far, proves two things—
first, that lhe present tales oi postage are gradu
ally yielding more revenue each quarter, and
will finally cover the expenses of die lUpart
nient; and, secondly, that no increase us post
age will ever be made by Congress. A uniform
rate ot postage will be ih“ nextieibrin for the
country, ami after that a reduction of the high
er rates. Time will prove the wisdom of those
who commenced this great work ol cheapening
the means of intelligence between man and
man, and already lhe blessings of the poor rest |
upon those who have almost opened lhe
that were blind and ears that were closed.
loss ol the Post Route Bill gives high gralifiW^ 1
tiou at the Post Office Department, 1 believe, as
it will save labor to lhe officers employed and
expense to lhe Government.
I have been looking over the public bills to
day that have, thus far, passed the present Con
gress. lam noi able to leain ti e precise sum
appropriated, but believe it will exceed fifty
■millions of dollars, notwithstanding many im
portant acts were lost between the two blouses
of Congress.
The Army and Naval Bills contain unusual
appropriations in amount. The -personellc ot
the former has been increased $7,500, and the
latter $2,500 The reduction in the Navy is to
take place at the close of the war, but the new
enlistments in the Army were fur five years,
and all who have been er may be enlisted wil
have to serve during that time.
The Volunteer Bills and Joint Resolutions
which have passed were four in all, and by lhe
last act a large sum of money must be drawn
from lhe Treasury, as it will not require a very
free construction of the act to pay lhe one hun
dred thousand men who in one form or another,
at some place or other, were mustered into ser
vice. It is believed by many intelligent persons
who have investigated the subject, that the Ad
ministration hardly dreamed of the expenses it
has incurred already in lhe prosecution ol the
Mexican war. The President’s last Message
would seem to indicate that lie is tired of it, and
the outward evidence would seem lobe a dispo
sition to negotiate tor Peace, but it must be a
peace with a surrender on lhe pat t of Mexico ol
her most valuable provinces. This is the de
mand of those who now administer lhe Govern
ment, and such a demand 1 am assured will be
pressed. There was a long Cabinet Council
upon the subject to-day, and the action, as far
as it has transpired, would seem to be an inten
tion on the part of our Government to re-open
negotiations by claiming not only the Rio
Grande but the Californias for a small equiva
lent. Short ot sheer compulsion, the Mexicans
would never make such a treaty. The Mexi
can Army is about lhe only supreme power
there is in that Government.
Two millions ot dollars is not lhe worth of
the Californias, it they are worth anything to
us; and nobod}’ in Mexico would dare surren
der them upon lhe terms proposed. A day or
two will more fully develope lhe intentions of
lhe Administration upon this subject.
Ot the Bills that have passed Congress I
will write you more fully hereafter.
Washington, August 13.
The large appropriation bills are not marked
by any peculiar features except the heavy a
mount appropriated, and lhe provision for pay
ing the fourth and fifth instalments of the Mex
ican Indemnity. These instalments are fiv
per cent, each with interest al 8 per cent., mak
ing an appropriation of $320,000. The pay
ment will be in Governmant Scrip, running five
years and paying five per cent, interest. Six
teen instalments of the award of lhe mixed
Commission ot 1839 will be left unpaid, and
subject lo any conditions concluded upon in
making peace.
Another of the bills passed allowed any mer
chandise imported from the British North Ame
rican Provinces adjoining lhe United States,
and duly entered at any ofthe ports of entry in
the collection districts situated on the Northern,
North Eastern and North Western frontiers of
lhe U. Stales lo be transported by land or water
lo any ports where merchandise may be sent
under existing laws for the benefit of drawback,
and be thence exported to any foreign country—
provided that said exportation shall be made
within one year from the dale of importation.
The Warehousing bill is in harmony with
this bill, and both are calculated largely to ben
efit the city of New York without much regard
to the rest of the country. Much ol the pre
vailing an i-protective influence has also come
from that city, and strange to say, British agents
and British interests found a hearing where
others were turned adrift. The whole of lhe
tree trade ad valorem act has been selfish, anti-
American, and prejudicial to the best interests
of the country.
As early as January the House of Represent
atives passed an act, which was passed a few
days after in the Senate, calculated to make the
Custom House officers relax their usual vigi
lance in searching and detecting goods fraudu
lently imported, or goods smuggled into lhe U.
Stales. They are not to be paid from their fees
as before, nor allowed to draw th-ir salaries
otherwise than quarterly. All fees, emolu
ments and receipts, except the salaries, were or
dered to be paid over to the Treasury of the U.
Slates and not distributed as heretofore.
Congress has passed bills satisfactory, I
tewa, and some of them make provision tor
tneir admission into lhe Union. Each ot these
Territories upon adopting a State Constitution
will be allowed to send two Representatives to
Congress until th? next Census. They have
five per cent, on all the lands sold in the Stale
tor works of Internal improvement, and ten
sections ot land fur public buildings. A dozen
Salt Springs are also given io Wisconsin.
For the navigation of the Des Moines River,
lowa receives by another act alternate sections
for five miles wide on each side ofthe river.
Wisconsin, by another act, has an equal
amount, of alternate sections of all the unsold
lands on each side of lhe rivers, to be appropri
ated only upon conditions which shall secure
lhe improvement of the rivers.
Another act of some interest to lhe Slates
named was that providing for the sale of the
lead mines in Illinois, Arkansas, Wisconsin
and lowa. 'There is lo be a brief description
ot these Mineral Lands advertised, with the
number of mines, facilities for working them,
&c., but they are not lo be subject lo pre-emp
tion settlement until offered for sale—a law
likely to be much “more honored in lhe breach
than in the observance.”
The important Mineral Land bill for dispos
ing of the Mineral Lauds in Michigan, failed
from the opposition of a lew members in lhe
House. It passed lhe Senate, and a large ma
jority of the House members were in favor of
it.
The Treasury Nate and Loan Bill, the Vol
unteer Militia Bills, with other public mea
sures, have perhaps occupied all your spare
room already.
The Smithsonian Bill fails to make any ap
propriation for the public buildings. The
omission was accidental, but inasmuch as
there is much lo be done before the work is
commenced, and much authorised to be done by
the law which has passed, there need be no
hindrance in commencing this noble monu
ment, as it should be. oi lhe munificence of a
distinguished Englishman “lor the diffusion of
knowledge among men.” May the good im
parted to our people contribute largely to lhe
dissemination oi that moral and political intel
ligence upon which alone our tree institutions
can permanently rest.
Washington, August 13.
The Sub Treasury scheme of 1846, like that of
1839, bids fair already to realize the prediction of
Mr. Benton that it was a “ humbug” and as such
had “bamboozled” him. He wished a bill, he
said, so framed that the officers of the Government
could find no holes to creep out of; but I hear that
there are not only holes in the present law, but
those large enough, if necessary, to draw in or out
all the paper money in Christendom. In a woid,
the scheme is pronounced to be impracticable by
some of the highest functionaries in the employ of
Government— men who say that either lhe Banks
of the States must be made use of for the transac
tions of the Government or that the Government
must institute Banks of its own, with Banking Of
•icers and Banking powers. By the Sub-Treasury
law it is made a penal offence, and the punishment
is ten years in the State Prisons, to make use of a
Bank at all.
