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liY WILLIAM S. JONES.
Bering,
THE WEEKLY
CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL
I® Published every Wednesday,
AT TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM
IN ADVANCE.
TO CLUBS or INDIVIDUALS sending ns Ten
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year, thus furnishing the Pap<>r at the rate of
SIX COPIES FOR TEN DOLLARS,
or a free copy to all who may procure us five sub
scribers, and forward us the money.
THE CETRONICLE AND SENTINEL
DAILY AND TRI-WEEKLY,
Are also published at this office, and mailed to sub
scribers at the following rates, viz.:
Daily Papkk, if sent by mail*»«>S7 per annum.
Tbi-Whekly Papbb 4 “ “
TERMS OP ADVERTISING.
In Wbbbly. —Seventy-five cents persquare (12
ineaor less) for the first insertion, and Fifty cants
for each sabsequenHnsertion.
Sughugg ttaog.
ToFr-Sessional&Business M- •
J* f is
3ttornies anti Solicitors! 7
J. A. TURNER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
EATONTON, GEORGIA.
my!6-4m
EDWARD 11. POTTLE,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
WARRENTON ... GEORGIA.
?JT Will continue to practice in Warren, Hancock,
Wdkea, Taliaferro, and all of the counties of the
Northern Circuit, and Columbia, Jefferson and
Washington oi he Middle.
Refer to Threewitu, Hudson & Shivers; C. C
Cody & Co,, Warrenton, ja2o
JOSHUA HILL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Madison and Monticello- Georgia,
S 3" AU business addresser. to him at either place
in the counties of Morgan and Jasper, and those
contiguous, will receive prompt attention. n 23
L. C. SIMPSON,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
ATLANTA.... GEORGIA.
SjT Willpromptly attend toall businessentruated
tohis care. f29-ly
ROBERT E. WOODING,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Appling, Georgia. f2B-wly
WILLIAM A. LEWIS,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
CUMMING, FORSYTH CO., GA.
S3-Collecting, and other professional business,
promptly attended to. Persona owning land in the
county of Forsyth, can sell it, through me, at its
value, and at small cost. >nb3-wly
TRIPPK A, CHURCH,
ATTORNIES AT LAW,
CASSVILLE, CASS CO., Ga.
13' WILL practice in all the counties of the Che*
rokee Circuit. au2o-twly
Job. B. Jones. | Ma loom D. Jones
J. B. A. M. D. JONES,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
WAYNESBORO’, GEORGIA.
ja3l-wly
BOBERT HESTER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
ElbertonGeorgia.
P* WILL practice in the counties it Elbert,
Wilkes, Lincoln, Oglethorpe, Madison and Franklin.
my22-ly
N. G. A A. G. FOSTER,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW.
The undersigned are still engaged in the prac
tice of Law.
Office at Madison, Morgan County, Ga.
All businessentiustedtothem, will meet with prompt
art! efficient attention. N. G. FOSTER,
fe2B-tf A. G, FOSTER.
Sam cat. J. Bailv. | Elbaxcb Cummins.
BAILEY <fc CUMMING,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW.
Sanden willeGeorgia.
Will practice in all tbs counties of the Mid
dle Circuit. i-a
T...MAa A. BsaairN, | John T. Shiwbah.
BERRIEN *. SHEWMAKE,
attorneys at law,
MIDDLE DISTRICT, GEORGIA,
rv Office at Waynesboro, Burke county, Geo.
jelly
JOHN R. STANFORD,
attorney at law,
C larkes rille • ■ Ga.
jr-f Willpractice in the eountlesofClarke, Frank
lin, Habersham, Lumpkin, Forsyth, Gilmer, Union
Murray and Gwinnett, and in the Federal Circuit
Court for Georgia.
Wm. Gibson. I Jbsbb M. Jonss.
GIBSON & JONES,
attorneys at law,
WARRENTON, GEO.,
g-y Will practice in alllhe counties of the North
ern and Columbia, Washington ami Jefferson, of
the Middle Circuit, and the Supreme Court of the
Slate of Georgia. ap!>-w ly
IRWIN A KNIGHT,
attorneys and counsellors
AT LAW,
GEORG/A.
Will attend the Courts in the counties of Cobb,
DeKalb, Forsyth, Cherokee, Csss, Paulding, Floyd,
Campbell, Carroll, and Heard.
Return Day — Twenty days previous to each
Term.
The Circuit Court U. S. al Marietta, 2d Monday
in March and September; and alee, the Supreme
Court of the State of Georgia, at Cassville and De
catur. fel7-ly
Robbht W. Simms. | John Askew.
SIMMS & ASKEW,
attorneys at law,
NEWNAN, GEORGIA,
J3* Will practice in all the counties of the Cowo -
ta Circuit, and in the Supreme Court at Macon and
Decatur. All business entrusted to them shall have
proiapi attention. mhl3-wly
J, B. EDMONDSON,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
NEWNAN, GEORGIA,
FV* Will promptly attend to all buaincas entrusted
to hie care, in any of the counties of the Coweta cir
cuit. ja22-wly
CHAPLET R. STROTHER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW
TV Practices in the Northern Circuit. All business
will receive prompt and efficient attention.
tV Office at Lincolnton Go. je23-tf
WM. T. TRAMMELL.,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
ROME,
Floyd County Georgia.
tv Wilt also practice in the counties of Paulding,
Cass, Cherokee, Gilmer, Murray, Walker, Dadeand
Chattooga. Refer to Hand, Williams A Co., Thon.
Barrett A Co., Adams, Hopkins A Co., Gould A
Bnlkley, Augusta, Ga. felO-wly
JOHN K. JACKSON,
attorney at law,
Augwsta, Georgia.
JV Will practice in Richmond, and the neighboring
Counties of the Middle Circuit. Office neat be
low Merora. A. J. AT. W. Miller’s—Up Stairs,
ftv/srvnsev.' —Messrs. Mixer A Pitman, Boston ;
Mosera. Hoisted A Hrokaw, S. C. Dortic, Blake A
Brown. John K. Hora, C. O. Hoisted, Naw Turk;
Moots. W. M. Mattia, 1.M.48. W. Force A Co.,
Charleston; Messrs A. J. AT. W. Miller, Adams
A Fargo, W. K. Jacket n A Co., Augusta, 025-ly
JOHN P. WILDE,
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT
LAW,
.V*. 13 St. Charles street, Ram -Vo. 10, up stairs,
New Orteamo.
yy Ail claims and collections intrusted to Ilia
care will meet with prompt and faithful attention.
dlB-ly
JOHN W. POWELL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
NEWNAN, GEORGIA,
IV Will practice in all the counties of the Cewe-
ta cireuit. All bum.i«m entrunted to hi. care, will
receive prompt attention. jaZ--wly
ListonSt«»h«s«. I J. L. Bird.
STBPHKSS A iIRD.
ATTORNIES AT LAW,
CRAWFORDVILLE, GA,
rVWillprMltce in nil the Couatiea of the North
era circuit. iylfr-ly
■ I’RCn H TILLKY,
attorneys at law,
NEWNAN, GA.,
Will practice in the couatiea of the Coweta dr
car at the Supreme Court at Macon and Deoatur.
i S. Braes. John M- Tuwv.
_u- ILwly
G. PUTNAM,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Wirrvatea. Go»r*l«. apld-ly
SAMUKL ELBKRT KRRR.
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
AUGUSTA, GA.,
U>WIU practice m the serenl eountea ia he
»«»J*o Circuit, and witl thankfully receive and
ptwnptly attend to any burn trees with which ha may
beaatrestad.
Rwaurratta.-Jciui Hope. New Torkt L. M.
“*,*?■*■♦C’S ; Adame* Far-
I*' A Co.. Haviland, Ridcy A Co.,
s *“‘ K *i «>e door owiih of
JAHKS G. GOULD.
Ofw ATT °R”EY at law,
{RgK Awawata. . G.orsla.
jgggyC<.'MMt>-n'\i H FUK Mi>v <tl -> 1 ; - <\.
CONNECTS VI
***** ««“»« of the MM
die Ciaemv. O*en croc p. *. Mww'i Dr-><
- A t A tA 7, ’ 5 XI ri '
a 1 Iff r.W i Mfl w? 8I k d M i; i I It/ff a f \yv JL* I it-M »L/h
, NOTICE.
ftVVyVX THE SUBSCRIBER having -raw
Baglsja withdrawn from the firms of Allbn,
M. Ball A Co., at Macon, will continue the FAC
TORAGE and GENERAL COMMISSION BUSI
> NESS in this City, on his own account, and respect
fully tenders his services to his friends and the plant
-1 era generally.
Strict personal attention will be given to the sale of
Cotton and all other produce, and to the purchase of
Bagging, Rope, and all plantalion supplies.
JOHN V. TARVER.
Savannah, July 1, 1950. jyl4*w6m
G-ijarteston SliiDfrtistmtntß.
GANTT, HUFF & GANTT,
FACTORAGE AND COMMISSION BU
SINESS,
Charleston,So. Cao
THE SUBSCRIBERS r0 ’
‘’peclfuily inform the public that
have commenced the
TORAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS, in
the city of Charleston, S. C., and that they will re
ceive and bell all articles of Produce entrusted to
their care. They will confine themselves strictly to
the business of Commiasioo Agents, and pledge them
selves never to speculate in any dercription of article
they receive for sale. They will give their personal
attention to the purchase of supplies lor Planters who
may send their crop, without any charge therefor.
They will receive and forward Goods for Augusta
and Hamburg, at customary rates. Oifice Accommo
dation Wharf. EDWARD GANTT,
WALTER R. HUFF,
>%Udtrw&Trtf JAMES L. GANTT.
pi)UaMpl)ia SRnnrtisenients .
WASHINGTON HOUSE.
Cheetnut Street, above Seventh. Street.
PHILADELPHIA,
MSußir?wipiWaffi piiuNs- ■nrentnhmw, trre Wst oral
most fashionable places of business, and the attrac
tive public Squares of the City. In the important
requisites of light and ventilation, two principal ob
iects aimed at'in the recent enlargement and tho
rough im- —-men tol this House, it is not exceeded,
perhaps, by at>, establishment in America. To
strangers, therefore, in poeition is peculiarly desira
ble. The Subscriber returns thanks to his friends
and the public for the libera, patronage they have
extended to him, and assures them that he will en
deavor to merit a continuance of their favors.
j«l6 wlO _A- F. GLASS.
"Borton Jliiotrtiscnients.
