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The New* from Cube.
The Bo«!on Daily Adeer'iser, of Tuesday
tnorn>ng> publiuiies lhn fallowing letter, which
it announces as having be n received from a
gentleman of atrict veracity and tha bigheat re
apers ability, though, of course, a bitter oppo
nent of the Patriot movement:
Haraaa, Aug- 16,1851.
The diatorbance of Puerto Principe ended
M already advised, in the capture of A{asro,
■nd the Trininad agi'atora were soon caught.
Tbe whole affair was a farce, and only to be
regre'ted <n account of the late of fif'een or
twenty who already have or will soon have to
pay with thei livee the forfeit of their folly.
On the 11th inat, a suspicious steamer was
seen off tbe Moro in the evenin’, which turn
ed out to be tbe Pampero, with Narciso Lo
pea on board. He boarded a coaster, and
obliged the “patron” to serve aa pilot and t
the steamer to a place four leagues wurt °
Bahia Honda, where be landed at 4- A M
tbe 12th. with, it ia said, about Lo<»
men. sending away the steamer, whic > see me
to be a large river boat. . „
They then made their way «° Las P° z «-
■nd although they could have gone fur her in
ward., lh‘y preferred remaining near the eea
■bore, awaiting hoped for assistance.
Troops irom B»h'« Ho “ d ? K £; d ” ariel ’ ,ha
peasantry irom » ‘ P" u ' and6oo veterans from
Havana were on the spot n the evening
The n»»l son,a ° the country people
attacked the invaders, but tw.nty-two of them
were killed. Gen. Enua, second in command
in the island, oa hearing the firing, fell upon
them with 500 men. but the piratea re'ired t to
lbs bouse and such was the determined bra
very of the soldiers, that they entered th»
streets, where, of course, thirty or forty sf
them were killed.
Gen. Enna then at ones withdrew bis troops
•nd was preparing to demolish tbe houses by
means of tbe artillery, when the piraies, find
ing that not a soul would join them, but, on
the contrary, the “ Gutjaros ’ peasantry was
openly against them ; that the soldiery, far from
passing over to them, fought with the most de
aided couiage; that roops were hourly arri
ving, and that they would soon be surrounded,
began to discover that they bad teen deceived
by N. Lopes, and insisted upon leaving the
town. He then encouraged his crew with the
hopes of finding appus, or sympathy, at Piuar
del Rio, proceeded >n that direction, but being
attacked with great spirit by the troops eomiug
from that district, they were compelled to re
turn to Las Pczas, on the way to which they
were again attacked by Gen Enna’s troops. —
They were then ob'iged to disperse, and took
to 11 ght in every direction. It is already offi
daily known that a great many have been taken
by the troora, and shot on the spo:
To day fifty two of the runaways have been
executed here, who were brought by Admiral
Busiillos, in the steamer Habanero. These
were caught, in arms, in four fishing boats,
endeavoring to make their escape to ths Colo
rado.. The probability is that few or none
will be able to escape, wbich will shortly put
en end to the first expedi.ion of the Pampero.
Narciso Lopn will be well looked after, but
he has probably gone by himself, and, as ha
knows the ground so well, may thereby effect
his escape. The search, however, for him, by
tbe country people, will be so strict, t hat strong
hopes are entertained of his being taken, dead
or alive.
According to the last advices, it i« presumed
that Lopez was expecting a reinforcement to
land near, or at the same place where he did,
for wbich reason he attempted to remain so
near the coast; but it is to be hoped that the
other division of his followers, on hearing tbe
recep ion their companions have met with on
ail sides will consider it wiser to remain at
home and take to some more honorable occu
pation! The Captain General, however, er
pects another lancing, and everything is pre
pared to give the new comers a warm recep
tion should they make their appearance.
The government has acted with great
promptness ; the troops, in every instance,
have fought well, and so have the country peo
ple with the troops—not a single case having
occurred of their joining the invaders. Io fact
where they did not fight, hev were perfect.y
passive. The truth is, that publie spirit is de
cidedly in favor of the tranquility and prosper
ity they have so long enjoyed. We may.
however, witness some'hing similar to the late
absurd occurrences at Puerto Principe, &c.,
but it wi'l all blow over the moment they hear
of Lopez’s defeat.
Impartially as I always judge and write on
these matters, I feel every day more and more
convinced, after what I hear and witness, that
the peop eof this island, wi h but few and
despicable exceptions, are becoming every day
more averse to revolutions, which they would
now evidently see would endanger their lives
and their pr perty ; and decidedly opposed to
independence, annexation, or any other politi
cal change to be achieved by such ignoble,
treacherous means as those that they are wit
nessing.
Let us hope, therefore, that in view of the
just treatment the pirates have met with, others
wil 1 be deterred from attacklug their inoffensive
mi ora; but should they do so, they must
con ■ prepared to encounter the same fate.
The. j are some here, both natives and foreign
ers, who think tha' many of those “piratical
amateurs” have been deceived by Lopez, with
assurances of general a. mpathy, , in 'lie
island; but, should he have appealed to such
meins for the attainment of his unjustifiable
ends, who can hardly th'nk that his life will
he safe in New Orleans, should he ever return
there.
Caban Affairs.
We subjoin several items of Cuban intelli
gence which wo find in our exchanges. It is
1 remark that WH all
the items of Cuban news with many •• grains
ot allowance** and give them only for what they
are worth :
TheCronica, a Spanish paper published in
the eity ot New York, has a letter from Havana
which, speaking of the execution of the fifty
priaionen?, says:
“Among those unfortunate men was a Co
lonel, who appears to have been a nephew of the
Secretary of War to that Republic, and the
letter which a few minutes before his death he
wrote to his uncle, is full of iinprecatl ma
against Lopes and the press of his country, by
whose deception he was sacrificed, am! be beys
his uncle, In conclurion, to endeavor to set pub
lic opinion right, that no more blood may be
■bed.’*
Thia refers, we auppoa** to Col. Crittenden.