This part of the law goes into operation at once,
and it is only those parts of it which relate to lhe
public deposites already in Bank, and the currency
in which the public dues must be pail, that are
postponed. The Government funds already in
Bank may be kept there until the end of the year,
but it is a felony to make any further u<e of these
banks than to draw your money from them as you
may need it. In the mean time there are a half
dozen Sub-Treasuries to be established. They are
not yet established, nor can the banks be made use
of without a violation of law. Some of the dis
bursing officers under these circumstances have
applied in person and others by letterto know how
they shall do and when they shall act. The Trea
sury officers have not yet unravelled the knotty
entanglements of lhe law. The magic machinery
of a Sub-Treasury is yet too complicated for these
gentlemen to jump into the knowledge of such a
financial labyrinth at once.
The Secretary’ of the Treasury may have the
classic appearance of Midas, but I believe he has
not yet learned the ait of turning into gold all that
his hand may touch. By and by he will learu how
this Sub-Treasury scheme, which was invented
but to try men’s wits and to blind their under
standing—to lead them into temptation, and to de
liver them over to evil —may be obeyed or avoided.
Obeyed in lettter oi in spirit, it cannot be, and I
hear already of the most crafty schemes to avoid
it. The law does not constitute Disbursing Offi
cers base keepers of the public money. They have
no bolts or bars, or vaults at home, nor any “ sli
ding drawers or hydrostatic balances” in then office.
They aie called upon daily for small sums of mo
ney, and cannot keep it safely by them. The
Banks for these men and for the Government have
done all the Government business without co*t,
even to the entire regulation of all the exchanges
and at times when the premiums, owing to an un
expected, and large demand of money upon the
South-West, have been burdensome. But now I
forsooth the Commissioner, the Paymaster, the 1
Postmaster,the responsible officers are to keep their
pockets lined with gold and silver. Like Judas <
they are to have their money bag? about them, and
like Judas, too, many of them will make off with .
their ill-gotten treasure. ,
Some of the officers of the Government who de- ;
sire to be honest, and lo keep other men so, have ;
hit upon a plan “to whip the devil round the stump.” i
They will deposit their funds with John Roe, and ‘
John Roe will be the Cashier of a Bank—Richard (
Doe, as the Government officer, will draw upon
John, who willjfaakc payment as if he was the
bank and as Orchard’s agent. 'This sort of non
observance of the law is declared to be necessary
to give the scheme any practical effect whatever,
and thus men are to live in dread of “ ten years
imprisonment,” or of being robbed of the Govern
ment money, in order to allbid the Administration
tinkers with the currency an opportunity to try
one of their most dangerous, and to the business of
the country, ruinous experiments. It will be
amusing heieafter to note the hundred ami one
plans on foot for avoiding this Sub-Treasury law.
■e Secretary of the Treasury is charged with
amounts of Tieasury notes contrary
drafts, it is said, are issued in
as large amounts, and to contribute
to a Government cuirency. The issue is in
palpable violation of the Sub-Treasury Law.
Mr. Webster, upon the last day ofthe session,
called upon the Secretary' of the Treasury to know
if any Treasury notes had been issued under the
late law authorising their issue, and if not, why
nut ? Ido not hear of any answer to that Resolu
tion. None came to the Senate on Saturday ami
none on Monday—and yet 1 hear that the notes
were prepared long since and some of them bear
ing an interest of $3.65 per cent, per annum, the
interest being one cent per day on SIOO.
Washington. August 13, 1816.
The Secretary ol the Treasury advertises that
the Government Scrip for payment of the Mexican
Indemnity will be ready for issue on the tenth of
September. It is at this time in course of prepara
tion. In the mean time those holding the Indem
nity Stock are to presentit to the Trea uiy Do
partment, at the office cf the Register of the Trea
sury (Mr. Gillet) where provision will be made
for payment.
The Treasury Department, I am told, presents
just now pretty much the condition of the two
Houses of Congress upon the day of adjournment.
All is confusion there,and the Sub-Treasury law
is found particularly troublesome to b<; administer
ed. lhe law makers provided that it should go
into operation at once with one or two exceptions
in regard to the payment of Government dues.
This is both morally and physically impossible,
and yet the penalty is the State Prison for ten
years at least. The Secretary’ of the Treasury
must venture either upon postponing the material
provisions of the law until December, or until the
machinery of the scheme can be put to work.
In the mean time there is great consternation
among those who are required to do what is im
possible. The Banks are of necessity made use
of until the Treasury Department is metamorphos
ed into a Sub-Treasuries are estab
lished.
The Treasury Department is also preparing
instructions in regard to the Warehousing Bill
This law gjcs into operation at once, but it will
be some days before the circulars of the Department
are forwarded to the Custom House officers. The
goods imported into the country may be Ware
housed at cnee, and they may be re-exported, to
bo brought back after tho first of December, when
the new tariff'law gons into operation. Circulars
will also be made out for the Government officers
both upon this bill, and upon that—the worst
of all the measures that ever became a law —the
bill to establish the tariff' of 1846 upon the ruins
of the tariff* of 1842. Indue time this Circular
Administration will issue a new Revenue circular
There will not, from present indications, be much
of order or comeliness in the Department before
Congress inerts again.
You see it demonstrated now by the secret mes
aages of the President just published, that before
consulting the Senate, even secretly, the Presi
dent despatched a message to Commodore Conner
for the Mexican Government, and a more impor
one to the Committee on Foreign Relations
How like all of the proceedings in Congress upon
the subject having reference to a conquest of Cali
fornia, ot an acquisition of that valuable province
of Mexico, by hook or by crook,and to be incor
porated into the American Union !
“California we musttnd will have,” is th'* abid
ing resolution of the Administration, and yet the
President and Secretary of State repudiate all idea
of conquest. These movements and many otheis
indicate tijat the war has become unpopular now
with the Administration, and it is certain that
there has been both great suffering and great dis
appointment among many of the volun
teers
Some of the Department's have improved the
absence ot Congress to continue rhe prosciiptive
system, which h. s so much distinguished the pre
sent Administration, particularly in the removal
of clerks fiom office. Five or six have been sworn
into office since the meeting cf Congress, and
thereaie 1 legion of promises to.be fulfilled, or
rather to be broken, for there are now but a very
few Whigs in office among the seven or eight
hundred office holders, and these are retained from
■o love of the men,but from an absolute necessity
ofkeepit -them in office in order to transact the
public business properly. Mr. Sawyer, of Ohio,
said on the 10th of June, that of the seven hun
dred ftnd thir'y Clerks in office, two hundred and
thirty-live were Whigs, “a viperous brood,” as
Mr. Stwyer said he told the President they were,
and as he whispered further in the President’s ear,
“every one of whom should be turned out of of
fice
Now there is not this number of Whig Clerks
in office in Washington, or anything like the num
ber. Mr. Sawyer was called upon for his evidence
to make good what he said, and his answer was,
that he had looked to the names of all the clerks
and after making diligent inquiry of his friends,
he had ceme to the above conclusion.