LEATHER BELTING
1N- HUNT Jt CO.
No. 26. Dkvonbhihz Strict, Boston,
MANUFACTURE and keep constantly on
hand, for sale, beat Oak Tanned Leather
. Belting, Belt Rivets and Burrs, superior Helt Ce
ment, and extra quality l.nce leather. Belts made
’ to order and warranted. N. H. & Co. respectfully
refer ta the following, touching the quality of their
belting:
We the undersigned, having in use the Oak Tan
ned Leather Belting, manufactured by N. Hunt &
Co., No. 26 Devonshire Street, Boston, do cheerfully
recommend it to Manufacturers and Machinists, and
, have no hesitation in saying, that for quality o(
, stock, uniformity of thickness, being thoroughly
stretched, the superior manner of its manuiaclure,
i and its durability, it is equal to any we have ever
une<l:
r South Bowton Iron Co., South Boston,
s Seth Wilmarth, Union Works, South Boston.
• John Souther, Globe Works, South Boston.
Seth Adams & Co., Steam Engine and Power Press
Builders, South Boston.
Hinckley <& Drury, Boston Locomotive Works,
Boston.
, Wm. Washburn, Sawing dt Plaining Mill, Boston.
A. C. & W. Curtis, Paper Manufacturers, Newton
Lower Falls.
. John E. Wilder, Salamander Safe Manufacturer,
Boston.
s W. W. Alcott, Sup’:. Suffolk Flour Mills, Barton.
Suginegg £ards.
JAMESG. COLLIER,
attorney at law,
Augusta Gc.
£s=* Will practice in the several Courts of the Mid
dle Circuit. Office at the corner cf Broad and
Campbell streets.
References— James L. Pettigru, Esq., Charles
ton; Hon. Edward Y. Hill, Lagrange; Wm. T.
Gouid, Esq , Messrs. A. J. Jfc T. W. Miller, Esqs.j
and Messrs. Baker & Han, Augusta. n2-ly
JASPER N. DORSEY,j
attorney at law.
Dahlonega, Georgia.
fjT Will attend to all Professional business entrust
ed to him in the Cherokee Circuit, and in Habersham
county, of the Western Circuit.
References —Messrs. Hays Bowdre, Dr. Win.
H. Turpin, Augusta; Hon. C. Dougherty, Athens,
James Law, Gainesville; Smith & Walker, and J.
W. Grady, Dahlonega. fe!4
Warcljouse anir Commission.
H. | Jo. W. Carboll, | J. Hot.
2 BUCHANNON, CARROLL & CO.,
| COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
■ f No. 85, Grazier Street, New Orleans.
I S '-Orders for Western Produce promptly filled
I M a lowest Cash price. jy2B-6tu
’ GREENWOOD * MORRIS,
•fOIMISSION MBROHAWJ'sI
NEW g"LS..N£.
BSmA CHARLES P. McCALLA,
AND FORWARLTSG
MERCHANT,
o2_ APALACHICOLA....FLORIDA. ly
J. G. DIDLAKE <fc CO.,
-WMMISSION AND FORWARDING
MERCHANTS,
Chattanooga Tenn.
> a22-ly
P. H. Bbhn. | John Poster.
BERN <fc FOSTER,
FACTORSAND COMMISSION MER
CHANTS,
jy9-w6m Bay Street, Savannah, Georgio.
W. H. C. MILLS,
FACTOR <fc COMMISSION MERCHANT,
Continues business at his old stand,
No. 176 Bay-street, Savannah, Georgia.
RKFKRESCES :
Messrs. D’Anltgna: if- Evans, Augusta.
“ Charles Day cf- Co., Macon.
ol ** E. Padleford d* Co., Savannah.
L Jbffbrs. | wTs. Cothran
JEFFERS, COTHRAN A CO.
FACTORS AND COMMISSION MER
CHANTS.
AUGUSTA, GA.,and HAMBURG, So. Ca
! iy2B
Stwannal) 2li>oirtistmeiitß.
Henry Brevoort, Agent Glendon Rolling M-L s, East
B.«ton.
Thomas Ditson, Boston Sugar Refinery, East Boston.
F. Main, Superintendant Marblehead Cordage Co.
Davenport A Bridges, Car Builders, Cambridgeport,
Edw’d Lang Sup’l. ofSpinning Room for Sewell.
Day A Co., Cordage Manufacturers.
Lem. Crchore, Paper Manufacturer, Newton Lower
Falls.
Otis Tults, Steam Engine Builder, East Boston.
N. Hunt A Co. are agents for SWINGLES’
MORTISING MACHINES. gglll?” 6 ”
COPARTNERSHIP DISSOLVED.
THE FIRM of Wilson A Linthicum was
this day dissolved by mutual consent. All
persons having claims against the concern, will pre.
sent the same to A. Wilsom, and all persons indeLt
ed to the firm will please come forward and close the
same by eash or note with A. Wilson, who is anther,
iced to settle the same, as longer indulgence cannot be
given. WILSON A LINTHICUM.
Augusta, April 14, 1850. aplO-dti
a. THE LIVERY STABLE Business
will becontinued, in all its various branches,
by A. Wilson A Co. We solicit a con
tinuation of the same liberal patronage extended to
the recent firm. We will keep good Horses and
Buggies, and Saddle Homes for hire. Also, are de
termined to keep the finest of Carriages, and good gen
tle pairs of Horees end trusty Dri ere. We also will
keep an extra 9 passenger stage, for the accommoda
tion of parties or femilies wishrng m vieiLLhe. ut>
eountry of Georgia or south Carolina. « e also
continue to run a daily lino of 4 bone Coaches to
i Savannah and Macon, in connection with the Central
Railroad via Ninety Mile Station. We will send an
extra Couch through in day time, if desired. Fare
through to Macon or Savannah, 56.50. Tickets to
i be had of J. N. Rxavxs, AugurU, oral the Rail
reed Depots in Savaanah or Macon.
A. WILSON,
J. P. FLEMING,
apl9-w6m JAS. M. ANTHONY.
IN COLUMBIA SUPERIOR COURT,
March Term, 1850.
Present—The Honorable Eiknxzk* Starnes,
Judge of said Court.
Witbara Cliett 1
»». c MORTGAGE, Ac.
. George W. O’Neil. )
it appearing to lhe Court upon the petition of Ro
bert E. Wooding, Attorney for the Mortgagee, that
on the Thirtieth day of January, in the year of our
Lord, one thousand, eight hundred and forty-four,
George W. O’Neil, made and delivered to said Wil
ham CHett his certain protnksory Note, bearing date
the day and year aforesaid; whereby the said Geo.
W. promised* one day after date, to pay said William,
or bearer, one thousand, three hundred and three
dollars, for value received. And that afterwards,
to-wit: on the same day and year aforesaid, the said
George W. <>’Ne:l, the better to secure the payment
of said note, executed and delivered to said Wittiam
Cited his deed of Mortgage, whereby the said Geo.
W. O’Neil conveyed io the said Wiliam Cdielt a
certain Tract or parcel of Land, lying and being in
said county of Columbia, adjoining lauds of Clanton,
Zackery and others, containing four hundred (400)
acres, more or less; conditioned, that if said George
W. O’Neil should pay off and discharge said note,
or cause it to be done, according to the tenor an-.!
effect thereof; that then the said Lhscd of Mortgage
and said Note should become and be null and void,
to all intents and purposes. And it further appear
ing that the sum of cue thousand, and nineteen dol
lars and fifty-four (*1,017.54) cents yet remains doo
and unpaid on said note.
It ia therefore, Ordered, That tbe said Geo. W
O’Neil do pay into Court, oo or before the first day of
the next term thereof the principal, interest and cost
du.ro aafo Nro(«A»-«- to th. crotrwy. «•
a.v Im hare;) tai tWoath* fcitarorfcaM
O Neil so te do, tbe equity of redempooo « <•
said mortgaged premised be forever thereafter barred
aad foeecKwed.
And it is farther Ordered, That thi» Rule be S>ob
iwbed in roe of the public Gaieties of ibis Stale
once a month for four months, or a copy thereol
served on tbe said George W. O’Neil three months
previous to the next term of this Court.
A trie extract hwn the M :nutt*.
mfc24-Um4 A. M. CRAWFORD, Clerk.
B~ Tcnaeme BACON
I. rtrr— .nd Sir *•'* m Gt* tn will
u~-»» . '*' ----- J.
CHRONICLE & SENTINEL
THE LIFE CLOCK.
BY IVA.
There is a little mystic clock,
No human eye hath seen,
That beateth on—and beat 3th on,
From morning unto ev’n.
And when the soul is wrapt in sleep,
And beareth not a sound,
It ticks and ticks the livelong night,
And never runneth down.
O, wondrous is (he work of art i
Which knells the parting hour,
But art ne’er formed, or mind conceived
The life-clock’s magic power.
Nor set in gold, nor decked in gems,
By wealth and pride possessed,
But rich or poor, or high, or low,
Each bears it iu his breast.
When life’s deep stream, ’mid beds of flowers,
All still and softly glides,
Like (be wavelets step fro n a gentle beat,
It warns of passing tides.
When threat’ning darkness gathers o’er,
; And hope’s bright visions flee,
' Mke the sullen stroke of (he rauflled oar,
| ’■ >lt beateth heavily.
'Wuen passion nerves the warrior’s arm,
d Far Heeds of hate and wrong,
Though heeded not the fearful sound,
r ; The knell is deep and strong.
i -j ’> hen eyes to eyes are beating s»L „ .
-; A - a d tender wor4s are spoken,
is (be clock ih»t measures life,
flesh and spirit blended,
I U <nd thus ’twill run within the breast, - j
B - Till that s f range life is ended.
f
THE ANGEL’S WING.
| SY SAMUEL LOVEB.
is a German superstition, that when a sud
dfn silence takes place in a company, an angel at (hat
moment makes a circuit around them and the first
person who breaks the silence is suppoeed to have
been touched by the wing of the seraph. Fur the
purpose of poetry, I thought two persons preferable
to many, in illustrating this very beautiful supersti
‘ tion.
When by the evening’s quiet light
There sit two silent lovers,
They say, while in such tranquil plight,
An ungel round them hovers ;
, And further still old legends tell :
The first who breaks the silent spell,
, To say a soft and pleasing thing,
Hath felt the passing angel’s wing.
Thus a musing minstrel stray’d
By the summer ocean,
Gazing on a lovely maid,
With a bard’s devotion ;
Yet his love he never spoke,
Till now the silent spell he broke,
The hidden fire to flame did spring,
Fann’d by the passing angel’s wing.