The New York Herald of Wednesday says :
Aims, ammunition, clothing, medicines and
provisions, intended and purchased for the Cu
ban revolutionary army, have been sent from
thia harbor Two vessels, whether American or
of some other nation we cannot precisely say,
were purchased, some days ago, and freighted
with these articles. Many thousands ot dol
lars, doubtless, have been expended in tha busi
ness, and thus any one may judge that the
number of arms and quantity of ammunition
were not small. We have not heard that any
citizen ul New York has taken any active part
in the enterprise, but have reason to believe that
foreign capital has been employed for the pur
pose. Hence the case, security and secrecy
with which this undertaking has been carried
out. Indeed, by this time, with ordinary speed,
both vessels must be at or near their des'ina
tion, and will supply any immediate necessities
which the revolutionary army may require, while
the arrangements made will add to the revolu
tionary force several hundred well drilled and
well equipped men.
[ The following despatch is copied from
the Philadelphia inquirer of yesterday :j
Wilmington, \ug. 27.—Tne United States
Revenue Cutter Forward, Capt. Nones com
manding, has been ordered to sail immediately,
by a despatch from Washington. She receives
her final orders at Norfolk, and is directed to be
at that post in time to receive stores and powder,
Ac., ■nd Mil from there un Saturdy next She
la a fine vessel of her class, well o licered, arm id
and manned.
Corrupondenu efthe Charlatan Courier.
Wxaßiaeros. Aug. 27.—1 t was known h ire
yesterday, irar the Cabinet was in aome agita
tion in regard to the state of Cuban affairs
Aeoounta nad been received ibroug i if e news
paper, of not. in New Orleans, and of assaults
on the Spanish Con-ul, hnt were not fully
credited because no official advices had readi
ed the Government. But owing to the int r
rupuon ol Telegrip'iio communication with
ths South, the Government had no advices
later than the 21st.
But the Government had receive.! a dispatch
staling that the steamers Fanny and the Ala
bama were fitted out for Cuba and that the U.
8. officers could nut prevent their going out
Thus it would appear, that the Government la
powerless to break up these illegal expedi
tions 1 telegraphed to you on Monday the
steps taken by the Government, since which
lime some otter orders have been giveu. with
• view to maintain our neutral obligations.
The members ot the Cabinet, present at ths I
eonsultarion, were Mestre. Corwin, Conrad,
Graham, and Han-
Mr. Graham has been very active of late, in
thia matter, and it was by hie order that Com
modore Parker was earn to Cuba in the Sara
■Hua Commissioner tu make special inqui
ry into the incidence recently reported at hav
inc occurred.
Il has ala» been said that the U. S. Reveatze
Cutter Duane would endeavor to intercept the
steamers and oth-jr veoeli that c.me out with
out a clearance But it is much to ba doubted
whether, in the pre«ent state of excitement,
the interposition of the Government will be
effectual.
hit known thit an oxpeJition ia firing out
from New York aod it ia ooanble mat in wmo
way it may get off. An expedition aet on foot
by Mr. O'Sullivan and othe.a, waa broken up
there laat Spring, and the pro>ecutiona agsinat
the <■ (lender, are etill pending.
The atmpalhieme meatingv in the Northern
eittea. and eepecia'iy in New York, have been
very large, but did not embrace any men of
much c uaideration. Tbev were chiefly of the
men who set up riots, and who were teady to
overturn the Government of Rhode Biand in
the time of the D.rr insurre 'Hon. But so
nans roue now is this class of mon in large
•Itieethai it must have great weight with poll
betaoa. Who fear to offend it, lest thereby i.e
**• '°’t at elections.
w ‘ u » oon •>« here, and also
funnll * nd Mr - fsraham. and after receiv
wulto “ ta •<«* of “tings
the*’di«™ b * , " other of
master of th. Coban govern, w "I
into a dungeon aod put n, , re , , b ,’' n n ”’°
Wleoted to stgnalme the
moos vessel as sne passed Havana Pl_
bar way to Bahia Honda h ’” ” n
Havaaa. Aug. 17.—1 emitted giving vo u , n
account of the Puerto. and the inhuman crtat
moet of the pilot and engti.ee.. The pilot in
taking her into Bahia Honda, to get
her aground, at the entranee of the harbor. "A.
•non »• she Wrack. the commander, or tie
officer tn eemmand of Ih . troop, „rew h,
sword and split the pilot’, h. ad °
blow. and. report k,.led him m.t.n.lv
la endeavor, gto back be voeael ctr ’
part 01 the eegioe gave out. The engmt ,
was ismedu.ely put under err.-t , nd r
iieved he • tha: he has been shot. The _
new a wreck, at iher* came on a heavy bi» *
aad report says she has bilged The Al ltK
dares is in, tbw morning, but 1 have not b.
aole to get any further news from the seat ot
wv [N. K Herald ] »
for the Chronicle Sf [Sentinel
To tile Voter, or Klbert County.
In the Chronicle & Sentinel of the 9th ult., I see
some questions propounds I by • number a. you, to
tbe candidates for the Legi<l* ture ’ requesung pan
answers to ths same as early r<>»>'’le- • deem
your right to know the opinio"’ of chose who seek to
rerresom you, noqne.tion.ble, and therefore cheer
fully proceed » comply with your request:
. t h e report and five resolutions appended
,h‘J,o P adopteJ by the Georgia Convention in De
bar last, and believe them to be the pre per action
should have been taken at that time in the pre
mises.
The language referred to in tbe second question,
held by the Southern Kights Convention in Milledge
ville, on tbe 2Sth day of May last, I do not believe to
be true.
The language and resolution referred to in the
fourth question, adopted by the Nashville Convention
last year, I do not apprave, advise or sanction.
I consider myself connected with the Constitutional
Union party, and shall act wi h that party if elected.
I am opposed to all further agitation of the slavery
question, provided the compromise measures are fairly
carried out and enforced.
I am satisfied with, and am willing to abide by,
the Union as it is.
Very respectfully, &c., Wz. H. Adams.
For the Chronicle Sf Sentinel.
To Samuel D. Blackwell.