This list., if it had been true when the names
were printed, was any thing but true in June, and
is still less so now. Removals have been going
on thicugh the session regularly and without mer-
—Same- InMflp’nton?' aoil'it
waste remedy this abuse, and in order to avoid
the annoyance of perpetual appiiL.»iio«<- ;
Headsof the Departments and Bureaus called upon
the Chairman of the Ways and Means to insert a
clause in one of the Civil bills that Clerks should
be put upon probation to test their qualifica
tions.
Members of Congress as ignorant as Mr. Sawyer,
come here accompanied by persons more ignorant
than themselves, and such men are thrust upon the
Departments for places where duties are per
formed which they are wholly incompetent to ful
fil. This Administration has nut yet seen eighteen
months’ service, but in that time has been more
proscriptive than any preceding one, turning hon
est and competent men out of office and putting
incompetent, persons in their places.
Among those who have got offices is Mr. Hart,
late of the Constitution, the Calhoun paper that
died in your city just after the meeting of Con
gress. Mr. Underwood, a very worthy public
officer,! am told, is to go out to make room for a
relative of the Attorney General. Mr. Mason
surely can do better than this. Congress, at the
last moment of lhe session gave him a job beyond
his salary of two thousaud dollars, and one thous
and for his Clerks, for examining claims under the
Peruvian treaty. lam sorry to add, for the credit
of Congress, that it requires the claimants to
pay the above sums from the first amount that
shall be paid. This at least is a new principle
iu legislation.
/■'or the Chronicle if* Sentinel.
Messrs. Editors:—lt is gratifying to wit
ness the increasing attention that is extended to
the cause of education in the Slate ot Georgia.
A good education is the richest earthly boon
a parent can provide for his child, and where
ever a teacher is found ot solid merit and of
skillful industry, and success in imparting in
struction, it is a duly, not so much to him as to
the community, to make known the fact.
I had the pleasure of attending lhe annual
examination and exhibition on lhe 23d and2lth
ot July, of the Academy at Woodstock, Ogle
thorpe county, r.nder the care of Rev. J. W.
Reid, lhe exercises and deportment of the
young gentlemen were so creditable to them
selves and to their teacher, that I cannot with
hold lhe unsolicited expression of my sincere
gratification. They were examined on the or
dinary English studies—Natural and Mental
Philosophy—Ancient Languages—Algebra and
Geometry. The examination gave evidence oi
a thorough drilling in all the branches taught.
The promptness and intelligence with which
questions were answered, put by the audience,
as well as teacher, showed a familiar acquaint
ance wi’h the great fundamental principles of
the sciences; an intimate knowledge of which
is essential to mental discipline, an t the a< cu
rate test of a skillful teacher. I was particular
ly struck with lhe success of the teacher in im
parting a knowledge of Algebra to his pupils.
A large class of boys, of from 10 to 12 years ot
age, recited in Algebra with a promptness and
intelligence that would have dune no discredit
to College Seniors.
The Declamation at the exhibition was gene
rally good, and some half dozen original ora
tions, pronounced by the larger students, evin
ced a maturity of thought and extent ot infor
mation highly creditable. The elevated mural
tone of their sentiments shewed plainly that
the;.- enjoyed the instruction ol a Chrisiian
teacher, who had not neglected the cultivation
of the moral powers, and who had taught them
to cultivate a profound reverence for the Inspir
ed Volume—a sacred regard lor which is the on
ly safe guarantee in the momentous work oi
training the youthful mind.
The reverence ot the pupils for their precep
tor, and his kind and affectionate manner to
wards them, attracted my attention. The most
beautiful order and dec rum prevailed during
the two day’s exercises, without occasion on the
part ofthe teacher, as far as I recollect, to ad
minister the slightest rebuke, in a solitary in
stance, to one of his pupils, irom the least to the
greatest.
Mr. Reid is doing great good as a teacher. I
understand that some eight of his pupils are
now leaching school within miles of his
residence.
I'he village of Woodstock is a pleasant and
healthy place, and its population such as to pio
tect from temptation youth v. ho are away irom
the parental eye.
The uhole annual expenses ot a student at
this school will be covered, I understand, bv
from 110 to 120 dollars.
The exercises were closed by a sermon to the
students from President Talmage, of Oglethorpe
University, appropriate to the occasion; in
which be held up to the young men, in the ab
sence oi any spotless human example, the ex
ampleof Christ as a model, it we view him in
the character of a son and a cVizcn; and as a
perfect pattern of industry, humility, benevolence
and compassion, forbearance and forgiveness, and
VISITER.
TUESDAY MOIINING, AUG 18,1 MB.
The W hig Party.
We believe, in all sincerity and truth, that
lhe country owes whatever of prosperity it pos
sesses to the influences and principles ofthe
great Whig party of the Union.
Though betrayed by John Tyler, after an un
precedented triumph, and defeated in the late
Presidential contest by the meanest deception
and the grossest frauds, still, undismayed, erect
and faithful to lhe country, it has infused its
conservatism into 'he radical, experimental
and destructive systems ot our opponents, and
blessed our people with comparative prospeiity
and good government. The recent action of
Congress would seem to indicate that its powers
of restraint and preservation have become less
potent than heretofore.
It is true that Democracy has rallied to its
murky banner, and obtained a shameful con
quest in favor of foreign interests and labor.—
But, remember the means by which it was
accomplished I Men, high in station, eminent
for abilities, and in no s nail degree remarkable
for firmness, have yielded station, talents and
stability to lhe remorseless demon ot party.
They have denounced lhe new tariff’measure
as a system of f raud, injustice and oppression
—as inadequate to afford revenue and insuffi
cient to bestow suitable protection upon domes
tic labor—yet before the notes of denunciation
were lost to hearing, thev pronounced lhe word
yea in its favor. There can be no doubt that
lhe people have been deceived and betrayed in
some instance? by their representatives.
We have not placed the words at the head of
this article with a view to discuss lhe princi
ples of the Whigs, or to expose the misrule
and miserable errors of the Democrats. We
have placed them there to urge our friends to a
renewed devotion io the doctrines of’4l. They
were true and honest—just and conservative—
and are now as much entitled to our heart-felt
devotion as then. It is evident that our oppo
nents are torn with divisions, an 1 find among
themselves radical differences tube healed,and
blasting cankers to te removed.
The Democratic President has not a corporal’s
guard to stand by his person and afford him a
nucleus around which again to cluster lhe
Democratic strength.
“Fifty-four forties” and “forty-nines” have
been outraged and disgusted with his double
dealing. Tariff democrats in Pennsylvania and
other sections arc singing very different songs
from those which fell so graciously from their
lips in the summer and fall cf ’4l.
To pass over the recent vetoes which have
struck daggers to the hearts of expectant friends
indifferent parts ot lhe land, we have only to
mention the Mexican war, so uselessly provo
ked, so bunglingly sustained, so heavily bur
dened with expense, to point to a cause fatal,
damning, not only to this administration, but to
the party which, in an evil hour lor themselves
and the country, placed it in power.
But a great responsibility rests upon the
Whigs. Will they forget their defeat, lhe
tissues of falsehood and the sneaking frauds
which produced it? We call upon the fathers
of lhe Whig party, its young men, brave and
true, to remember them now and to think of
them till the great day of ’4B.