I have loved thee well and long.
With a love of Heaven’s own making !
This is not a poet’s song,
But a true heart speaking ;
I —III I .1- A* 1 I
I will love thee, still untired !
He felt—he spoke—as one iuspired ;
The words did from Truth’s fountain spring,
Unawakened by the angel’s wing.
Silence o’er the maiden fell,
Her beauty lovelier making ;
And by her blush he knew full well
The dawn of love was breaking.
It came like sunshine o’er his heart!
He felt that they should never part—
She Fpoke—and oh !—the lovely thing
Had fell the passing angel’s wing.
[Original]
'• The O’,d Man of the Mountains” has long
been an object of wonder, to persons visiting
the White Mountains of New Hampshire.
Mount Jackson, upon which he stands, is one
of those immense piles which overhang the
Franconia Notch, and one side of which is
composed of solid ruck, almost perpendicular.
The jutting outof five blocks of granite, at the
height of more than one thousand feet, pre
sents a side view of the human face, sixty feet
in length from forehead to chin, every feature
of which in the due proportion, is distinct and
conspicuous. Neither is it an inanimate pro
file, but looks the living man, as if his voice
would reach to the proportionate distance of
its immense size, and he seems gazing down
upon the wild and varied scenery spread out be
fore him.”
Old Mao of the Mountains, say whence earnest thou
In thy majesty forth, on the dark mountain’s brow ?
My spirit is bowed, as with rapture I gaze.
And heavenward surely the thoughts thou must raise.
The hand of Omnipotence planted thee there,
And chiselled thy features so perfect and rare,
We scarce can believe that no ruy from above
Has kindled within thee a soul full of love.
For gentle and kind lathe mien thou dost wear,
' V?e scarce 1 can fe&gine wioch g**® thee thy birth.
No marvel, the ( fold of the Tores! did
With reverence anuhwe, as he looked on tby brow,
And dreamed the Great Spirit thus guarded his home,
Ere his pale brother sent him in exile to roam.
Oh hadst thou been human, and lingered thus long
What records of time would to memory belong,
Since first thou didst muse upon life’s little span,
From the infant of days to the hoary-haired man.
What burdens of sorrow each pilgrim did bear,
The wagea of sin in a world once so fair !
’Tia well that tbv heart like thy head is of stone,
And the griefs of our nature thou never hast known.
Old Man of tho Mountains, 1 envy thy home ;
Beneath thee, the silvery cMhracts foam,
Or calm in their beauty, tlßjstill waters lie
Like mirrors reflecting tlieTlyfc of the sky.
Above thee, the suiwliirtjfi#nos forth its firstray
To play on thy lips, andAgHrAng of day
Brings the dew from in Rights silence to shed
Its incense so fragragfoh ffiylavored head.
The storm-cloud oft itseb <<phy brow,
Thy mantle oi mist, I nan ace even now ; ,
The winter-snows gliu.<fc»JLikt diamonds bright,
On thy breast, as it catclietb the moon’s gentle light.
Tby music is nature’s; with oft varied voice
Strange echo doth sometimes in gladness rejoice,
Or fearfully sends back the thunder’s deep tone,
From the caverns of earth, and the ramparts of stone.
The stars are thy crown, and the wild winds thy breath
Which yields ot, like ours, a tribute to death;
Around thee like monarchs the mountains do stand,
In silenceawaiting their Maker’s command.
Old man of the Mountains, when they pass away,
Thou too must be subject to blight and decay !
With the strength of the bills into ruin must fall,
As lime sinks with nature beneath the same pall.
H. C. B.
DEATH AND THO SHADOW OF
DEATH.
By Rear. Isaac Headley.
Every shadow has a substance, and every sub-
stance a shadow, when light is reflected upon
it. There is death, and there is the shadow of
death, when that light which Christ has shed on
the tomb is reflected upon it. “It is appoint
ed unto all men once to die.’’ And there ne
ver have been but two exceptions among all
the countless millions of former generations :
and we have no reason to believe there will
ever bo another, until the resurrection morn,
when the bodies of those who are alive will
experience a change equivalent to death.
To lhe impenitent, dying is a double death ;
for all their hopes and expectations die nod
perish with them, and they sink down into all
the horrors of lhe second death. It is a fearful
thing for a person and his hopes to expire to
gether. To such, death is indeed the king of
terrors.
But not so with dying believers; though they
too must pass through the valley, yet faith ena
bles them to do it without fear or dismay, lor it
is only the shadow of death through which they
pass into their long-desired and wished-for
home, and rest with their God and Saviour in
heaven; benee they can »ay with the Psalmist,
“Though 1 walk through lhe valley and sha
dow of death, I will fear no evil: for thou art
with me, thy rod and thy staff they comfort
I me.” Although the Christian knows lie must
■ die; must jat off this earthly tabernacle before
ho oau oxxtojr hsavon ; uiust hnvo m. ooasArcrt w-irtir
> death; and although he knows he must fall in
• the conflict, yet faith assures him though he
1 falls he will conquer—will gain the victory,
1 through lhe Captain of his salvation, who has
' wou it for him; he can therefore by anticipa
. lion shoot the triumph even before he engages
in the conflict. “O death, where is thy sting;
O grave, where is thy victory f” As the sting
of death is sin, and the strength of sin is the
law; and as Christ has become the end of the
law for righteousness to every one that be
’ lieveth; hence be has disarmed sin of its pow
er, and death of its sting.
’ To real Christiana death has, as it were,
changed his form, yea. even lost his substance,
and nothing of him is left but his shadow;
sleep, merely the image of death. It is death,
. i m -L_. J' _ 11. ; . 1
not lhe Christian that dies. He just begins to
live; he falls asleep in Jesus, and his soul
awakes in immortal life, glory and blessedness
where death can tiever enter or have any more
dominion over him forever Death is not only
a conquered euemy, but be is also transmuted
into a friend. -‘Death is yours," saith the
apostle; yours to deliver you from all sin, sor
row, and suffering ; yours to introduce you
into the presence of your God and Saviour,
and into ail lhe pure and holy joys an J felicities
of heaven.
Who would not wish to die the death of lhe
righteous, and have their last end like his ?
And w hose inmost soul does not shudder at the
thought of dying the death of the wicked and
have his last end and final portion like theirs
What cause have we to thank God for giving
to feeble, dying mortals, aucii a victory over
tbe monster death, as to enable them to con
template the dosing scene of life not only with
composure, but with pleasing anticipation,
"haring a desire to depart and be with Christ."
And many others "who through fear of death,
were alt their lifetime subject to bondage," yet
r when the time of their departure drew near,
and they were about to step down into the
. inne valley, have found death so disarmed of
hu Mia,, and atarobed of his terror, that Choy
, could, while passing through his iufs», tri
t urophantiy sing—
“ Lord, lend your wings, I mouat! I fly !
O grave! where is thy victory I
' 0 death! where is tby sting!"
’ O what a debt of love, gratitude and praise Jo
we owe the everbleesed Saviour, who bas pur
chased all ibis for ua by bis own sufferings and
death; he encountered and conquered douth
[ in h»s moat horrid forma, that he might give his
faithful followers an easy end trinmphaut ▼*-
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 14, 1850.
POLITICAL.
Debate in the Senate.
As frequent allusion has been made througl
; the press to the passage at arms between Sen-
I ators Clay and Barnwell of South Caroline.
| at the conclusion of lhe great speech of the
: former, in reference to the treasonable senti
ments of Mr. Rhett, and as many readers
will be much pleased to see it, wo subjoin the
report ofthe entire discussion of that day.
Mr. Barnwell. It is not my intention to re
ply to the argument of lhe Senator from Ken
tucky, but there were expressions used by him
not a little disrespectful to a friend whom (hold
very dear, and to the State which I in part rep
resent, which seem to me to require some no
tice. I believe, sir, that character does not de
pend upon words ; it does not live in eulogy ;
it is not to be destroyed by obloquy. It rests
upon a higher and more stable foundation.
Upon intelligence, honesty, disinterestedness,
accompanied with the manifested deterfefiiia
tion to exorcise these high qualities in the best
mode, for the best ends. To this test I am
willing to bring the character of my fr||nd ;
one with whom my friendship, commencing
almost with the cradle and strengthening;
through life, will I doubt not, terminate only
grave. Ido not intend to
;Lgggjown man ; nor is ha mJhij ;Ul MfcvbT'fr i-lal
I am very willing io enuißu W"
q|BtW^ ce ofhis character to the judgmental al!
him. It is true that his political
Hawtons differ very widely from those of the
: Senator’s from Kentucky. It may be true
that he. with many great statesmen, may be
liewe that the Wilmot proviso is a grievance
to be resisted ‘to the utmost extremity’ by
those whose rights it destroys and whose hon
or it degrades. It is true that he may believe,
and he may not be very singular in his opinion
especially among those who have heard
and may read the able and triumphant argu
ment of the distinguished Senator from Gee'
gia, that the admission of California will bei
the passing of lhe Wilmot proviso, when we
here in Congress give vitality to an act other
wise totally dead, and by our legislation ex
clude slaveholders from that whole broad terri
tory on lhe Pacific ; and entertaining this opin
ion, he may have declared that the contingen
cy will then have occu.red which will, in the
judgment of most of the slaveholding States, as
expressed by their resolutions, justify resis
tance as to an intolerable aggression. If he
does entertain and has expressed such senti
ments, he is not to held up as peculiarly a dis
iiuionist. Allow me tosay, in reference to
this matter, I regret that you have brought it
about; but it is true that this epithet’disnniouist'
is likely soon to have very little terror to the
South. Words do not make things. Reb
el was designed as a very odious term when
applied by those who would have trampled
upon the rights of our ancestors, but I believe
that the expression became not an ungrateful
- .l. _ _ r-i _ _i • . i .. .
one to the ears of those who resisted them. It
was not the lowest term of abuse to call those
who were conscious that they were ?truggling
against oppression ; and let me assure gen
tlemen that the disunionist is rapidly assuming
at the South the meaning which rebel took
when it was baptized in the blood of Warren
at Blinker’s Hill, and illustrated by the gallantry
of Jasper at Fort Moultrie.