Your communication, addressed “to the
voters of Elbert county,” which made its ap
pearance in the Chronicle & Sentinel of the
13h inst., purports to be your answers to the
questions propounded to you. by a number of
the citizens of this county. You premise, by
saying that you “ believe it to be the privilege
of the citizens to know of those, who wish to
serve them, their views upon the exciting ques
tions of the day ;” and again, that you *• take
pleasure io responding to the questions pro
pounded.” Tnese sentiments are laudable;
they would do you credit if they were penned
in sincerity of heart. But did you really be
lieve, when you concluded by telling your
fellow-citizena that “ such were your views,”
that you had “ fully and clearly ” answered all
the questions put to you ? If such was your
opinion, you must have relied upon your mem
ory By reference to those questions, seven in
number, you will perceive that you have an
swered only the last two. Your replies to these
two are satisfactory. But you must admit that
trey fail to identify you with either party, inas
much as such opinions are held by many of he
Southern Rights men of thia county, in com
mon with the Union party. Your position is
still an equivocal one Your sentiments upon
those other questions, are to the people as a
sealed book. They are considered by those
who proposed them, as important teat ques
tions; hence, they have requested you to an
swer them. You acknowledge their right to
know your opinions; wherefore do you refuse
to giro them 1 You have not even deigned to
gve a rei<on. Do you consider 'hem irrele
vant 1 If they are not connected with the
issues ot the day, an answer would at leas: be
respectful, and could uot hurt you. If, as ve
think, they are important, then it becomes es
sential that you give your views, and not the
shadow of an excuse is left you.
But are they not important ? Let us see.—
One of them seeks an opinion upon the report
and resolutions passed by the Georgia Con
vention in December last. You surely caunot
pretend that this is unimportant, for that report
and those resolutions constitute the pr nciples
of the Union party. Yet you have failed to
answer IL
Another desires you to say whether you be
lieve to be true, certain language held by the
Southern Rights Convention, i»» the preamble
to their resolutions. Do you say that this is
not a proper question T Why that language is
a part of the creed of that parly. No answer
appears to this.
You have likewise failed to give your opin
ion upon the Nashville resolution, in relation
to which you were interrogated. Whatever
may be your belief, the people also thought
this important
By another you were asked to declare with
which of the two parties now organized in
Georgia, you consider yourself connected,
and with which you intend to act if elected.
To this you have maintained ths same unuc
countable silence. Yet it is easily answered
You have had ample time to acquaint yourself
with the policy of each parly. Your convic
tions must, ere this, have established in your
mind some preference ei herfor the one or the
other. But, I repeat, that your position be
fore the public is an equivocal one. You ad
mit that the people have a ngfit to know where
you stand. If they have, it is your duty to
tell them. If you are a Union man, boldly
md openly proclaim it; if your judgment
leads you to approve the course of the other
party, then run up their flag and stand by it.
Your own good judgment must teach you
that thia is strictly right and proper ; you “can
not serve two masters.'* You cannot, how
ever enlarged your liberality, fight at the same
time, for two parties diametrically opposed to
each other.
If you have not yet formed opinions upon
those questions, which you have omitted to
notice, wl y did you not appeal for 'urther
indulgence to a l.beral and generous hearted
people 1 If you have, and they are to be
uniform and consistent, what better mode can
you adopt to give them pubhepy, than through
•h+ •wlwnwns nf a rvtiiolf circulated papoi.
It surely canno’ be vour deliberate purpose,
after what you have said, to override and tram
ph under fool that great principle, which lies
at the foundation of our republican system,
that the people are sovereign—that they are
the law makers ; and that iu oraer to enable
them to carry into effect their will and wishes,
hrough iheir representatives, it is essentia*,
th a they know before they cast their votes,
what are the opinions of those who seek their
suffrages. We will know by wailing.
To sum up: the ca e with you at present
stands thus: you ask the people to vote for
you; they a=>k you what your opinions are
upon certain important questions. You re
fuse to give your opinions; can you expect to
get their votes ? They cannot force you to
answer, nor enu you force them to vole for
you.
You have however, yet ample time to an
swer fully, and the Chronicle & Sentinel will,
I have no doubt, with a generous liberality
extend to you »he use of its columns for that
purpose. A Yom.
Senatorial Nomination.
August 19, 1351.
The comflnttees representing the counties of
Jasper and Putnam met at Whitfield’s to-dav,
to nominate a candidate to represent this Sena
toriai district in the next Legislature, when
On motion of E. Calloway, Col A. Newton
of Jasper, was called to the Chair and on motion
ot R. T. Davis, R. J. Wynne of the county of
Putnam was appointed Secretary.
The object of the meeting having been brieflv
explained by the Chairman, Mr E. L. Bussey of
Jasper, proposed that Wesley Griggs Esq, <1
the county ot Putnam be nominated by acciama
lion as a suitable candidate to represent th s
district, which was carried by a unanimous
vote.
On motion of Reuben Jordon, a committee of
tour consisting of Reuben Jordan, A. C. Mattux
R. J. Wynn and S. S. Akins was appointed to
inform Mr. Griggs of his nomination, aud re
quest his acceptance ot the same.
R. T. Davis o lie red the following resolutions
which were unanimously adopted ;
Resolved, That we will use all honorable means
to secure the election of the candidate this day
nominated.
Resolved, That we heartily concu: in i he nom
ination ot Hon Howell Cobb for Governor of
Georgia, and believe his election will best pro
mote tne imerests oi our State.
Resolved, That we have an unshaken confi
dence iiMhe “exposition and resolutions” known
at the “Georgia Piatiorrn.” as being correct in
principle and sound in policy.
On motion cf A. C. Mattux the proceedings
ol this meeting were ordered to be published?
On motion the committee adjourned.
After the adj >urninent the delegates together
with a large and respectable crowd that had as-
repaired to the aca lerny where R T.
Davis, Esq., upon invitation addressed them
about an hour and a quarter, on the history and
position oi | arties in Georgia.
The assembly then disperse.! in harmony and
good feeling. A. Nbwton, Cn’n.
R. J. Wynne, Sec’y.
Public Meeting tn Elbert.
Previous notice having been given, a large number
of the citiaene of Elbert county, convened at Elber
ton, on Monday, LSib fast., for the purpose of adopt
ing eone effectual means to prevent tbs int rod not ion
of the Small Pox within tha limits of this county.