Are they to be re-enacted? Are the Whigs
again to be forced, if not to kiss lhe rad of cor
ruption, at least to bow to its baleful authority ?
We are stronger now than in 1840. It is our duty
as it will be our glorious privilege, if we are
true to our country and ourselves, to put a stop
to the lamas'ic tricks of Democracy, its whims
and experiments, played and tried lor evil only;
and substitute lor them, the principles and
practices ot Washington, Madison and Jeffer
son.
We cannot be true to ourselves or country, if
we permit divisions to beggar us with internal
strife. Nor should we vacillate in lhe practice
of our great and glorious doctrines. Let us lake
high and holy ground, and illustrate our devo
tion by faithful, untiring exertions till victory is
ours—a victory that will give purity to lhe
public councils, economy in the national ex
penditures, abundant revenue with incidental
’ ’ • a meriean labor, and general pros-
pctny interest of the Republic.
Eor the Chronicle <[• Sentinel.
Manufacture of Cotton.—No. 11.
Messrs. Editors:—ln my last I think it was
clearly demonstrated that manufacturing could
be successfully engaged in at lhe South. Suffi
cient was advanced in that article to convince
any man that it was not only profitable, but that
it is now, and for some years must continue io be
the most profitable investment in which cipital
can be employed. Wishing to present stubborn
facts in that article, in the most practical man
ner, in order that the object had in v.ew might
the more effectually be secured, I studiously
avoided all remarks not immediately bearing
upon it. That object was, to endeavor to enlist
in the enterprise, citizens ofeneigy and capital,
by showing, in lhe briefest manner, how much
their pecuniary interest would be advanced bv
lhe investment, it remains to be seen what
amount, or whether any faith be placed in the
facts presented.
Capitalists cannot, certainly, have any doubts
respecting the adaptation of the Slate to this
business. If they have, the fact that allot the
factories now in operation are profitably em
ployed—that numerous others are being erected
—and that ail to which any misfortune has
happened have been rebuilt, or are being
rebuilt—ought to dispel those doubts. At a
great expense, and fur the express purpose
<>t sustaining the city, lhe construction of
a canal has been undertaken. It is almost
completed, and as yet, nut the first step has been
taken toward lhe accomplishment of the che
rished object—at least, the public are unadvised
of any. Our citizens had strong faith in the
projector it would never have been undertaken;
ail seem to acknowledge that the desired end
may be attained. Yet all seem to shrink from
the venture.
But as there is a market large enough tor all,
my object is, not only to awaken the citizens of
Augusta, but those of other sections of lhe
State, to lhe importance of this subject. Many
a stream, whose waters now silently meander
through the gloomy shades of the forest, or dash
impetuously over some impediment, might be
turned to advantage by applying its vast power
io the service ot man. O.ur own Stale abounds
m such. Almost every stream on the line from
Augusta to Columbus, possesses power and
other advantages requisite to manufacturing.
This is particularly true respecting the moun
tain side of the line; and to some extent on the
southern or seaboard side. On the Broad River
some five or six miles from its juncti >n with our
own Savannah, there is a fall of 86 feet in only
a mile and a quarter, with an unfailing supply ,
or water. Within a few miles of the shoal
and convenient to it. there is a quarry of soap
stone suitable for building, in almost anvouan
tity. This fact may be of advantage'to* any
who have it in contemplation to invest in this
city. The high shoals of the Apalachee or. the
road from Watkinsville to Munroe, is one of
the finest in the Slate of its size, having a fall of
sixty feet in some 200 yards. There is an un
failing power sufficient to drive tens of thou
sands of spindles. A lew miles below this I
am told there is another shoal ot nearly equal
advantages. I have been informed that the
Chattahoochee is one continued shoal for twen
ty-two miles above Columbus; and of whatad
vantage is it to anybody? It it only existed in
Massachusetts or either of lhe other New Eng- j
land States, a greater than Lowell would arise7o
dispense its manifold blessings on the surround
ing country. Tne above are amongst the mos:
prominent, and on the public thoroughfares.
Numbers are omitted tor fear of extending this
article too much. A little mqiiry would make
known a quantity that would fairly stagger be
lief. And vet we are slumbering over them.
We are toiling and sweating to make a seamy
subsistence off ot cotton keeping up a ruinous
competition in the growth of it with the prolific
Southwest—and pouring our wealth into the
open lap ot the emerpri>ing North, when it is I
our duly to boldly enter lhe field and compete
with her. Possessing water power of an un- I
limited extent and amount, and having the ad
vantage in the cost of the raw material, what is
to prevent Georgia from taking at once that ele
vated stand among her sister States designed
for her by Nature !
As a general characteristic, the mountainous
region is more eminently agricultural than the
middle counties, growing in the greatest abun
dance every description of grain,’ cattle, pork,
and possessing every advantage for wool grow
ing. The seaboard can successfully compete
with the Southwest in the production ot cotton,
sugar, tob.i co and rice. Middle Georgia is
better adapted than either to manufactuiing,
while the soil is getting too much worn to yield
bountifully of the products of lheseaboard an !
lhe mountains.
It is in the power of the capitalists of middle
Georgia to realise a large percent. < n theirca---
ital, and in the meantime to renovate their worn
out fields. The M i-sissippi planter has such
superior advantages in soil and facilities tor
gening to market, that he can better affb d to
make cotton at 3 cents per pound than he plant
er of middle Georgia can at 6 cents. He can
make twice as much to the hand; its superior
staple commands much mure in market, and he
obtains his necessary supplies for less.
Before in an w years, the force ol ciicuinstances
will compel yo’i io the course which earnest,
sincere ptisiiasion, or unanswerable facts, can
not now induce you to puistK’. Lotion is pro
duced already beyond the demand; the produc
tion must Inevitably continue to increase; and
prices must go down. The planter of upper
Georgia can barely live now, how will it be
when the staple commands far less? Ponder
on these things, and ask yourself it it is not s-,.
Change, then, before it is too late, your pursuit;
change it before strangers come in and buy your
birthrights lor a mess of pottage; change it an 1
go hand in hand with tne glorious destiny of
your State, and in the fruits ot y-mr enterprise,
leave to your children a name and a home ot
which they will be pion I. P.
UNITICD STATICS AND Mi NICO.
We give the most conspicuous place in our
columns to-dav to the Official History of the
President's Confidential Message to lhe Senate
(prior to his public Message to both Houses)
and the Proceedings of the Senate thereon;
which we are enabled iodo by lhe injunction
ot secrc-s}’ having l>e<-n removed therefrom on
the motion of a Senator friendly to the Ad
ministration. 'i'he subject of these papersand
proceedings is oi entirely 100 great importance
to require from us any invitation to our tea ;-
ers tn give them an attentive persual.— Na>. lut.
Proceedings of the Senate.
And, Documents communicated th .rdu, froimchich
the injunction of s.crcsy has b-eu *c r nwved, in
■relation to Affairs between th: United Stales
and Mexico.
IN EXECUTIVE SESSION SI.N AIE OF THE I Nt
'l'ucsdoy, August A. 1816.
The following Message was received from
the President ol the United Slates by Mr. Wal
ker, his Secretary:
[Confidential ]
Washington, August 4,lß46.