As to the slate of South Carolina, I do not
as I need not, defend her by words. I have
said that the character of an individual does not
live in words or die from obloquy. Much more
strongly may this be said of a "state. South
Carolina has a history for the past and a char
acter for the present. To that history and that
character 1 am perfectly willing to leave her,
to repel any reproach which may be attempt
ed to be cast upon her. Allow me to say in
this connexion, that whilst I listened, a few
days since, with a high admiralion to the elo
quent eulogium which the Senator from Mas
sachusetts now no longer in his place, pro
nounced upon his own ; whilst I freely
accorded to her the honor which she attribu
ted, it did not seem to me, sir, that he had se
lected the highest attribute of her character ns
the subject of his eulogium. He spoke of her
. attachment to this Union as the highest subject
of his commendation, but he had previously
and very pointedly alluded to motives, not ad
dressed to the most honorable sentiments of
mankind, which might justly render this Union
very dear to her. Sir, I prefer to honor Mas
sachueetts for the devotion which in limes past
•he has exhibited for freedom, and which I
doubt still animates her, because I believe that
as in former days, she justified the proud mot
to with which she emblazoned her escutcheon.
So should any, in future time, invade her
rights or disturb her peaceful liberty,
she would again the aword maintain
V.--J- ■ m«*.»*w=***«w ’t "
by this standard do I desire that she may be
ever judged. Small she may be, and weak in
numbers, but it is not by the extent of territo
ry, or the number of inhabitants, that a state is
to be measured. Rather by the spirit of its
people—a spirit which prepares them, in the
maintenance of their liberty to live with her or
die for her. I will not speak of my devotion
to South Carolina.
“I would rather be beloved on trust for what I feel,
“Than prove it in her griefs, which might not yield
to any carts of mine? 1
But this I may claim, in common with all her
sons —in the hour of her peril to be found at
her side, to sustain or perish with her.
Mr. Clay. Mr. President. I said nothing with
respect to the character of Mr. Rhett, for 1
might as well name him. I know him person
ally, and have some respect for him. But if he
pronounced the sentiment attributed to him of
raising the standard of disunion and of reeis
tance to the common Government, whatever
he lias been, if he follows up that declaration
by corresponding overt acts, he will be a trai
tor, and 1 hope he will meet the fate of a trsi
tor. [Great applause in the galleries, with
difficulty suppressed by the Chair ]
The President. The Chair will be under
the necessity of ordering the gallery to be
■ cleared if th ere is again the slightest interrup
i tion. He has once already given warning that
he is under the necessity of keeping order. The
Senate chamber is not a theatre.
Mr. Clay resumed. Mr. President, I have
heard with pain and regre ta confirmation of the
remark I made, that the sentiment of disunion
is becoming familiar. I hope it is confined
to South Carolina. Ido not regard as my
duty what the honorable Senator seems to re
-1 gard as his. If Kentucky to-morrow unfurls
the banner of resistance unjustly, I never will
fight under that banner. I owe a paramount
allegiance to the whole Union—a subordinate
■ one to my own State. When toy Slate is right
—when it has a cause for resistance —when
tyranny, and wrong, and oppression insuffera
ble arise—l then will share her fortunes : but
if she summons me to the battlefield, or to
support her in any cause which is unjust
against the Union, never, never will I engage
with her in such a cause.
With regard to South Carolina, and tiie
spirit o( her people, I have said nothing. I have
a respect for her ; but I must say, with entire
truth, that mv respect for her is that inspired
by her ancient and revolutionary character, and
not so much for her modern character. But,
spirited as she is, spirited as she may suppose
herself to be, competent as she may think
herself to wield her separate power against the
power of the Union, I will tell her, and I will
tell the Senator himself, that there are as brave,
as danntlecs, as gallant men, as devoted pariots,
in my opinion, in every other Slate in the
Union, as are to be found in South Carolina
herself; and if, in any unjust cause. South
Carolina or any other State should hoist the
flag of disunion and rebellion, thousands, tejis
of thousands, of Kentuckians would floek to
the standard of their country to dissipate and
repress their rebellion. These are my senti
ments —make the most of them.
Mr. Barnwell. Ido not know that I have
any thing to say exactly in reply to the
srnaxor rrotn Kentncliy. except ttrar, wtren He"
uses auch language as •* traitors ” and “ their
doom.” he compels me to remind him of the
old adage “ that there are two ends to a rope.”
and when lhe Senator comes to the condem
nation of “ traitors,” it may prove that they
are the true men. With respect to the threats
of the Senator from Kentucky, if history
speaks true, there was a certain British officer
once who promised, with a regiment of sol
diers. to drive the rebels from one end of the
continent to the other. I need not eay the per
formance hardly equalled the promise. But I
made, I make no threats. I institute no com
parisons. Far be it from me to detract from
the fidelity or the gallantry of the people of
any of the States of this Union. I should do
great injustice to my own convictions were I
to do so. With respect to the justice of the
cause upheld by South Carolina, tbe Senator
has not now to learn that she is sustained in
her judgment by the recorded opinions of the
nmerous States who made common cause with
the State of Virginia in her assertion of their
rights. And shall any State, however feeble,
subject herself to ruinous and unjust domin
ion from apprehension that tyranny might
prove too strong for her, that the armed heel
of the oppressor might trample out the life
which he only designed to make degraded and
miserable! I trust not, sir; and (contend
only for the duty and the right of asserting jus
tice. even a: the hazard of safety.
Mr. Hale. Ido uot intend to occupy the
atentiou of the Senate buta momont. As the
Senator from Kentucky ha. taken issue with
me on a point of history, I want to give what I
understaud to be Che truth of tbe case. He
i sgys the Missouri compromise was a very
beautiful measure. Ido not undertake to say
' whether it was or not; but if there is any
- truth in history, though I was aboy at the lime,
I when the New England States were of consid
• erably more relative and numerical importance
> than they are now. the history of those men
f who went for lhe Missouri cempromiae baa
< been a warning from that day to this to North
ern men who come here on the floor of Con
gress to surrender Northern rights to nropitiata
power. I think the Senator from Massachu
setts in my eye (Mr. Davie) win tell you that
some of tbe moat promising and talented of
j the pubhe men iu the State, who went for that
. measure, have never recoveted from the
j odium with which they were overwhelmed
I, from that day. 1 thick the Senator from
( Rhode Island could stand up auu show that
they have living monuments of pnblie odium
’ < - •' *
who went for that measure in that Slate. I
know it was so in New Hampshire ; and I
_ believe in that part of the conntry there was
“ but one solitary instance o f a Northern states
man that had vitality xtjd elasticity enough to
h rejuvenize himself frtmi the obloquy with
i- which that measure overwhelmed him, and he
j was an individual welt known to the honorable
’ Senator. '
e Mr. Clay. Henry Jii aw j
i- Mr. Hale. No, sir, John Holmes ; the oti'y
s man in tne whole of Now England that was
ever able to recover.
9 The honorable Senator from Georgia asks
me if I would serve them so again. I can
only tell him that it is said that history is philo-
- sophy teaching by example; and when he
i holds np the Missouri compromise, and the
i fate of those Northern men who went for it, as
- something that is to stimulate us to go for it,
does he think that 1 aui ambitious of filling a
- martyr’s grave? [Laughter] No, sir, not
; at all; nor do I wans at this time to accelerate
s the doo o which I hare no doubt will overtake
every individual whprhall vote for the passage
of a meassurelike ths. I have no doubt that ;
the Missouri compromise was very popular at ■
the South i but when any individual undertakes j
to say that it was a popular measure at the i
North, I must be permitted to reply tha’, with |
al! bjt< great Itnowlek, -!, iiu-ts greatly mislffka* l I
in regard to the trtith.of history, VVlien jibs I
I l,A»n <hl.o stannlor from 2<"t»tno!<v tvs vellirl in I.
| Mijftrable Senator irom ? v entucay iravellftrpi
1 . and"ST»stA:Ci'.iveri ashe sayjs bo
I as I wa9 ’ I
1 > tint 1
•ed nott. what he had dodFflHl
the Missouri comproni le.
k w. Clay. It was after the passage of .he
tariff act of 1632 that I visited New England.
Mr. Hale. He would havebeen so received
in 1820, or al any time. 1 Relieve there ia no
public man in the country that had more en
thjaiantic friends, ifhe did not have so rnaoy
m nhmber. as the honorable Senator. No man
had the faculty of attaching his friends to him
like the honorable Senator; and there is no part
oftlie country, notwithstanding what men have
said of the cold frigid temperament of New-
England, where that enthusiasm is more appa
rent than there. But the Senator mistakes al
together the truth of hiatary ifhe thinks that
that compromise was popular, or the men who
voted for it. No, sir; those men are living
tombstones to-day—those of them who are
above ground—from the odium and obloquy
that has been heaped on them.
Mr. Clay. One or two words in reply to
the honorable Senator. He has confounded
two very different epochs in the history of the
country. I spoke first of the Missouri com
promise : and 1 think I know the names much
better than the Senator does, though there
were not a great many—not above ten or
twelve fron the f.ee Stales —who voted with
us fortbat compromise. I knew at that time
every one of them, and I preserve the most
friendly recollection of them at this moment.
If lhe Senator says they were all sacrificed, I
am sure he is mistaken. I remember the
names of Henry Baldwin, of Pittsburg; Hen
ry Storrs, of Whitestown, near Utica, New
t York; Judge Ford; Henry Siiaw, formerly
j of Lanesboro’, who, although he did not re
r turn to Congress, went to the Legislature of
- his own State whenever he chose, and was
; one of its honored influential members long
; after the passage of the compromise. I cai.not
i recollect them all at this time. But as to New
Hampshire, and some of the other States, we
got very few supporters from them. I believe
t Governor Tomlinson wax one who favored it
at heart; and Mr Foot voted for it, and was
l here long after that. lam sure, if you were
i to look over the list of Northern members
i who voted for the Missouri compromise,
you would find that a majority of them were
sustained.
The honorable Senator says, however, that
there wore some sacrificed, and he told us,
what ho need not have done, that he was not
disposed to sacrifice himself [Laughter.]
He certainly need not have told us that; nobo
dy would suspect him of any such patriotic
ambition. [Renewed laughter ] Now, if any
of these gentlemen were sacrificed in the ciuse
of their country, I would write upon their
tombstones this epitaph : “Here lies a noble
patriot, who loved his country better than him
self”—an epitaph which I would never be able
to write, I am afraid, on the tomb of the Sen
ator from New Hampshire, [Laughter.]
Mr. Hale. Mr. President, ahe honorable
Senator, it seems to me, has been a little per
sonal. [Laughter,]
Mr. Clay. Oh, no.