The meeting was organised by calling Rev. Thon
Hearn to (he Chair, and appointing Wtn. M. Mein*
loab, Esq., Secretary.
On motion, Robert McMillan, Tnomas W.Tboucoa,
Wm. M. Mclulooh, Robert Hester, John H. Jones,
George Gaines end Thoiras B. Bullard, were ap
pointed a Committee to recommend suitable mea
sure- to b_ taken by the cuneus ot thia county, to
prevent the spread of the Small Pox.
After a recess ot" an hour they made the following
Report: ' *
the Committee, appointed to report to thecitiiens
of Elbert, here assembled, some effectual means to
prevent the spread of the Small Pox into thia county
beg leave to submit (be f (lowing:
We have learned, trom various a u ben tic sources,
so as to leave but little doubt on our minds, that a
malignant and infectious disease prevails in the
neighboring county of O IcCborpe, and is spreading
rapidly in the direction of Eibert. This disease
we believe to oe Small Pox, and we also believe the
danger of its spreading among the people of this
cjunty, to be im.n nent and pressing unless means
be speedily taken to protect om selves. We there
fore make to th« meeting and Ce people of Elbert
county, the following recommendations, as the best
mean? now in our lower to a. opt, to protect onraelveu
•gainst ths contagion
Ist. W e recommend that alt passing into Elbert
county, either of p*rs ns or things, be stopped al
once, at Baker’s, Bullard’ , Oliver’s. Vaughn s, Mar
tin s Moore’s, Nash’s. Dudley's, and Barnet’s femes,
oo Broad River, and at all other crossing places
Between the two exlreu e points
2d. W e recommend tbtt a Sentinel be placed at
every ocher ferry, and other crossing place on said
river, and that it be tbe duty of said Sentinel to pre
vent all persons or things from the infected districts,
from passing into Elben county, and to exercise his
discretion in ascertaining the persons or things inter
dicted herein.
3.1. W e recommend that every citisen be vigilant
and act ve m detecting persona comtag into this coun
ty. in viola too ot th? ior egoing regulations; and
that the recpie band together tn sufficient numbers
to send such persons back, and to use ail necessary
mean' ijr that psrpose, and we ciedge ourselves to
-ascam them in doing so.
r .2. rw -' that the owners of the fer
v.oa v*T*l 10 ‘ be 6rM fortwr\ug tegulafioGs, berea
ludged’or ov Pe l ST t^/' ut ®* the county funds, lobe
uir'ed by dU >n •« sus "
tx>Q comply with said first regu a-
Brtd tt.er “* ’*°P’ e 00
ok- . ~ ’ pre»«> 'ng the passage, to
bv
‘ bauaaua; and ibal all sued meaas of ...
r ?’ er d ed or scared.
c **• * • xnmead u><t ihe Chairman appoint a
«• «» eona-Mol P re, W .rr
•fc. -LLi ’ 043 1 S *** .ulaucos are earned out and
’ *** t&al d .ey take all nice—ary steps to
accomplish the same, and for that purpose they may
appoint agents and sub-committees.
7th. We call upon the Governor to use all tho
power in him vested, to prevent the spread of the
Small Pox into Elbert countv, and that a copy of the
proceedings of this ireeting be sent to him.
Sth W e recommend that Judge Baxter bo request
ed to adjourn the Superior Court of Elbert county to
some time not sooner than tbe first day of December
next, and that a copy of these proceedings be sent to
him.
9th. We recommend to the people to be vaccinated
at once, and also that these regulations be obserred,
until, in the opinion of the Vigilance Committee, the
danger from contagion shall have passed away. All
of which, after due deliberation, was adopted by tbe
meeting.
On motion of Maj A. Hammond, the following re
commendation was adopted:
We recommend to tbe people of Elbert county to
suspend all meetings of every desci ip’.ion, as far as
practicable, until it is ascertained that the danger
from the Smail Pox is over.
William A. Swift, Esq , introduced the following,
which was also adopted:
We recommend that all owners of slaves be request
ed to keep them at home, and that the proper author
ities be requested to see that the patrol laws be strict
ly enforced.
Allred Hammond, Thomas W. Thomas, Ira Chris
tian, George Gaines and Jett Thomas, Esj’ra « were
appointed by ths Chair the Committee of Vigilance.
On motion, it was, Ordered, That the foregoing
proceedings be published in the Chroniile & Sentinel.
The meeting then adiourned.
THOMAS HEARN, Chairman.
Wm. M. Mclntosh Secretary.
For the Chronicle Sf Sentinel,
Discussion at Social Circlet
Mr. Editor: I attended a political meeting,
for the s.cond time in my life, 0:1 Saturday
last, 23d inst, at the Social Circle, in Walton
county; and as I am no partizan, permit me
to give you an epitome of the proceedings, bo
far as I understood them, without predilection
or prejudice to any one.
The order of the day was, that Col. Thomas
Jones, of this county, a Southern Rights Can
didate for Congress, should lead in the debate
in a speech of one hour and a quarter, to be
followed in discussion by Judge Hillyer, Con
stitutional Union man, Mr. Vason, a Cosmopo
lite Fire-Eater, and Mr. Toombs, a Constitu
tional Union man, each in a one hour and a
half speech, and to be closed finally by a second
address of a half hour long by the said Col.
Jones. The order was not fo'lowed exactly.
Col. Jones, however, led off in a desultory
speech, in which he either inadvertently or
ignorantly committed himself and party most
egregiously at almost every point, which his
opponents did not fail to remember and to re
mind him of, in a manner and tone long to be
remembered. Among the blunders of the Cob,
he asserted that his party built the platform on
which the Consutut onal Union men rest. But
by what authority or means these men got upon it,
and why he and nis party came to abandon it, was
est uoexp ained. Judge Hillyer followed in a very
connec ed, clear, sensible and edifying speech, which
could not fail to strike every unprejudiced and sen
sible man with terse an ! effect. In his numerous
and well directed remarks and suggestions he told
Col. Junes, inasmuch os he and hid party had been
driven from their first platform by the agility cr
wily acis of his opponents, he would give him from
then uatil his, Col. Junes’ reply, to constrict anoth
er platform for himself and party to stand on, and
after con trucking it he wished him to show it; for
at the present bespoke no. liue a man from a scaffo'd
but as one speaking from the ground. Judge Hil
ly er is smarter than he loiks to be, but he has a little
too much tone in his delivery. The Judge’s hour
having expired, the/ adjourned to dinner.