'Vo the Senate of the United States:
1 herewith communicate to the Senate the
copy ota letter, under dale ol lhe 27ih ultimo,
from lhe Secretary ol State of the United States
to the Minister of Foreign Relations ofthe
Mexican Republic, again proposing to open
negotiations and conclude a treaty • f peace,
which shall adjust all lhe questions in dispute
between lhe two Republics. Considering lhe
relative power ofthe two countries, the glorious
events which have already signalized our arms,
and the distracted condition of Mexico, I did
not conceive that any point ol national honor
could exist which ought to prevent me from
making this overture. Equally anxious to ter
minate, by a peace honorable for both parties.
: as 1 was originally lo avoid the existing war, 1
have deemed it my duty again lo extend the 01.
. ive branch lo Mexico. Should the Government
of that Republic accept lhe offer in lhe same
friendly spirit by which it was dictated, nego
tiations will speedily commence tor lhe con
clusion of a treaty.
'l'he chief difficulty to be anticipateil in lhe
negotiation is the adjustment of the boundary
1 between the parties, by a line which shall at
once be satisfactory .and convenient to both,
andsuchas neither will hereafter be inclined
tudisturb. This is lhe best inode of securing
perpetual peace and good neighborhood be
- tween the two Republics. Should lhe Mexi
i can Government, in order lo accomplish these
objects, be willing to cede any portion of their
territory lo the United Stales, we ought lo pay
them a fair equivalent; a just and honorable
, peace, and not conquest, being our purpose in
i the prosecution ofihe war.
Under these circumstances, and considering
the exhausted and distracted condiion ofihe
Mexican R' public, it might become necessary,
in order to restore peace, ihat 1 should have it
ir. my power to advance a portion of the con
sideration money for any cession ol territory
which may be made. 'l’he Mexican Govern
inentmight not be willing to wait for the pay
ment of the whole until the treaty could be rati
fied by lhe Senate, and an .appropriation lo car
ry it into effect be made by Congress; andthe
necessity for such a delay might defeat the ob
ject altogether. I would, therefore, suggest
whether it might not be wise lor Congress to
appropriate a sum such as they might consider
adequate for this purpose, to be paid, it neces
sary, immediately up- n lhe ratification of the
treaty by Mexico. This disbursement would,
of course, be accounted for at the Treasury, not
as secret service money, but like other expendi
tures
Two precedents for such a proceeding exist
in our past history, during lhe administration
ot Mr. Jefferson, to which 1 would call vour
attention. On lhe 26th February, 1803, Con
gress passed an act appropriating $2.000,000
“for (he purposed defraying any extraordinary
expenses which m«av be incurred in the inter
course between the United States and foreign
nations,” “to be applied under lhe discretion ol
the President ot the United Stales, who shall
cause an account ot (he expenaiture thereof to
belaid before Congress as soon as may be;”
and on lhe 13th February, 1806, an appropria
tion was made ot the same amount and in the
same terms. 'l’he object in the first place was
to enable the President to obtain the cession of
Louisiana, and in lhe second that ofthe Floridas.
In neither case was lhe money actually drawn
irom tne ireasuiy, rtt«G sndu»ct hope that lhe
result might be similar ,in •- t - > . •*;
piceciK- oFnasion, flhiUgh the appropriation is
deemed expedient as a precautionary measure.
I refer the whole subject to lhe Senate in
Executive session. If they should concur in
opinion with me, then I recommend lhe pas
sage of a law appropriating such a sum as Con
gress may deem adequate, to be used by the
Executive, if necessary, fur the purpose which
1 have indicated.
In ihc two cases to which I have teferred, the
special purpose of lhe appropriation ditl notap
pear on the face of the Jaw, as this might have
defeated the object,; neither, for lhe same rea
son, in myopinion ought it now to be stated.
1 also communicate to lhe Senate the copy
of a letter from the Secretary ol State to Com
modore Conner, of the 27th ultimo,, which was
transmilte .to him on the day it bears date.
JAMES K. POLK.
The message was read.
[Tne following communication*, dated 27th
July, from the Secretary ofState, communicated
with ihc preceding message are inserted here
in connection with lhe message, (although not
a part of the journal,) in preference lo making
them an appendix:
Department of State,
Washington. July 27, 1846.
Sir: The President of lhe United States, no
less anxious to terminate than he was to avoid
the present unhappy war with the Mexican Re
public, Iras determined to make ari effort to ac
complish this purpose. He hasacco.dingly in
structed the undersigned, Secretary ol State, to
propose through your Excellency io lhe Mexi
can Government, that negotiations shall forth
with commence for the conclusion of a peace
just and honorable fur both parties. Should
this offer be received and responded lo by lhe
Mexican Government in lhe same frank and
friendly spirit bv which it has been dictated, he
will immediately despatch an Envoy Extraor
dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the city
of Mexico, with instructions and full powers
to conclude a treaty of peace which shall adjust
all the questions in dispute between the two
Republics. If the Mexican Government should
prefer to send a Minister to Washington to con
duct the negotia ion here, he shall be received
with kindness and respect, and every effort,
shall be made lo accomplish the object of his
mission with the least possible delay.
In lhe present corn aunication it is deemed
useless, and might prove injurious, to discuss
the causes of lhe existing war. Tin's might
tend lo delay or defeat the restoration of peace.
'l’he past is already consigned to history; the
future, under Providence, is within our own
power.
I he occasion may, however be embraced, to
state that the President has ever cherished the
kindest feelings for Mexico, an I that one <-f the
first wishes of his heart is, that she may be a
powerful and prosperous republic, in perpetual
amity with the United States.
Commodore Conner will transmit this de
spatch for your Excellency to the Governor of
Vera Cruz, under a flag of truce; and you are
respectfully invited to adopt the same channel
for communicating your answer.
I avail myself ‘of this occasion to offer your
Excellency lhe assurance ot my most distin
guished consideration.
JAMES BUCHANAN/
'J’o his Excellency lhe Minister of Foreign Re
lations, of the Mexican Republic.
Mr. Buchanan io Commodore Conner.
Department of State,
Washington, July 27, 1846.
Sir: 1 have the honor to transmit herewith a
sealed note to the .Minister of Foreign Relations
of the Mexican Republic, with an open copy
of the same for your own use. From this you
will perceive that the President has determined
again lo offer the olive branch to Mexico.
The President does not believe lhaianv point
of national honor should forbid him from mak
ing 'his lender, especially after the glorious
events which have thus tar marked lhe progress
of lhe war. Should the Mexican Government
determine to accept the offer and enur upon the
negotiations, it may and probably will pronose
to you to conclude an armistice during their
pendency. It such a ptoposition should be
made, you will prompily but kindly reject it,
giving at the same time' every assurance that
the President will do all in his power to bring
lhe negotiations to a satisfactory termination
with the least possible delay.