Mr. Hale. Ido not know whether the hon
orable Senator's vocation is to write epitaphs;
but 1 can tell him that I think the epitaph
which the country will write and has writ ten
upon a great many men that have been sent
here from the North, and lost the .
little muscle they
ffisoft’-his constituents
for the good of office;” and 1 think of those
men who voted for the Missouri compromise I
know something in regard to their fate. I re
member hearing a member, now living, who
wax a member of Congress from New Hamp
shire, and a late chief justice of the Supreme
Court, (Arthur Livermore,) tell me that, upon
his return home, just subsequent to the passage
oftbe Missouri compromise, in passing from
the seat of government to New Hampshire, he
found some men who had voted for that mea
sure in that very Congress which had just ad
journed holding offices under the General Go
vernment. That was the epitaph that was
written for those men.
Mr. Clay. I do not believe that to be the
fact.
Mr. Hale. Well, sir. I will give the loca
tion. Connecticut was lire place where he
- told me that he saw a postmaster appointed from
among those who voted for the compromise.
There are Connecticut metnbejs here who can
I tell whether the fact is so or »»'. The Sena
tor says he does not believe such was the fact.
As a matter of information I have no doubt of
! the tact. I know wbat was the case of an in
-1 dividual from the State I represent in part. I
, do not know that he got into the post office
, quite as soon as he reached home, but it was
very soon after.
t Mr. Dawson. I would like to ask the Sena
, lor from New Hampshire a single question, if
he has no objection. Os what value is the beet
post office in New Hampshire 1
> Mr. Hale. The honorable Senator has I
1 suppose, asked me a question which is indica
-1 live of the measure of patrietum among his
* own members ; for I can give no other reason
r for his putting the question. 1 believe the sal
ary of a postmaster in New Hampshire is about
4 two thousand dollars —enough to command
' votes eithe rin New Hampshire or Georgia.
1 [Laughter ]
9 That, air, has been the histaryxrf thia matter:
1 and when the honorable Senator from Ken-
tucky holds up the men who went for the Mis
souri compromise as an example, I claim the
privilege of holding them up as a warning. It
is no menace, and 1 do not intend it as such.
The honorable Senator save latated that I
would not sacrifice myself for the good of my
country. I have never said such a thing.
What I did say was this : that 1 was not so am
bitious as to bury myself in a martyr’s grave
which was dug for those who tacrifice their
constituents to the seductions tnd blandish
ments of power. I know it is apopular thing
to have a great matter of adjustneut and com
promise I know there is aometkiug taking in
it—something seductive and alluring Io the
imagination, and calculated to mislead tbe
judgment. Bun sir, stripped of all these al
lurements and blandishments—looking at it,
not with the decorations in which lhe bonora
ble Senator's eloquence has portrayed it, but
in the plain, simple, naked yisage of truth,
what do we see ? What do thtee who are op
posed to the spread and exteuiion of slavery
see? I will not go into any delineation of
what we do see; but, suffice to say, we see
thatwbich our judgments condemn, and which
is abhorrent to every feeling of our nature ;
and no reproach, no obloquy, ao art, no sar
casm, no menace, can. by any possibility,
. tl.a thuxrhFkegtml- to-
tbe measure which is brought before him, from
the position he has onee taken.
Mr. Clay. Sir, there are two kinds of sa
crifices which men make for eflice. One is a
sacrifice to power here, and the other is a sa
crifice to constituents at home, feeding tbeir
prejudices and ministering to their antipathies.
Now, although lhe honorable Senator may not
be ready to sacrifice himself to the gifts of pow
er and authority here, I do not see him dis
posed to make any sacrifices, or to be unwil
ling to accept office from that other source of
power. Ou the contrary, I fear he has exhibi
ted too much readiness to minister to local
and unfounded prejudices, and to inflame sec
tional animosities among tbe people whom be
represents.
Ths honorable Senator talks about the sa
crificing of Northern right and power. What
rights are sacrificed in this measure ? Let bias
specify. What rights are sacrified! What
concession of power and authority is made by
the North in this measure 1 It is <n the hign
degree of probability* that all the newly-ac
quired Territories will Ultimately be dedicated
to the cause of free soil, without the W iimot
proviso. Do they hug that precious * Wilmot’
?o to tneir bosoms that nothing but that will
do * —that no other obstacles, no other preveu
lives to lhe introduction of slavery in the ter
ritories will satisfy them but Wilmot, IFiZmot,
Wilmot 1 Is that a sacrifice ? To what pow
er is that sacrifice made here ? Are they not
satisfied with every real security for the ac
complishment ol their wishes 1 or do they re
quire to indict what they know is regarded as
derogatory to the honor and the feelings of tbe
South ?
Sir, Mr. Monroe was in office at the time of
the passage of the Missouri compromise, and
I do not believe one word es any man getting
into office in consequence of or as a price for
his vote upon that occasion—l care not whence
the charge may come. 1 know most of the
men; and if I bad been aware of the Sena
tor’s intention to go over again the list ol
Northern men who voted for that compromise
I would hare fortified my own recollection bj
a resort to the journal* of the House. Henrj
Baldwingot nu office ; Henry Storrs got none
Henry Shaw got none; Judge Ford got none
l and I supoose they constitute about half thi
Northern vote for that measure. Mr. Foo
I got qo office. Mr. Holmes got none from thi
i General Government until long after, whei
t he was appointed district attorney. Some lei
i or twelve veers after, when Mr. Adams was ii
,■’ : L
»• i ♦ •
we have six or eight out of the number who
got no office ; and when Mr. Liverinorc, or
any body else, ventures to make a charge
against lite memory of that virtuous patriot,
Monroe, and hold out thfe idea that offices were
distributed as a reward for lhe votes given, let
him specify the men and the offices. Ido not
believe one word of it. It is a mistake I
dare say the Senator believes what he has sta
ted ;but his informer is mistaken.
Sir, really these little posthumous debates,
after one lias become exhansed by the main
battle of lhe day, are very unpleasant. But I
stand up here for this measure, and I do not
want the Senator to deal in declamation. I
ask him what right is sacrificed by the North iu
this measure? Let him tell me if the North
does not get almost everything, and the South
nothing but her honor—her exemption from
usurped authority te lhe Texas land which I
have mentioned, together with lhe fugitive
slave proposition, and an exemption from agi
tation on the subject of slavery in the District
of Columbia. Ido not want general broad- 1
cast declamations, but specifications. Let us ,
meet them like men, point upon point, argu-
argument. Show us the power
Pareto which Northern sacrifice is maje. Shew
«i:at sacrifices, what is sacrificed by the Norfft ;
ir. ciiis bill. That is what I want.
Air. Foot having obtained the floor, ms red
a^;^ouiumeiil; which was agreed to. J
e js • ■
; | iCHlresyondence of the Chronicle &,• SentiMi. I
Editor: —Leaving a quiet village ih-|
’ < ; soifiaon Monday night, flying as if were
by sleam, I found myself in Washington City
on Thursday evening, and never having seen
the machienery of Government, I remained a
day to Idok at the wheels; which hafl been
hotly driven the day before on the graat com
promise bill—which, it seems, was defeated by
an union ofthe Abolitionists and the Nullifiers
—a strange union to be sure, and an evidence
of what violent party spirit can do iu thus
mingling such old opposite materials. The
history of this matter will notread much to the
credit of some concerned—but such are the
strange elastic propensities of principles in
politics these days, that we cannot compre
hend how far things may be stretched to suh
desirable movements. A fragment is all that
is left of the great compromise bill—the terri
torial arrangement of Utah.
I never felt so intensely the forcible lines of
the poet, who said
“ ’Tis distance lends enchantment to the view”—
as I did, in looking over the members of the
“most dignified body in the world,” and having
the pleasure of an introduction to several of
them through the politeness of our talented
and amiable Senator from Georgia, Judge
Dawson—my mind naturally speculated for a
short time on them and their sayings, doings
and appearances, during the two hours I sat
upon the privileged seats, which gave me a
fine opportunity of closely looking at the doings
of the Senate of the United States.
I was particularly interested in looking at
and watching the Senator from Mississippi,
Mr. Foote, I think he is a business man, out
and out, but has taken entirely too large a
share of weight in taking care of the govern
ment. I heard Mr. Atchison, of Missouri,
say that the whole of ic had been upon him,
(Mr. Foote) forsix months. I should suppose
from his looks he has worked hard, it would
be wiser in him not to suffer quite so much for
it, for I think the government is going on
everywhere better than it is at Washington;
and the whole political fraternity now assem
bled in Washington, will find it so when they
get home amongst their constituents
1 fear for the extreme warm weather, espe
cially io South Carolina, if Generals Quattle
bum.aiid Commander, Col. Chestnut, and that
awful Sergeant who was going to march his
company and take possession of California and
make it a slave state —I say if these hot days
should set their warm patriotic blood into a
fever, and Mr. Rhett should let off such anoth
er speech as he did lately in Charleston, we
are gone to the last link—yet I felt encouraged
to hear Mr. Atchison say in his place, that if the
whole State of South Carolina, Gas and all,
should be moved and attempt to stop the mouth
of the Mississippi, the mel.ing of the snows of
the mountains and the first rise of the father of
waters in the Spring, would wash the whole
state into the Ocean.
Then Mr. Rhett
Would get wet.
But enough of this, it h all fuss and fury,
and who cares a fig for it. This glorious Union
is destined by the crest Maker and Supervisor
SUiramira r ly arranged for the benefits of the
whole, that it is ridiculous to even imagine in
the very morning of the distribution of the
great staples of each section of our highly
favored land, poli.Lalstralagams, office seek
ing, plunder and power, all under the barest
derelictions of moral turpitude, should shake
or sever the country. But it will not be done—
an over ruling Providence will avert it—and
the millionsof contented people providing food
and raiment for these demagogues, will not be
disturbed by their machinations
To day some thousands of Tailors, princi
pally working men, on a strike for wages, are
assembled in the Park. I almost thought Mal
thus was right, in looking at such a degraded
crew; we have certainly the off scourings of
creation amongst us; but in no country is
their more room forthem I heard them vo
ciferating in the most abusive terms of the
corruptions of government—the pressure on
the working classes—their sufferings and dis
tresses—remedies proposed, &c. Their main
object seems to be a distribution of the public
ands. It is laughable to hear their schemes —
they are truly to be pited both for their impu
dence and ignorance. If the great bulk of
these low demagogues would quit drinking
beer and whiskey—spread themselves in the
ulterior and extremities of this great land, they
would live and act to some purpose and benifit
to them elves and others—but here they will
stay amidst poverty, damp cellars, disease and
death. A distribution of the public lands !