Dinner over, the people and orators assembled
again at the stand, all lut Mr. Vaeon. Reappeared
finally, but in a siu/gish mood ; and after a private
word with s-ine or a 1 of the Committee of Arrange
merits, it was announced from the stand that Mr.
Varon had eaten too much dinner to speak in his
tarn. Consequently Mr To mis was introduced
He commenced by saying, u it matters not with me
at what stage of the debate I enter; if any man can
make any thing derogatory to my course, out of what
I say, he i? welcome to it ” He then commenced
on Col. Jones' remarks with word and fiat in 6u:h a
manner as soon to have it rent into perfect lint and
doll-rags. His difficult to tell with which he pelts
the hardest, his words or his fist. But no matter
which his adversary fills a prey to, if he escapes
even in a jelly form he does well. Col. Jones, how
ever, (if he is alive) -can tell ycu the effects of Mr.
Toombs’s lash in a more pathetic strain and lucid
terms than I can, inasmuch as he has experienced
it in all its bearings, and 1 know nothing sf it only
from ocular demonstration.
Mr. Toombs haviog replied to all the points of Gol.
Jones’s speech, and buried forever, as he supjwsed,
liis quibbles and the quibbles of his party, he flitter
ed himself that the prodigal had not wandered so far
but that he might yet be reclaimed ; and that with
his, Mr. Toombs’s, expositions, and the Col.’s admis
sions, he sanguinely hoped soon to see the returning
penitent upon the platform, from which he had wan
i nly or from timidity fl?d. The Col ~ however, bv
this time, seeme i a most too far gone to be sensible
of pasting events, or to be cheered by the flittering
hopes held out to his sinking spirits. Mr. Toombs
having run bis hour down, hetoak his seat, when
Mr. VaFon, the Cosmopolite Fire-Eater arose. This
gentleman professes to be a Georgian by birth, but
Lails lor the time, being, from the far west. He is
very mushy in appearance, has a neatly crisped
mouth, a notable bunch of hair on his upper lip, and
h.oks for all the world like a man who sometimes
eats 100 much dinner. This Mr, Vason was intro
duced to the audience at a political meetin/the (first
I ever attended) a few years ago in Morgan county,
where he was designated by the appellation of the
distinguished VW V ison from New Orleans He
professed on that occasion to be well acquaints 1 with
General Z. Taylor,l.e knew the limits ot his etiquette
and t e bounds of his knowledge in general, and that
he cou d ass <re the people from ms great fund of
knowledge, that General Taylor could not write his
reports, but he was wholly dependant upon his
sin«in-law, Cel Bliss, for his official returns and
communications. He made several other assertions
laying equal claims to veracity and erudition, and it
was oorie iu such a neatly-sfleeted style as to make
a very strong impression on vg woolhat fellows.
Such feats of teaming as he displayed on that occa
sion I do not remember to haves jenin any book, nor
gathered from lbs lips of any otb* r man ; and,
therefore to his credit I think him entitled to the
honor of the discovery. From this si’ght acquain
tance with this eandering star, when ho arose at
the Circle, no marvel that 1 ‘‘put out,” lest, if he
be believed, be would revolutionize ail my various
readings, and have me wholl / dependant upon a sol
itary individual for knowledge.
John W. Pitts.
•|N. B. A man in th's generation who knows a Ma
jor General in the service of the United States that
C’ nnot write his communications, must be in advance
of the Senior cl iss, and will do io set Jjvi
eeholar.
Col. Stell Again.
McDonough, Aug. 29‘.b, 1851.
Messrs. Editors :— Circumsiances have pre
vented an earl er reply to lite letter of Col
John D. Stell, under date of the 18th inst,
published in the Georgia Jeffersonian. Col.
Stell den es that he used the following lan
guage in the discussion with Col. Murphy at
this place, on the sth inst : “For he told the
people, that he had said—and he presumed
Col. Murphy alluded to him—.hat if he were
in Congress, he would vote to repeal the
fugitive slave law.”
At the time I penned my letter of the sth
inst , I had no desire or intention to do Col.
Stell the hast injustice. Our cause requires
no such expedients to ensure its success, nor
is it any part of my nature, to wilfully and
knowingly misrepresent a political opponent,
h is due therefore, both to Col Steil and my
■•ell, to stat?, that during that part of Ins
speech, 1 was not in the Court House, and
die statement was made upon the representa
tions of others who did hear him.
It is also due a ike to Col. Stell and myself,
to say, that the recollection of those who were
present, differs a« to what he did say. While
.here are some who corroborate the statement
made in my letter of the sth inst., there ate
others wbo disagree, and say that ho only admitted
‘that he had said in a conversation in Fjyetteville,
that be wished Congress would repeal the Pugi
tioe Slave Eats,” and gave as an eveuse that he
was angry an J excited, and if the people woud
forgive him, he would never again be guilty of such
a thing.
It is unnecessary for me to make an issue with the
Uni. upon this point— and indeed if lie bad embodied
in bis letter to the Jetferso us, what be himself
admits that hesai i in the discussion, in all probabili
ty 1 sliould h ve let it pass without any no ice.
For verily, the difference in the two statements is
the ‘‘difference between twee lie Ju n and t weedie
dee.” What, let me ask, ia the difference between
“wishing” Congress iodo a thing and helping to do
it yourse provided you arc placed in a favorable
position ? If a man “wishes” that Congress would
ie(>eal the Fugiuv? Slave Law, is it net .air to inlier
that if be wete (laced iu Congress be would so
give bis vote as to accomplish bis “wish.” But the
CoL goes m anil *ays, “I have never said that 1
would vote to repeal thtl (the Fugitive Slave) l.tw,
and so stated at the time of the discussion alluded to
as those who were present will doubtless remember.”