It an armis ice were concluded, the two par
ties would not stand on an equal footing. Tne
United States, at a heavy expense now have
armies in the field and navies on the ocean* in
successful proere-s to conquer an honorable
peace. Should their operations b? arrested bv
an armistice, and lhe negotiations tor peace
should finally fail, we should then lose nearly
<i!i the advantages ol an entire campai -, n. Be
sides, this sacrifice great as it might he? would
s arcely equal the evils in any form which a
season oi inactivity could nutfailto inflict upon
("ir troops, the greater portion of whom consist
ol patriotic citizens who have volunteered to
serve their country in the confidence that
would be actively employed. Whilst, there
in?, the President sincerely desires with the
utmost promptitude to restore our friendly
tionswith Mexico upon tairand liberal terms,
lhe war must continue to be prosecuted with the
> utmost, vigor until a definiiive treaty of peace
, shall be signed and iatili“.| by Mexico.
You will not fail, uiih all the despatch in
your power, to transmit lhe answer ol the
Mexican Government lo this Department.
1 have the I onm to be, sir, very respectfully,
yuur obedient servant,
JAMES BUCHANAN
To Commodore David Conner, Cnnmand
ing the Naval forces of the United Stales in the
Cu's of Mexico.
1 Viu'sday, August 4, 1846.
! ()n inoticti of Mr. M' Duffie,
, Ordered, That the message, with lhe docu-
I ments communicated therewith, relating to af
fairs wiih the Republic of Mexico, be referred
to lhe Committee on Foreign Relation*.
• H'< tnesday, August 5, 1846.
( Mr. McDuffie, from the Committee on Fo
? reign Relations, to whom was referred, on the
' 4th instant, the message and documents relating
to affairs with the Republic of Mexico, reported
t the following resolutions:
Resolved, That the course a lopled and pro
) posed l-y the President, as indicated in his mes
sage ol the lih in -lam, tor lhe speedy termina
? lion of the war with Mexico, receives the ap
[ probation ot lhe Senate.
Resolved, J’hat, in the opinion of Ike Senate,
it is expedient to place two millions of dollars
' at the disposal of lhe President, to be used al
his discretion, i i the event oi a treaty of pt-ace
with Mexico satisfactorily adjusting the boun
-1 da ies of the two countries, and that lhe Com
t mince on Foreign Relations be instructed to re
? port lo ihc Senate in open session a bill for that
purpose in conformity to lhe movisionsof simi
lar m is passed in 1803 and 1806.
The Senate, by un.minious consent, proceed
ed lo consider the said resolution; and, afterde
t bate, on motion by Mr. McDuffie, the second
resolution was modified to r< ad as follows;
Resolved, That, in the opinion of the Senate,
it is expedient to place the sum of money at the
disposal ofthe Prc-ident, to be used al his dis
uteti >n, in the event of a treaty id peace with
, Mexico satisfactorily adjusting lhe boundaries
oi the i wo countries.
Mr. Ilannegan submilted the following, as
, an amendment to lhe said resolutions;
“To strikeout all alter lhe word Resolved,
in the first section, to the end of lhe second re
! solution, and insert: That lhe Senate heartily
, unite with the President in his expressed desire
’ fora speedy and honorable peace with Mexico;
but, as nt present inlLruied.*there is no further
i advice to give in the premises.”
. On motion ot Mr. Crittenden,
Ordered, That the resultion reported by the
Commiitee, as modified, be recommitted to lhe
Committee on Foreign Relations.
Thursday, August 6, 1816.
Mr. McDuffie, from lhe Committee on Fo
reign Relations, to whom was recommitted, <>n
: the sth instant, the resolutions reported on that
day, reported lhe following resolutions:
I. Resolved.. That lhe Senate enter lain a s’rong
desire that the existing war with Mexico should
; be terminated by a treaty ot peace, just and hon
orable to both nations; and that the President
be advised to adopt all proper measures fur the
, attainment of mat object.
i 2. R solved further, That lhe Senate deem it
' advisable that Congress should appropriate a
sum of money to enable the President to con
clude a treaty of peace, limits, and boundaries
with the Republic ot Mexico, and lo be used by
‘ him in the event that such treaty should call tor
lhe expenditure cf lhe money so appropriated,
or anv part thereof.
The Senate by unanimous consent, proceed
ed to consider the said resolution*, and, on the
question to agree to lhe first resolution, it was
determined i:. lhe affirmative : Yeas 43, nays 2.
, On motion by Mr. Breese, lhe yeas and nays
being desired by one-fifth of the Senators pre
sent, those who voted in the affirmative are—
Messis. Archer, Ashley, Alberton, Bagby,
■ Barrow, Benton, Berrien, Bright. Calhoun,
Cass, Chalmers, Cilley, Thus. Clayion, John
M. Clavton, Corwin, Crittenden, Davis, Dick
inson, Dix, Evans, Fairfield, Greene, Houston,
Huntington, Jarnagin, Johnson, of Maryland,
Johnson, of Louisiana, McDuffie. Mangum,
Miller, Morehead, Niles, Pearce, Phelps, Se-
• vier, Simmons, Speight, Sturgeon, Turney,
Upham, Westcott, Woodbridge, and Yulee.
Those who voted in the negative are—
Messrs. Atchisun and Rusk.
; So the resolution was agreed to.
On motion bv Mr. McDuffie, it was
Ordered, That the Secretary ofthe Senate be
directed to retain lhe bill from the House of Re-
• presentalives (H. R. No. 50) “ making appro
priations lor the civil and diplomatic expenses
ol Government for the year ending the 30ih June,
■ 1817, and for other purposes,” which passed lhe
I Senate, with amendments, (»n the sih instant,
and not communicate the same to lhe House of
Representatives until the further order of the
i Senate.
On motion by Mr. Sevier, the vote on the
I adoption of said order was reconsidered.
> On motion by Mr. Atchison to amend lhe se
’ cond resolution by inserting after lhe words
“ Mexico” tho folio win< words; “And for the
purchase of the whole or a part ol Upper Cali-
• fbrnia.”
It was determined in lhe negative: Yeas 11,
nays 35.
On motion by Mr. Atchison, the yeas nnd
! nuyv boi’-.i Bpctra' l *-j’ • • (•»•!. f •
T—spnt. v.no voted in lhe affirmative are:
i Messrs. Allen, Atchison, Benton, Breese,
. Bright, Cass, Dix, Pearce, Sevier, Sturgeon
an.l Woodbridge.
Those who voted in the negative are:
Messrs. Archer, Ashley, Atherton, Bagby,
• Barrow, Berrien, Chalmers, Cilley, Thomas
Clayton. John M. Clayton, Corwin, Crittenden,
i Davis, Evans, Greene, llannegan, Houston,
Huntington, Jarnasin. Johnson of Md., John
: son of La., Lewis, McDuffie, Mangum, Miller,
■ Morehead. Niles, Phelps, Semple, Simmons,
■ Speight, Tuiney, Upham, Westcott and Yuli'e.
So the proposition was rejected.
On motion by Mr. Pearce to amend these
’ cond resolution by adding thereto the following
- proviso:
Provided, 'Flint no part us lhe said sum nt
money shall be applied to the purchase of any
part .4 Calitornia.”
Oil motion by Mr. Sample to amend this pro
posed amendment by adding thereto the woids
“until al.er the conclusion oi a peace with
Mexico.”
It was determined in the negative.
On lhe question lo agree to the amendment
proposed by Mr. Pearce, it was determined in
the negative: Yeas 7, nays 32.