Enough for a cabbage garden each, I should
think would do for such a crew as I saw. The
condition of the masses in this city I think is
truly deplorable ; but this is a great country,
giving both freedom and filth—hanpiness and
misery at the choice of the leclpient. R.
J - - - I
Irconsistkuct or Mk Rhett.—ln lhe late
treasonable speech by Mr. R. Barnwell Rhett
to the people of Charleston, South Carolina,
he assumed that the tariff of 1846 was, of itself,
sufficient cause for dissolving the Union, or at
least for lhe secession of South Carolina front
the confederacy—that it was not passed by the
votes of the Representatives of that State, and
would ba instantly repealed did they possess
the power. The Union shews that this is a
gross mis-statement; and that, not only did the
whole of the South Carolina delegation in
Congress (including her Senators,) vole for
the Bill, but that it was voted for by R. Barn
well Rhett himself. On the final passage of
the bill, it received the votes of Messrs. Cal
houn and McDuffie of the Senate, and of
Messrs. Black, Burt, Holmes, tyßhett, Sims,
Simpson and Woodward, oftbe House of Re
presentatives, being the entire South Carolina
delegation. And yet Mr. Rhett would dis
solve the Union because of the p< ssage of this
bill, for which himself and colleagues voted.
We marvel that he could address the people of
Charleston in the language which he used,
without blushing at his own inconsistency,
We are glad to see that the public press ex
hibits great unanimity in condemnation of the
speech of Mr. Rhett. It shews a wholesome
state of feeling in a quarter powerful for good
and evil. The treasonable purport of the
speech is so palpable, that editors do not hesi
tate to stigmatize its author es a traitor; and in
this they but give utterance to a sentiment
which we believe prevails universally. Mr.
_ Bhatt may obtain notoriety byjtbe boldness
with which he advocates a dissolution of lhe
Union, but it will be a notoriety as unenviable
as that which attached to Benedict Arnold.
He and all others who walk in his footsteps,
1 are welcome to lhe fame which they will ac
quire by plotting the ruin of their country. —
Baltimore Clipper.
Millard Fillmore. The Washington
Union contains a communication from a Demo
’ crat, in which the following jnst tribute is paid
r to Mr. Fillmore. It is the more valuable as
coming from one which the Union vouches for
I as an old and staunch political opponent:
. ... 11 L .1— S...WV
All eyes, all hopes, all thoughts are now turn
’ ed to Millard Fillmore, and I dare prophecy
that he will not disappoin* the hopes and wish
’ esof a patriotic people. Unless lam grossly
1 deceived in the character of the man, he is a
' true patriot. He will stand by his party, for
1 in bis heart there is no guile ; and he is too
honest and honorable a man to tolerate for a
“ moment the idea of party treachery or party
" desertion. But true patriotism knows no party
1 trammels ; it is far above the petty political
; influences that govern party action ; and
knowing Mr. Fillmore as I do. and have for
1 nearly a quarter of a century, although cppo
■ sedtohim politically, I hesitate not to say that
’ a purer patriot, a truer man. does not lire.
’ Firm as the rock of ages in his devotion to his
’ country, he will east -".side all ex raneous tnflu
* euees, and save us from impending danger. It
| ie does this— and he will do it —itisto be hop
'■ ed dial men of all parties will be ready to be
s stow upon him the meed of praise due to one
e who saves his country from division and ruin.
I believe him to be the man for the occasion.
>f F •
d East Capital Street, J uly 13, laoX
r The How. Jobs H. Luhpkis, late Member
e of Conaress from the Sih Congressional Dis
e trict in this State, in a letter to the Editor of the
>f Marietta Adoocite, says >
» <• I am one of those who still think that the eMsti-
y tufiooal rights and honor of the Southern sectlotl of
I the Vnion nay be ■aiotamed and preserved, oy a
.. iust and equitable settlement of the ouessioos mdis-
Lie between the twose-uoos. And 1 am uawidma
’ w countenance the ide* that the nglus end honor of
18 the South cannot be ma reamed and the colon o.
ct these Suites r reoerred. When my views undergo
,e * cbamre ana 1 come to th® conclusion that * Uisso
;n lotion of the Vnioc is the only remedy lett for the
- n protec'.'onof the Soutn, 1 shall renew my suosenp
in .tn* to your naper. and Ned it With if
rCONGRESSION A L.
i
* PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS,
t
t Correspondence of the Baltimore American,
1 In Senate Avgust. 5.
Mr. Cass’ resolution in favor of a law pro
hibiting the interference of military officers, in
civil affairs was taken up.
Mr. Jefferson Davis replied at great length,
to Mr- Houston’s ramarks of a former day,
concerning Gen. Taylor’s operations on the
Rio Grande. Mr. Davis vindicated Gen. Tay
lory from Mr. Houston’s animadversions.
The subject was postponed.
Mr. Pearce rose and said he had prepared a
bill to settle the boundaries of Texas. He
made some remarks in explanation of it. The
great obstacle to our progress was this question ’
of boundary, and it was the cause of the de
feat of the compromise bill. It seemed to him :
right and politic that each measure should be
judged of by itself. It would have more
strength singly than in combination with oth-
• ere.
It was a question that involved the peace
; and happiness of the United States. He had
tiHejmied in h<s proposed measure to deal
liberally with Texas. The boundary which
jtfreposed would not suit every one, but he
beualed that it combined many advantages.
was partly based on the bill offered early
S• !s -* aat£r i" :o,1 X Missouri,
t Benton.)
Ho went on to describe the boundary which
ha had chose.
Tne bill was read. It is a bill proposing to
Texas a northern and western boundary, and
of certain claims.
1. The bill provides that if the proposition
Is agreed to by the Legislature of Texas, by the
Ist of December next, it shall be obligatory on
lhe United States and Texas.
2. The northern boundary to commence
at the intersection of the 100th degree of
West longitude, with the parallel of 36 degrees
30 minutes North latitude ; running thence
on that parallel to the 103 d degrees of West
longituds ; thence South to the 32d parallel of
North latitude, and along that parallel to the
Rio Grande; and thence down that river to
n the Gulf of Mexico.
3. Texas to relinquish all claims to territo
ry Noi th of boundary proposed, and also all
claims under articles ol annexation.
it 4. The United States, in consideration of
i- the above, to pay Texas ten millions in U. S.
stock.
f 3. Five millions reserved to meet payment
of Texan bonds issued upon the faith of custom
- duties.
e The subject was laid over.
g The California Bill was then taken up, and
f reported to the Senate.
d The question was ou engrossment.
e Mr. Foote despaired of obtaining anyamend
a ment of the Bill favorable to the South. The
s failure of the Compromise bill had destroyed
t all hope of this.
i His duty was discharged except to vote ac
s cording to his instructions as he understood
them.
t Mr. Butler made some explanation.
Mr. Foote proceeded, in reply, to show that
t I the line of 35 deg. 30 min. would have been
i adopted if the other portion of the bill could be
- sustained.
, After some remarks from Messrs. Soule,
, Mason, Foote, Yulee, Dayton, Badger, Atchi
-5 son, and Dawson, the Senate adjourned.
I House.
After some preliminary proceedings, during
‘ which a motion to suspend the rules to enable
’ a bill to admit California to be introduced, was
negatived.
Mr. Bayly moved a suspension of the rules
and that the Honso resolved itself into Commit
tee of the Whole, with the view of taking up
the Appropriation Bill.
After some debate, the question was taken,
and the rules were suspended—yeas 98, nays
90—a majority only being by rules necessary.
1 Thus all hope of getting before the House
a bill to admit California is at an end for two
weeks, unless the Senate in the mean time
should send over a bill. The bill now in Cora
mittee of the whole to admit California can be
kept there till doomsday, so long as thirty or
forty members choose to keep it there, by
1 moving amendments and making five minutes
speeches thereon ; unless indeed the House
could by some means obtain a two third vote
to instruct the Committee to report the bill
forthwith to the House. Such a vote cannot
be obtained, because two thirds of the House
are not favorable to the admission of Califor
nia as proposed ; and if even two thirds were
i the one third could for a year by availing them
_ of parliainentary tactics stave off a di-.
, a bill pass ttrere,\v California is
no appropriation of money 1 /* the previous
question could be moved and if rraintained
the House would be brought to a vote upon
the passage of the bill, sooner or later. I say
sooner or later, because forty
could soon then force the House into a great
physical contest —that is of little sleep and few
meals—before a vote could be obtained. Such
is the hope for California.
The House then resolved itself into Com
mittee of the Whole. The California bill and
Message were set aside by a vote of 94 ayes
and 75 noes, and the bill making appropriation
for the support of the Post Office Department
was taken up.
Mr. Campbell took the floor and made a
speech touching all the old party issues. He
was arguing that the democratic party had been
for and against all questions.
Mr. T. Stevens wished to know of the gen
i tieman, whether the democratic party had been
ever opposed to slavery.
i Mr. Campbell was not prepared to answer
that question.
Mr. Pot’er proposed an amendment, the ob
ject of which was to require all the revenues
r for the Post office system to be carried into the
r common Tresury, and thus to have its ex
> penses paid from it.
’ Mr. Phelps made some remarks in favor of
t making the appropriations in the bill specific,
I that is of appropriating so much for each cause
I of expenditure, instead of appropriating the
! aggregate sum of $5,215,107 in the lump, for
1 the s rvice of the Department. He argued
? that appropriations in the aggregate enabled
i the P. M. General to cutoff from any branch
, of the service, and to apply it to sending
i through the country swarms of special agents
as electioneerers.
Mr. Jones, of Tenn., said he had prepared
an amendment to make the appropriations
specific and in accordance with the estimates
of the Post Master General.
In Senate August 6.
After petitions and reports,
Mr. Pearce's bill for the settlement of the
Texas boundary was taken np and made the
special order of the day for to morrow.
The resolution of Mr. Clemens, inquiring
into the expediency of making Major General
Scott Lieut General of the U. 8. Army, with
increased pay and emoluments, was taken up
and passed.
Tho bill for the admission of California was
again taken up.
Mr. Turney moved to amend by striking it
all out, and insert a bill providing that when
California shall adopt a constitution inconven
tion, making her Southern limits the line of
36 30, she shall be admitted into the Union by
lhe proclamation of the President ofthe United
Slates.
Pending this, a message was received from
the President of the United States.