AH that 1 have to say on this point is, that I hive
conversed with several who beard the Colonel’s
speech and 1 have yet to hud the tint man who
“remembers” any such denial on bis part.
Ibe charge that the “Fire-eaters of the 4th Dis
trict were tunning a man tor Congress who had
openly declared not two months ago, th it “if be
were in Congress be would »o(e for the repeal of the
Fugitive Slava Law,” was made uj>on what I sup
posed at the time and a ill think was good authoritv,
and I refer those wbo may teel any interest in the
matter (• the letter of Col. M. M. Tidwell and the
accompanying certificate of Messrs K bineon and
Evans, p üblished in the Chronicle & Sentinel of
the 27th inst., as “confirmauon, strong as proots
from holy writ. ’
I now take my leave of the Col., repeating that
I bad no intention an.l still have no desire to do him
any injustice. I Lave oo doubt that the Col. was
angry at the time he bad his unfortunate conversa
tion, and I have just as little doubt, that since his
nomina ioo for Congre she tru ! y regrets it.
By the way, it was said by an old Latin that
“in wine (here is truth.” So far as the tire-eaters
.ire concerned, if be had lived in th is day, he would
tiavs suostkuted “anger* lor “wine.” For if you
want to get the tru h out of a fire-eater, so tar as his
political sentiments are concerned, you must first
get him ‘‘excited” And 1 am afiaid if the Col.
gets tn Congress, th*: Seward, Hile or Giddings,
will make him “mad” and then i i his “angry moou”
he might do or say something, for which he would
again have to be “sorry * and ask the people’s for
giveness. Yea, he might, like th? Fren'hmao, get
so “very mu” that he m ght carry out that “wish”
by “voting for the repeal cf the Fugitive Stare Law.’’
Under ai> the circumstances of the case. I think
that we had best keep tbe Col. at home, until ‘‘oi l
age” calms down ‘his angry passions,” especially
as the gavernmen*, just at ibis time, is in a condition
not very favorable for the trying of ex;erimeat*.
It requires “cool heads” and sound judgments” to
steer the “old sbio of state” clear of* tbe SyUa of
Abolitionism and the Charibdis of Disunionistn,
which thieate□ to engulph her on either hand. That
man who believes the General Government is an
‘nneorporeal berediiament” is not tbe man for the
crisis Hknsy.
The Jeffersonian will do a ‘wbeer act” of justice
to a political opponent by giving the above an mser
tioo. H.
More Volvmtsibs for Cißa. —A ’etter id
the Savannah Morning News of Friday, dated
Jacksonville, Florida, Aug 25, states that five
hundred men comprising tbe Florida Regi
ment. were to have embarked for Cuba in a
coupie of days from that date. The writer
understands that they are to be commanded by
Col. Henry Titus, who bore a distinguished
part in the Cardenss expedition Tne Lieut
Col. win, most probably, be Col. O’Hara, who
comojandad th Kentucky regiment in the
*a < a expedition, and who was badly wounded
in th? battle of Cardenas. Who the other offi
cers are is not n)«uiion#d.
Te James 81. Smythe, Esq.
Antioch, Thoup County, Ga , ?
August 20th 1851, )
Dear Sir : I have received by to-day’s mail, a
printed circular, over your signature, in which
you propose to send me three hundred and fifty
copies of your paper for one hundred dollars.
I have read but one number of your paper in my
life, and if that contains your true sentiments,
relative to the doctrines that now divide the tWJ
great parties of the country, I beg to be excused
from subscribing to any such disorganizing and
revolutionary sentiment®. If I understand them
aright, they are the doctrines of tho Federalists
of the Hartford Convention, which I have been
taught by a Republican father to despise : at
war with the principles of the fathers of the
Republican School as taught by Madison, Jef
ferson, Washington and the host of worthies
who adorned the Republic min the galaxy of
1798-9 and altogether subveisive of a govern
ment which has justlv attracted the admiration
of the civilized world. In 1825 I espoused the
doctrines oi Troup, and was a strong adherent
of the principles which ho inculcated, and 1 am
not a little surprised alter having known you In
1832-3 in Monroe county in this State, and
having frequently heard you speak upon the
questions which then divided the country, viz :
Nullification and Union, that you should so far
forget your then position, as to denounce the
doctrines then advocated by yourself, as the
sen'iments of Traitors and cowards. We differed
then*, we differ now radically. Whilst you are
on& of Rhett’s sub-bugleman in the west, en
deavouring to blow out the life of the American
confederacy, lam an humble though firm sup
porter of the government of our fathers ; whilst
you are endeavoring to sustain the sinking for
tunes of Chas. J. McDonald, the righthand
supporter of the South Carolina Revolutionists,
and disorganizers, 1 am in my feeble though
firm and immovable way endeavoring to sustain
the cause of my suffering, bleeding country,
by bearing aloft the Stars and Stripes with the
motto inscribed upon them—Cobb, the Compro
mise and the Constitutional Union of my coun
try, now and forever, ,one and indivisible.
You say that you are willing to lose two hun
dred dollars yourself, in order to elect Chas. J.
McDonald. Do you expect promotion? do ycu
calculate upon holding an office in a Southern
confederacy? You certainly must, or how can
any man who is as much embarassed in his pe
cuniary circumstances as you say you are, oner
to spend the vast amount of two hundred
dollars, for the accomplishment of an object so
very desirable to you as the destruction oi the
fairest fabric of our National greatness, the.
Union of the North American States. I would
say to you then, stnd no more of your docu
ments to my address, for I am opposed to you
in to-to. 1 am a Compromise man—l am an
uncompromizing Cobb man. And 1 stand firm
and immovable upon the Platform of tho Geor
gia Convention of 1850, and here will all true
Georgians and genuine State Rights men plant
their standard of liberty and rally around the
Star Spangled Banner. The doctrines which
you espouse are in my opinion subversive of
every principle of Constitutional law, good order
and good citizenship, and differ in every essen
tial particular, from the principles of Republi
canism and good government inclucated in my
early youth, which have grown with my growth
and strengthened with my strength. I would say
then “ cease viper, for you Lite a file.” 1 know
not why you sent mo your circular. I fear you
thought me a worse man than I really am, an
enemy to my country an I the best interest of
the American people. Hoping that you will
•end me no more such treasonable instruments,
I am yours, respectfully
Robert 11. Strong.