On motion by Mr Sevier, the yeas and n;*v?
being desired I y one-fifth oi the Senators pre
sent, those who voted iu the affirmative arc;
Messi*. Cilley, Thomas Clayton, Miller,
Pearce, Phelps, Semple and Upham.
Those who voted in the negative are:
Messis. Allen, Archer, Ashley. Atchfc»on,
Atherton, Bagby, Barrow, Benton, Bright, Cal
houn, Cameron,Cass,Chalmers,Corwin, Dick
inson, Dix. Fail field, llannegan, Houston,
Johnson ot La., Lewis, McDuffie, Mangum,
Niles. Rusk. Sevier, Speiuht, Sturgeon, ’.Tur
nev, Westcoit, Woodbridge and Yulee.
So the proposition was rejected.
On motion by Mr. Berrien to amend the se
cond resolution leported by lhe Committee on
Foreign Rrlaimns by suiking out alter the
word “ resolved” to lhe end thereof, and insert
ing lhe following:
“That in the opinion of the Senate, it would
be proper to place al the disposal of ihe Presi
dent of the United Stales a sum oi money ade
quate lo the attainment of peace with Mexico,
by negotiating a treaty lor lhe restoration of
peece, and definingand establishing lhe Limits
and boundaries, between the United States and
Mexico; and thai, to acc<unplish his object, it
would be advisable that a proposition to this ef
fect should be submitted tolheiwo Houses of
Congress in such a mode as the President may
deem proper.’’
It was determined in lhe negative: Yeas 10,
nays 34.
<)n motion by Mr. Rusk, the yeas and nays
being desired by orc-fifth ot lhe Senators pre
sent, thos * who volet in the affirmative are:
Messrs. Bcr.-ifn, Corwin, Criuende.n, Man
turn, Miller, Morehead, Semple, Webiler,
Wf'icoil and Wood bridge.
Those who voted in the negative arc:
Messrs. Allen, Archer, Ashley, Atchison,
Athenon, Bagby, Barrow, Benton, Bright, Cal
houn, Cameri.n, Cass, Chalmers, Cilley, John
M. Clayton, Davis, Dickinson, Dix, Evans,
Fairfield, Greene, Houston. Johnson of Md.,
Johnson us La., Lewis. McDuffie, Niles, Rusk,
Sevier, Speight, Sturgeon, Turney, Upham and
Yulee.
So the proposition was rejected.
On motion, by Mr. Morehead, to amend the
second resolution by adding thereto the lollow-
I ing:
“ Provid'd, That before the appropriation is
made lhe President ot the United Stales shall
inform lhe two Houses of Congress in confi
dence, of the object or objects to which the mo
ney shall be applied.”
Il was determined in the negative: Yeas 18
nays 26. I
On motion, by Mr. Morehead, the yeas and I
nays being desired by. one-fifth of lhe Senators
present, those who vo?ed in lhe affirmative are:
Messrs. Atchison. Barrow, Berrien, Cilley,
rhoma* Clayton, John M. Clayton, Corwin,
Greene. Hannegan, Jarnagin, Mangum. Miller,
Morehead, Pearce, Semple, Simmons, Upham
and Woodbridge.
Those who voted in the negative are:
Messrs. Archer, Ashley, .Atherton. Bagby,
Benton, Breese, Bright, Calhoun, Cameron,
Cass, Chalmers, Dickinson, Dix, Failfield, •
Houston, Johnson of Md . John*on ot La.,
Lewis, McDuffie, Niles, Rusk, Sevier, Speight,
Sturgeon, Turney and Yulee.
So the proposition wa* rejected.
On the question lo agree to the second reso
lution reported this day from the Committee on
Foreign Relations, it uas determined in lhe
affirmative—yeas 33, nay* 19
On motion, by Mr. Ca>s, lhe yeas and nays
beingdenred by one-filth nt the Senators present
tho*e who voted in the affirmative are—
Messrs. Alien, Archer, Ashley, Atherton,
Ba-by, Benton, Breese, Bri-lit, Calhoun,
Cameron, Ca<«, Chal.ners, Corwin,Crittenden
Dickinson, Dix, Evans, Fairfield, Housin’
Johnson ol Mat-,'land, Johnson ot Louisiana
Lewis, McDuttie, Mangum, Niles. Rusk’
Sevier, Speight. Sturgeon, Turney, Webster
Westcott,and Yulee.
1 hose who voted in ihc negative ar&
. “ es ‘ r » A,chis ’’ n . Barrow, Berrien, Cilk v
John M. Clayton, Davis, Greene, Hannegan
Huntington, Jarnagin, Miller, Morehead,’
Pearce, Puelps, Seinpl", Simmons, Upham,
and Woodbridge.
So the second resolution was agreed io.
Ordered, That lhe Secretary lay the said re
solution before the President us the United
I'tiday, August 7.
Mr. Lewis submitted lhe following resolution
for consideration:
Resolved, Thai the Committee on Finance
be instructed Ituihwiih to report a bill appro
priatingtwo millions of dollars to be placed at
lhe disposal of ths President, to enable him to
conclude a treaty of peace, limits and boundary,
wiiii the Republic of Mexico, agreeably to a
resolution of the Senate, adopted in Executive
session on the 6th instant, and in concurrence
with a ncommendation ofihe President, in his
communication on that subject to the Senate,
in Executive session, received on lhe 4th in
stant.
Mr. Lewis submitted a communication from
ihc Secretary of State to the Chairman of the
Committee on Finance of lhe Senate, on lhe
subject embraced in said resolution, which was
read.
[The following commMhication from the Secre
tary of State to ihc chairman of the Committee on
Finance,dated 7th August, 1846, although not a
part of the journal, is inserted here in preference to
making it pa.tof an Appendix :1
Department of State, /
Washington. August 7, 18*16. $
Sir: lam diiected by the Piesident to invite
your attention ♦<> thepropiiely of makingan appro
priation providing for any expenditure which it
may be necessary to make in advance, fur the pur
pose of settling all our difficulties with the Mexi
can Republic. It is his sincere desire to terminate,
as it was originally to avoid, the existing war
with Mexico, by a peace just and honorable to
both parties*. The chief obstacle to be surmounted
in accomplishing this o’J ct will probably be the
adjusmeut of a boundary between the two Repub
lics which shall be satisfac.ory and convenient lo
both, and such as neither will hereafter be inclined
to distuib. In ihe adjustment us this boundary we
ought to pay a fair equivalent for any concessions
which may be made by Mexieo.
Under these circumstances, the President deems
it important that a portion of this sum should be
placed under his control, to be advanced, if need
be, to the Government of that Republic immedi
ately upon the ratification of tho tieaty. It might
be inconvenient for the Mexican Government to
wait for the payment of the whole sum until the
treaty could be ratified by our Senate, and an ap
propriation to carry it into effect made by Congress.
Indeed the necessity for this delay might defeat
the object altogether. This disbursement of mo
ney, should it be made, would of course be ac
counted for at the Treasury, not as secret service
money, but like other expenditures.
Two precedents for such a proceeding exist in
our past history, -hiring the Administration ot Mr.
Jefferson, to which I would call your attention.