Mr. Berrien said it was in relation to the
Texas boundary. The California bill was laid
aside and the message was read, as follows:
Washirotos, Augnst 6, 1850.
To th» Senate and House of Representatives:
I herewith transmit to the two Houses of
Congress a letter from his Excelleneythe Gov
ernor of Texas, dated on the 14th day of June
last, addressed to the late President o( lhe
United States, which, not having been answer
ed by him, came to my hands on his death;
end I also transmit a copy of lhe answer which
I have felt it to be my duty to cause to be made
to that communication.
Congress will perceive that the Governor of
Texas officially states that, by authority of the
Legislature of that Slate, he dispatched a
Special Commissioner, with full power and
! instructions to extend the civil jurisdiction of
the State over the unorganized counties of Ei
' Paso, Worth. Presidio, and Santa Fe, situated
I an its northwestern limits.
i He proceeds to say that the Commissioner
r had repoted to him, inofficial form, that the
military officers employed in the service of the
United States, stationed at Santa Fe, inter-
posed adversely, with the inhabitants, to the
fulfilment of bis object, in favor of the estab
lishment of a separate Slate Government east
of the Rio Grande, and within the rightful
limits of the State of Texas. The four coun
ties which Texas thus proposes to establish
and organize, as being within her own jurisdic
tion, extended over the whole of the territory
east of Rio Grande, which has heretofore been
regarded as an essential and integral part of
the Department of New Mexico, and actuary
governed and possesed by her people, until
conquered and severed from the Republic of
Mexico by die American arms.
The Legislature of Texas has been called
together by her Governor, for the purpose, as
is understood, of maintaining her claim to the
territory east of the Rio Grande, and of estab
lishing over it her own jurisdiction and her
own laws by force.
These proceedings of Texas may well ar
rest the attention of all branches of the Govern
ment of the United States ; and I rejoice that
they occur while the Congress is y et in session.
It is. I fear, far from being impossible that, in
consequence of these proceedings of Texas,
a crisis may be brought on whichsbali summon
the two Houses of Congress, and still more
emphatically the Executive Government, to an
immediate readiness for tba performance of
their respective duties.
By the Constitution of the United States,
the President is constituted Commander-in
chief of the Army and Navy ; and of the mili
tia of the several States, when called into the
actuel service es the United States. The
Constitution deciares also that he shall take
care that the laws be faithfully executed, and
1 that he shall, from time to time, give to the
Congress information of the state of the
Union.
f Cwogres* hew power, by the Constitution, to
VOL. LX IV—NEV SERIES VOL. XIV—NO. 33.
I the laws of the Union; and suitable and Hp-
I propriate acts of Congress have been passed,
■ as well for providing for calling forth the mi
litia, as for placing other suitable and efficient
! means in lhe hands of lhe President to enable
‘ I him to dicharge the constitutional functions of
' his office.
The second section of the act of the 28th of
' February, 1795, declares that whenever lhe
j laws ofthe United States shall be opposed, or
> their execution obstructed, in any State, by
combinations too powerful to be suppressed
by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings,
or the power vested in lhe marshals, the Pres
ident may call forth lhe militia, so far as .may
be necessary to suppress such combinations,
and to cause the laws to be duly executed.
By the act of March 3d, 1867, it is provided
■ that, in all cases of obstruction to the laws, ei
; ther of the United States, or anv individual
i State or Territory, where it is lawful for the
] President to call forth lhe militia for the pur
! pose of causing the laws to be duly executed,
’ it shall be lawful for him to employ, for the
same purposes, such part ofthe land or naval
force of the United States as shall be judged
necessary.
These several enactments are now in full
force; so that if the laws ofthe United States
are opposed and obstructed, in any state or
Territory, by combinations too powerful to be
suppressed by the judicial or civil authorities,
it becomes a case in which it is the duty of the
President either to call out the militia or to em-
Sloy the military and naval force of the Utii
■& Stales ; or to do both, if iu his judgment
the exigency ofthe occasion shall so require,
for the purpose of suppressing such combina
tions The constitutional duty of the Presi
dent is plain and peremptory, and the authori
ty vested in him by law for its performance
clear and ample.
Texas is a state, authorized to maintain her
own laws, so far as they are not repugnant to
the constitution, laws and treaties of the Uni
ted States ; to suppress insurrections against
her authority, and to punish those who may
commit treason against the State, according
to the forms provided by her own constitution,
and her own laws. But all this power is local,
arid confined entirely within the limits of Tex
as herself. She can possibly confer no author
ity which can be lawfully exercised beyond
her own boundaries. All this is plain, and
hardly needs argument or elucidation. If
Texan militia, therefore, march into any one
d of the other Stales, or into any territory of the
United States, there to execute or enforce any
/ law of Teras, they become at that moment
’• trespassers ; they are no longer under the pro
tection of any lawful authority, and are to be
regarded merely as intruders . and if, within
u such State or Territory, they obstruct any law
of the United States, either by power of arms
or mere power of members, constituting euch
d a combination as is too potverful to be sup
pressed by the civil authority, the President of
the United States has no option leftto him, but
■ is bound to obey the solemn injunction of the
e Constitution, and exercise the high powers
vested in him by that instrument and by the
acts of Congress.
Or if any civil posse, armed or unarmed, en
ter into any Territory of the United States,
with intent to seize individuals to be carried
elsewhere for trial, for alleged offences, and
t this posse be too powerful to be resisted, by the
1 local civil authorities, such seizure or attempt
3 to seize is to be prevented or resisted by the
anthority of the United States.
> The grave and important question now a-
■ rises, whether there be in the Territory of
New Mexico any existing law of the United
States, opposition to which, or the obstruction
r of which, would constkute a case calling for
j the interposition of the authority vested in tho
i President.
The constitution of the United States declares
i that “this constitution, and the laws of the Uni
ted States which shall be made, in pursuance
thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be
made, under the authority of the U. States, shall
be the supreme law of the land,” If, therefore.
New Mexico be a Territory of the United
States, and if any treaty stipulation be in force
therein, such treaty stipulation is the supreme
law of the land, and is to be maintained and up
held accordingly.
In the letter to the Governor of Texas my
reasons are given for believing that New Mex
co is now a Territory of the United States, with
the same extent and the same boundaries which
belonged to it while in the actual possession of
the Republic of Mexico, and before the late
war. In the early part of that war both Cali
fornia and New Mexico were conquered by the
arms of the United States, and were in the mil
itary possession of the United States nt the date
of the treaty of peace. By that treaty the title
by conquest was confirmed, and these Territo
ries, Provinces, or Departments separated from
Mexico forever; and by the same treaty cer
tain important rights and securities were sol
aj u* uro treaty « *s trectared
that
“ The boundary hue between the two republics
shall commence in the Gulf of Mexico three leagues
from land, opposite the mouth of the Rio Grande,
otherwise called the Bro Bravo del Norte, or oppo
site the mouth of its deepest branch, if it should
have more than one branch, emptying directly into
the sea; from thence, up the middle of that rivery
following the deepest channel, where it has more than
one, to the point where it strikes the southern boun
dary of New Mexico ; thence westwardly, along (he
whole southern boundary of New Mexico, (which
runs north of the town called Paeo) to its western
termination ; thence northward, along the western
lino of New Mexico until it intersects the first branch
of the river Gila ; (or if it should not inter.-ect any
branch of that river, then to the point on the said line
nearest to such branch, and thence in a direct line to
the same ;) thence down the middie of the said
branch and of the said river until it empties into the
Rio Colorado; thence across the Rio Colorado, fol
-1 lowing the division lino between Upper and Lower
California, to the Pacific ocean.”
The eighth article, of the treaty is in the
following terms :
»< Mexicans now established in territories previous
' ly belonging to Mexico, and which remain lor the
! future within the limits of the United States, as de
fined by the present treaty, shall be free to continue
where they now reside, or to remove at any time to
f the Mexican republic, retaining the property which
, they possess in the said Territories, or disposing
( thereof, and removing the proceeds wherever they
> please, without their being subjected on th s account
' to any contribution, tax. or charge whatever.
i “ Those who shall prefer to remain in the said
! Territories may either retain tho title and rights of
1 Mexican citizens, or acquire those of citizens of the
1 United States. But they shall be under the oblige
s tion to make their election within one year from the
3 date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty;
and those who shall remain in the said Territories
aficr the expiration of lhatyeir, without haviug de
clared their intention to retain the character of Mexi
cans, shall be considered to have elected to become
citizens of the United States.**
“ In the said Territories property of every kind
now belonging to Mexicans not established there
shall be inviolably respected. The present owners,
lhe heirsof lhese, and all Mexicans who may here
after acquire aaid property by contract, shall enjoy
with respect to it guaranties equally ample as if lhe
same belonged to citizens of the United States.”
The ninth article of the treaty is in these
Words:
The Mexicans who, in the Territories aforesaid,
shall not preserve the character of citizens of the
Mexican republic conformably with what ia stipula
ted in the preceding article, shall be incorporated into
the union of lhe United Slates, and bo admitted al the
proper time (lobe judged of by the Congress of lhe
United States) to the enjoyment of all the rights of
citizens of the United States, according to the princi
ples of the constitution ; and, in the mean time, shall
be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment
of their liberty and properly, and secured in the free
exercise of their religion without restrictions.”
It is plain, therefore, on the face of lhese
treaty stipulations, that all Mexicans estab
lished in territories north of the line of de
markation already mentioned, come within
the protection of the Bth article ; and that the
treaty, being a part of the supreme law of tho
land, does extend over all such Mexicans, and
assures to them perfect security in lhe free en
joyment of their liberty and property, as well
as in the free exercise of their religion; and
this supreme law of the land, being thus in ac
tual force over this territory, is\to be main
tained and enforced until it shall be displaced
or superceded by other legal provisions; and
if it be obstructed or restricted by combinations
too powerful to be suppressed by the civil au
thority, the case is one which comes within the
provisions oflaw, and which obliges the Presi
dent to enforce those provisions. Neither the
constitution nor lhe law, my duly or my oath
’ of office, leaves me any alternative or any
choice in my mode of action.