Mr. Cobb in Walker.
Ringgold, August 30, 1851.
Messrs. Editors : We had the pleasure a few
days since of attending one ofjthe largest and
most respectable meetings, that we have ever
seen assembled in the county ol Walker, congrega
ted for the purpose of,hearing an address from
the Hon. Howell Cobb.
The sturdy yeomanry of the county, relin
quished for a season, ths toils and cares of virtu
ous industry, ana repaired to the appointed spot*
to hear one of Georgia’s noblest sons, expa
tiate upon the great political topics now agita
ting the nation.
The aged sire who through along series of
years, had gazed with admiration upon the fair
fabric of our government, and who had seen it
stand firm and unshaken by the tempest of par
ty conflict, diffusing its multiplied blessings up
on its people—was lhere.
The young men of the land, upon whose
bhouldsrs the mantle of power must soon fall,
and who are growing up as pillars of support to
the venerated Un£>nof their lathers, were lhere
The smiling fair one too : came up from the
bowers of beauty embellished with woman’s
most fascinating charms, to greet the stranger on
his mountain pilgrimage.
A thousand hearts throbbed with anxious pul
sation, to hear the voice, that had been so often
raised to vindicate the rights of the South, and
to maintain the integrity of our government,
from the ruthless assaults of a disorganizing
faction.
Mr. Cobb appeared, and amidst a silence al
most as breathless as that which pervades the
habitation of the deal, arose to develops truth,
and to recite to the people a faithful history, of
the late action of our national legislature, in
reference to the domestic institutions of the
Ssu.h. Need we proceed further. Those who
have heard this young champion of the South,
upon the forensic arena, are prepared to antici
pate the result. The aspic fang of prejudice has
sought to inflict its sling, but the robe of virtue,
protects the intended Victim. A mild rebuke to
his bitter foes-a tender sympathy for his mis
guided persecutors, art argument, powerful, irre
sistible in itscharacter, produced an impression
upon the people of Walker, that was received
with transports of exultation; it will nurtur
ed with parental care, and on the first Monday
in October next, will spring forth from the bosom
of the people, line Minerva from the head of
Jupiter, in the character of a full grown maiori
iy ul 600 vote*. Walkeb.
Meeting of the Constitutional Union
Convention of Richmond County.
Augusta, Sept. 2, 1851.
In pursuance of a call, a cjnvautnn of del
egates of the Constitutional Un:on Party from
the several districts >f Richmond county met
to day at the City Hall in this city.
Judge G F. Parish was called to the chair
and John K. Jackson, was appointed secreta
The proceedings of the Richmond and Co
lumbia meetings were read, as introductory to
the business of the Convention.
The names of the delegates were called
when the following answered :
t\rst Ward. Fourth. Ward.
Itiham Thompson, J. B Hurt,
G. F. Parish, J. K. Jackson,
Wm H. PritcbajJ, I. C. Bridges,
Henry R. Philpot. W. H Goodrich.
Stoonsf Ward. 119 h District.
Porter i' lciuing, W, I’. Bea I,
Lewis Levy, W. M. Williams,
J.R Crocker, Thos. Skinner,
W. J. James Lovell.
Third Ward. 121 vs District.
Win. E. Jackson, Ja«. McNair,
Wm. R. Richmond, Alfred Sego,
Jehn Cashin, L. A. L. Baisclair.
H. H. Camming.
District.
Abram Seg?, Jesse Tint ay,
Geo. H.Cog’e, William J. Rhodes,
On motion the delegations, which were not
full, were authorized 'o cast tht same number
of vo es to which their district is entitled in
this convention.
Col H H. Cumming offered the following
reso utions :
Resolved, That tbia Convention holds that, in the
present cr;sis of public affairs, tho preservation of
the Union and peace of ths country, is an io’erest
param unt to all others; and that since the passage
of the acts of Uongres*, usualiy styled “the Compro
mise Acts,” it has been the duty of all men filling
or seeking political rffi:es, so to wri’e, speak and act
as to prevent or remove all doubt touching their
true position in relation to those measurer.
Resolved, That it is not expedient that the friends
of pejee and the I cion should, diree'ly or inuirer.tly,
aid in sustaining any aspirant to political eflice,
S:a’e or Federal, concerning whose opinions on these
important measures any serious doubts a»e enter
tained.
Resolved, That »n the opinion of the Convention,
the course pur-ued by one of our United States Sen
ators (understood to be now a candidate lor re-elec
tion) bis excited in the minis of many intelligent
and patriotic men doubts so serious as to render Ils
re election, at thia juncture, impolitic and un.<af<»;
and that we shall, therefore, expect those wiiom we
nominate to. ppoae, by all houoraule means in their
power, the election ot that Senator and ol all ether
candidates similarly situated.
Mr. Bridges moved t> lay them on the tabla
for the present, which motion, being put to the
Convention, war loe.. The reAolutions were
acted upon separately, and the first and third
were passed unanimously—the second wi.h
but one dissenting voice.
The following resolution was then offered
and passed unanimously:
Resolved. That this Convention approves and
confirms the nouiioation made by the Constitutional
Uniea Party of Columbia county, of (he Hon. An
drew J. Miller, to represent the 22d Senatorial Dis
trict io the next general assembly of thia state.
On morion, the choice of candidates to re
present this county in the lower house of the
Legislature, ua* made by ballot. Messrs.
Porter Flaming and J at. B. Ih t wore ap
pointed tellers when, upon counting out the
votes, the following wm annonneed as the
resu’t:
John Milledge, 31
Alex. U. Walker, 23
Cbas. J. Jen<ios, 2
1 boe. Skinner, 1
H. B. Cumming, 2
Thereupon the notnini ion of Col. John
Milledge and Alex. C. Walker, Esq. wss made
unanimous by acclamation. A committee,
consisting ol Messrs Bridges, Cumming and
Owens, was appoiu ed to inform Messrs Mil
tedge ani Walker o: their nomination, and
request their acceptance of the >ame.