On the 26ih February, 1803, an act was passed ap
propriating two millions of dollars “for the purpose
us defraying any extraordinary expenses which
may be incurred in tho intercourse between the
United States and foreign nations, to be applied
under lhe direction of the President of the United
States, who shall cause an account of the expendi
ture thereof to belaid befne Congress as soon
as may be;” and on the I3:h February, 1806, an
appropriation was made ofthe same amount and
in the same terms. In neither case was the mo
ney actually drawn from the Treasury;and I
should hope that the result in this respect might be
similar on the present occasion, although the ap*
propriation may prove to be indispensable in ac
complishing the object. I would therefore re
spectfully suggest to you, at the instance of the
President,the passage of a law appropriating two
millions of dollars, to be placed at his disposal, for
the purpose which 1 have indicated.
1 have ihe honor to be, sir, with great respect,
yuur obedient servant, JAMES BUCHANAN.
To the Hon. Dixon H. Lewis, Chainran of the
Committee on Finance,Senate.
Monday, August 10, 1846.
On motion by Mr. Lewis,
Ordered, That the injunction of secresy be re
moved from the message of the President, of the
4tn instant, relating to a negotiation with the Re
public of Mexico, from all documents communica
ted to the Senate in relation thereto, and from the
proceedings of the Senate on the subject thereof.
THE OREGON TREATY.
The Senate, on Fridry ihe 10th inst., passed
a resolution removing the injunction of secrecy
Irom all the proceedings of that body telalive
t«> the Oregon Tieaty. The Washington Union,
availing itself of this action of lhe Senate, has
published the Executive Journal and a portion
ol the Correspondence on the subject.
We have not space lor these documents,
which are very voluminous; but lhe following
will be lound to embrace the particulars of most
interest to the reader:
EXECUTIVE JOURNAL OF THE U. S. SE
NATE.
Wednesday, June 10, 1846.
Oregon (Question.
The Rdlowing message was received from
the President us lhe United Stales, by Mr,
Walker, his Secretary:
[Here follows ihe President’s message, which
first appeared in lhe Philadelphia North Ameri
w—. u.. onu -,n,i <r«it9terred to th«
columns of ihe Chronicle & Sentinel. Ol ihi«
message the National Intelligencer says;
The material facts developed in it are, first,
that the opinions ofthe Piesident, as expressed
in his Message to Congress of the 2d of Decern
qer last, remained unchanged, al lhe date of his
Message oi June 10. These opinions were, as
every attentive reader will recollect, “that no
compromise [ofthe Oregon controversy] which
the United States ought to accept could be ef
fected;” “that our title to the whole of Oregon”
was maintained “ by irreiragible facts and ar
guments;” and that that claim “could not be
abandoned without a sacrifice of both national
honor and interests.”
'l’he second and only other material point dis
closed by the publication of this Message is
that, if the Senate had declined taking upon it
self the responsibility of advising the accept
ance of the British proposition, the President
would have “considered it his duty loraed the
offer.”
We thus learn, up-m the highest possible au
thority, that the IY :ent had set his face
against the offer by G»cat Britain, and would
have rejected it at once had it not been for the
debates and votes in the Senate on lhe subject
iti the preceding part ofthe session.
'l’he President, then, not only not being re.
sponsible for this Tieaty, but having publicly
disclaimed and repudiate<| it, so far as he was
concerned, it only remains to ascertain, from
the record, to whom the country is indebted tor
a consummation so heartily welcomed by all
parties.
[For the purpose us informing our readers to
whom “ lhe coiihtry is indebted for the Treaty,”
we subjoin lhe following extracts from lhe jour
nal:]
Mr. A.llen moved lo refer lhe message and
documents to the C Jinmittee on Foreign Rela
tions, and that they be printed lor the use ot
the Senate. Negatived.
Thursday, June 11, 1846.
On motion by Mr. Mangum, iht? Senate pro
ceeded to consider the message of (he President
of the United States of the 10th inst., communi
cating a proposal for the adjustment of the Ore
gon question; and, after debate,
Mr. Haywood submitted the following reso
lution for consideration:
R'Solv d, (two-thirds of ihe Senators present
concurring,) That the President ol the United
Stales be and he is hereby advised to accept the
proposal of the British Government, accom
panving his message to the Senate, dated 10th
June, 1846, lor a convention to settle boundaries,
between the United Stales and Great Bri
tain west ol the Rocky or Stony Mountains.
Mr, xNiles moved to amend lhe resolution by
adding lhe following to lhe second article ol lhe
proposed convention:
Provided., 'l’hat the tight of navigating the
Columbia river, secured to the Hudson Bay
Company, and to all British subjects trading
wrh the same, be limited to lhe year A. D.
1853, when it shall cease and determine.” On
motion of Mr. Benton the Senate adjourned.
Pnday, June 12,1846.
This motion uas negatived—yeas 10, nays
31—as follows:
Yeas-Messrs. Ashley, Atherton, Bagby,
Dix, Fairfield, Houston, Jenness, Niles, Sim
monsand Woodbridge —lO.
Nays.—Messrs. Arche , Benton, Berrien,
Calhoun, Chalmers, Thomas Clayton, J. M.
Clayton, Colquitt, Davis, Dayton, Evans,
Gieene, Haywood, Huntington, Johnson ot
Md., Johnson cd La., Lewis, McDuffie, Man
gum, Miller, Morehead, Pearce, Penny backer,
Phelps, Rusk, Sevier, Speight, Turney, Up
ham, Webster and Yulee.—3l.
I’he resolution of Mr. Haywood was adopt
ed by lhe following vote:
Yeas—Messrs. Aicher, Ashley, Bagby, Ben
/ ton, Berrien, Calhoun, Chalmers, Thomas
| Clayton, John M Clayton, Colquitt, Davis.
Dayton. Dix, Evans, Greene, Haywood, Hous
ton, Huntington, Johnson <4 Mil., Johnson of
La . McDuffie, Mangum. Miller, More
head, Niles, Pearce, Pennybacker, Phelps,
Rusk, Sevier, Simmons, Speight, Turney, Up
.ham, Webster, Woodbridge and Yulee.
Nays—Messrs. Allen, Atherton, Breese,
<Jarneron, Cass, Dickinson, Failfield, Hanne
£iin, Jarnagm, Jenness, Semple and Sturgeon,
it was then ordered that lhe resolution be
. Jaid before the President of the U. States:
Tuesday, June 16, 1846.
A Message was received from lhe President
•of lhe l. r . States, by Mr. Walker, his Secretary,
•' unainunic.nling the Convention whichhadbeen
*coriduded. It was in these words:
To the Senate of the United Stabs:
In accordance with the resolution ofthe Sen
sf.e of ihe 12'.h instant, that the “ President ot
-he UniteJ States be and he is hereby advised to
accept the proposal of lhe British Government,
acuompan , T ing his message to the Senate, dated
JOih Jun** 1 846, for a convention to settle boun
daries, d 1 between the United Slatesand Great
Flri’ain, west of the Rocky or Stony Mountains,”
a convention was concluded and signed on the
15m instant by" the Secretary ot State on the
pall of the UriiJed States andthe Envoy Extra
' rdinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of her
Britannic Maj ?stv on ihe part ot Great Britain.
I’his convention I now lay before lhe
Senate for their consideration, with a view to
its ratification. JAMES K. POLK.
Washington, June 16, 1846.