The Executive Government of the United
States has no power or authority to determine
what was the true line of boundary between
Mexico and the United States before the treaty
of Guadalupe Hidalgo; nor has it any such
power now, since the question has become a
question between the State ol lexas ana the
United States. So far as this boundary is
doubtful, that doubt can only be removed by
some act of Congress, to which the assent of iho
State of Tex a- may be necessary, or by some
appropriate mode of legal adjudication; but,
in the mean lime, if disturbances or collisions
arise, or should be threatened, it is absolutely
incumbent on the Executive Government,
however paiu al the duty to take care that the
laws are faithfully maintained. And he can
regard only the actual slate of things as it ex
isted at the dale of the treaty, and is bound to
protect all inhabitants who were than estab
lished, and who now remain north and east of
the line of demarkation, in toe full enjoyment
of their liberty and properly, according to the
provisions of the 9th article of the treaty ; in
other words, that all must be now regarded as
New. Mexico which was possessed and occu
pied as New Mexico by citizens of Mexico at
ibe date of the treaty, until a definite line of
boundary shall be established by competent
authority. This assertion of duty to protect
the people of New Mexico from threatened
violence or from seizure to ba carried into
Texas fir trial fer alleged offences against
Texan laws, does not at ail include any claim
of power on the part of the Executive to es
tablish any eivil or military government withiu
that Territory. lAat power belongs exclusive
ly to the Legislative department, and Congress
is the sole judge of the lime and manner of
creating or authorizing any such Government.
The duty of the Executive extends only to the
execution of laws and the maintenance of
treaties already in force, and the protection of
all the people of the United States in the en
joyment of the rights which those treaties and
aws guaranty. It is exceedingly desirable that
no occasion «nould arise lor the exercise of the
powers thus ve*ted in the President by the
-oniUIMWB '*'" 7 ’ :T ’’'
- mi'dneas .those powers might be executed, or
, however clear tl e case of necessiiy, yet con
sequences might nevertheless follow of which
t no human sagacity can foresee either the evils
: or tie end.
f Having thus laid before Congress the com
munication ol his Excellency the Governor of
Texas, and the answer thereto, and having
■ made such observations as I have thought the
r occasion called for, respecting constitutional
< obligations which may arise in th* further pro-
I gre sos things, and may devolve on me to be
performed, 1 hope I shall not be regarded as
- stepping aside from the line of duty, notwith
standing that lam aware that the subject is
now before both Houses, if I express my deep
and earnest conviction of the propriety of an
immediate decision, or arrangement, or settle
ment oi the question of boundary between
lexasaiid the Territory of New Mexico. All
considerations of justice general expediency,
and domestic tranquility call for this. It seems
to be, in its character and by position, the first,
or one of the first of the questions growing out
of the acquisition of California and New Mex
ico, and now calling for decision.
No Government can be established for New
Mexico, either State or territorial, until it shall
be first ascertained what New Mexico is, end
what are her limits and boundaries. These
cannot be fixed or known till the line of divis
ion between her and Texas shall be ascertain
ed and established ; and numerous and weighty
reasons conspire. in my judgment, to show
that this divisional line should be et.Ubli.eied
by Congress, with the assent of the Govern
ment of Texas. In the first place, this seems
by far the most prompt mode of proceeding by
which ibe end can be accomplished. If judi
cial proceedings were resorted la, such pro
ceedings would necessarily be slow, and years
would pass-by, in all probability, before the
controversy could be ended. So great a delay
in thia case is to be avoided, if possible. It
would be every way inconvenient, and might
be the occasion of disturbances and collisions.
For the same reason, I would, with lhe ut
most deference to the wisdom of Congress,
express a doubt of the expediency of the ap
pointment of coinuiiseionei s, and of an exam
ination, estimate, and an award of indemnity
tobemade by them. This would be but a
species of arbitration, which might last as long
as a suit at law.
r So far as I am able to comprehend the case,
■ the general facts are now all known, and Con
. gress is as capable of deciding on it justly and
properly now u it probably would bt after the
t report of coruirfiuners.
If the claim «■ le on the part of Texas ap
pear to Cong to be well founded in whole
or in part, it is in the competency of Congress
to offer her an indemnity for the surrender of
that claim. In a case like this, surrounded as
it is by many cogent considerations, all calling
for amicable adjustment and immediate settle,
ment, the Government of the United States
would be justified, in my opinion, in allowing
an indemnity tu Texas, not unreasonable and
extravagant, but fair, liberal, and awarded in a
just spirit of accommodation.
I think no event would be hailed with more
gratification by the people of the United States
than the ainibable arragement of questions of
difficulty, which have now for a long time agi
ted the country, and occupied, to the exclusion
of other subjects, the time and attention of Con
gress.
Having thus freely communicated the results
of my own reflections on the most advisable
mode of adjusting the boundary question, I
shall nevertheless cheerfully acquiesce in any
other mode which the wisdom of Congress may
devise.
Ano, in conclusion, I repeat my conviction
that every consideration of the public interest
manifests (he necessity of a provision by Con
gress for the settlement of this boundary ques
tion before the present session be brought to a
close. The settlement of other questions con
nected with the same subject, within the same
period, is greatly to be desired ; but the adjust
ment of this appears to mo to be in tho highest
degree important. In the train of such an ad
justment, we may well hope that there will fol
low a return of harmony and good will, an in
creased attachment to the Union, and the gene
ral satisfaction of the country
Millard Fillmork.
The California bill was resumed. The
amendment of Mr. Turney was rejected, yeas
25. nays 32-
Mr. Foote submitted an amendincnl giving
the assent of the U. S. to a division of Cali
fornia by the line of 36.30, but after debate
withdrew it.
Mr. Soule submitted as a substitute for the
bill, one in forty sections, providing a territo
rial government for Calil’irnia.
After several motions to adjourn and post
pone were voted down
‘ Mr. S ? .|do addressed tho Senate, giving
llowWP*
Tiie ' jiSiila the reselutioottf cKw.„,
debate vn tho Post Office Bill io Committee of
the Whole in fifteen minutes after the House
shall again have resolved itself into Committee.
On motion of Mr. Bayly the rules were sus
pended and the House resolved itself into
Committee of tho Whole (Mr. Boyd in the
chair) and resumed the consideration of the
bill making appropriation for the Naval Ser
vice for the present fiscal year.
Mr. Crowell occupied the floor for fifteen
minutes io reply to tho remarks of Mr. Green,
of Mo , that the contract for the foreign mail
service was uncouetitu'.ional. He also defend
ed Senator Benton against the denunciations
of that gentleman yesterday, that said Senator
was a traitor to his party and his counliy.
Mr. Bayly spoke an hour in favor of placing
the Post Office Department upon its own re
sources for support instead of the common
Treasury aa is the case now to a great extent.
The discussion was further Qoulinued by
Messrs. Green and Phelps; when
Mr. Kaufman moved that the Committee
rise for the purpose of having the message re
ceived from the President in regard to New
Mexico laid before the House, read and or
dered to be printed. Tho commit ee rose.
The Speakerthen laid before the Bouse the
important Message of tho President of the
United States, and accompanying documents
in relation to the difficulty between the State
of Texas and Territory of New Mexico in
regard to tho boundary.
Mr. Bayly moved to refer the Message to
the Committee of the Whole, and to have it
printed, and on that motion demanded the pre
vious question,
Mr. Brown bf Miss., hoped that the gentle-
man would not choke olf debate on this extra
ordinary paper.
Mr. Bayly said he had called for the previ- '
ous question because he knew that debate on
it would obstruct all other business He did
not mean to stop debate entirely on it. He
wished to refer it to the Committee of tho
Whole, where it could be reached in a day or
two for the purpose of debate. In the mean
time it could be printed But as there was
such a clamor about it he would withdraw lhe
demand for the pH-vions question.
Mr. Howard r retted that such a message
had been com ....icati-d at this unfortunate
conjuncture of tune. He contended that it was
designed to defeat the measure of adjustment
introduced into the Senate yesterday, and
considered the doctrine of the Message as most
extraordinary.
Mr. Moore continued the debate in the same
strain and concluded by moving the reference
ofthe Message to a Special Committee.
Mr. Duncan said that from his understand
ing of the reading of the message, it did not
contain any monstrous doctrines or any at
tack upon State rights. He moved the pre
vious question. It was seconded. The main
question was ordered to be taken by a vole of
131) in the affirmative and 38 in the negative.
The message was then referred to the Com
mittee of the Whole, and ordered l<> be printed.
The House again resolved itrelf into Com
mitter of the Whole, and resumed theconside
ration of lhe Post Office Appropriation bill.
An amendment was adopted for 15 addition
al or temporary clerks in that Department.
The Committee rose at 3j o'clock, arid the
House adjourned.
In Senate - AtrotteT 7.
Mr. Dickinson, from the Committee on Fi
nance, reported back the bills from the House,
making appropriations tor the Army and Navy
pensions.
Mr Shields submitted a resolution of euqui
ry, directing the Committee on the Library to
examine a medal for General Taylor, made by
N. Gevelot, and if satisfactory, to purchase
copies of it for the public departments. Laid
over.
Mr Pearce’s bill for the settlement of the
Texan boundary was taken up.
Mr. Underwood addressed the Senate for
about fifteen minutes in opposition to some
features of the bill Without concluding, ho
gave way to Air. D.ugl-is, on whose motion
th* bill was postponed till to morrow, and the
California hill was resumed.
Mr, Yulee resumed his speech upon the
amendment submitted by him yesterday, in
which be proposed to change the existing gov
ernment in California into a provisional gov
ernment, in the nature of a territorial organiza
tion.
At three o’clock, he being much exhausted,
gave way to a motion to postpone the bill till
to-morrow. The Senate refused to postpone
the bill —yeas 19, nays 30.
Mr Yulee continued bis remarks, and at
4 o’clock gave way to
Mr. Badger, who moved the Senate adjourn.
Lost —yea, 19, nays 23.
Mr- Buller stated that it was the apparent
design to force a vote this evening. Several
Senators desired to be heard. He moved,
with a view to give hrtatbing time to the Sen
ator from Florida, ths Wi be postponed till to
morrow, and on that motion called for the yeas
and nays, which were ordered.
Mr. Barrier; foliowedin support of the post
ponement, and the question being taken, tha
motion was rejected—yeas 23, nays 23.
Mr. Soule moved an adjournment. Lost—
yeas 21, nays 24.
Four and a half o’clock*—Mr- Atchwofi
moved the bill be postponed, and spoke in
favor of the motion.
House,
Mr. Holmes submitted a resolution calling
. uoO’i the President of lhe United Stales u»
, communicate to lhe House. U it be not incom
patible with lhe public urerest, the amacnl of
' die several claim* of the United Steles agamst
Portugal, the nature of those claims, the cor
upon the subject h-»h »t W*d>-