A ca minitie e consisting of Messrs. Hart,
Goodrich and Pritchard waa to wait
on Hon A- J Miller, inform him of his nomi
nation and -eq tea: his acceotance. The com
mittee discharged their du'y, and Mr. .Miller
being present, in a brief address, accepted tin
nomination.
On motion of H. R. Philpot, the following
resolution was passed,
Resolved, That ti.e Constitutional Union Party of
Richmond County heartily respond to the nomina
tion o« taa Hoa. H wed Cobb for Governor, and will
see all honorable means to ensure fur him the support
of our party and the people of the county.
Oa motion of Mr. Porter Flaming, it was
Jfeofoftf, That, inasmuch «3 the Hon. Robert
Toombs bis been denied the privilege of free dis
cas?i?n as he had a right to expect from previous
agreement wi h his opponent, we invite h m to ad
dress thecitix ns cf Richmond county, at the Masonic
Hail, this evening at 8 o'clock.
After the usual order to publish these pro
ceedings. on motion the Convention adjourned
siae die.
G. F. Parish, Chairman.
John K. Jackson, Secretary.
By a telegraphic despatch tea gentlemtn in
this city, we learn that James H. Ciantoo, of
Montgomery, is elected Lieutenant Colonel of
a regimen: bound for Cuba. The regiment
constats of 1200 men, ail well with
arms and ammunition. They are in New Or
leans. and expect to leave soon for the fir Id of
strife. Mr. A- R. McGiboney is chosen captain
of the company which left this place a few days
since.—Jfoa/gomery (AU.) AiUt. A*#Kit 28.
nPITT 5 WETITT V
1 tlJu W JbJuixJL 1
CHKONIULE & SENTINEL
by william s. jonef.
TWO DOLLARS per. annum,
invabiablv advance.
DAILY, TRIWEEKLY & WEEKLY.
Officein Railroad Dank Buildings.
DAILY PAPER,pe r .n D um l.enlby mail.) »T 00
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AUGUSTA. GA.:
WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPT. 3.
SAMUEL BARNETT, A.aoclnte Editor.
Cou.tltutloual Union Nomination.
POR GOVERNOR.
HON. HOWELL COBB.
CONGRESS.
For Repreaoiktativa from Btlt District i
: HON. ROBERT TOOMBS.
Mr Toombs' Appouitmxbts.— The Hon.
Robert Toombs will addre” ‘he peoplj as
follows:
At C’-vingtsn, Monday Sept. 8.
“ Allanta, Monday n ght, Sept, 8.
“ Newnan, Tuesday Sept- 9.
“ Tbomas.on, Thursday, Sept. 11.
The Union P*rty ot Bulloch coonty ar
requested by Seriven county to meet tho Union Par
ty of said county, in Convention, at No. 6, C. R. R.,
on WEDNESDAY, the 10th of SEPTEMBER next,
for the purpose of nominating a Candidate to be run
by the two Counties for Senate. At which time and
place those friendly to the Union will nominate a
Candidate for the Representative branch of tbe State
Legislature for Scriven county. Come one, come
all, to save the Union.
.Many Union Men.
Sylvan a, Striven Aug. 13. aul9-3
■— paper* pledge copy.
J'j’ Free Din»er to Mir. Toombs in
Burke.--Tae Constitutional Union Party of Burke
County, will give the Hon. Robkrt Toombs u Fhkb
Barbbcuk, at Bnrke Camp Cross Roads,on SATUR
DAY, the 20th inst. Tbe citizens of Jefferson,
Emanuel and Burke counties are respectfully invited.
As ample arrangements will be made for the accom
modation of the Lidies the Committee hope to be
honored with their presence.
The Ho‘). A. H. Stephens,Charlbb J. Jenkins,
Gbo. W. Crawford, and A. J, Miller, are expected
to be present.
Tho Committe invite Frbb discussion.
James A. McGruder, Wright Murphree,
Wm. C. Musgrove, Calvin,
George Price. R W. Belt,
Henry W. Jones, Win. Nasworthy.
Jeremiah Inman, Robert F. Connelly,
Thomas Pearce, Heary P Jones,
James Griffin Harman Wiliiam?.
T. A. Parsons,
Committee.
To Correspondents.
Wx must again a-k the indulgence of our
correspondent?, and say to them we will give
you a hearing as rapidly as our space will per
uait. Be patient.
4i Tile Suppressed Letter.”
The reader will ba quite amused wi h the
account given by our Cassvil e Correspondent
of the call made on Mr. Cobb for “the sup
pressed letter,” during his speech at that place.
1 he effect upon him who called, can be better
imagined than described.
So it seems thrt the public have been in
possession of “the suppressed letter’’ for the
last two weeks. As the disunion organs
throughout the State have manifesto I
overweening anxiety to lay it before the public,
wa hope they will not now back cut. Face
the music, gentlemen ; you h«ve promised o
publish, and to doit moat cheerfully, let there
be no backing out now that yon have the letter,
for if you refuse your readers may suspect
that all you have said about “that suppressed
letter” did not strictly conform to truth, and
such an impression might be unfortunate for
your reputations.
Correction.—The word State Rights in
numerous articles, should have been Southern
Rights. It was written in an abbreviated form,
S. Rights, and the wanting letters incorrectly
supplied.
M r. Toombs’ Appointments.—By reference
to the list in this day’s paper it will be seen
that the Hon. Robt. Toombs will address the
cirizens of Newton, Atlanta, Coweta and Up
son on the days named. Our friends shoQ'd
take the necessary steps to make the fact
known.
Death of M. M. Dye»
We are pained to arinource tha death of
Martin M DvK>E*q.. late of Savannah He
died «■ VI nJ iff aIV whither he had gone with
the nope of regaining hid he ilth, on Tuesday
the 26:0 inst. after a protracted and severe
illness, from w.iich he partially recovered,
when it was deemed advisable that he should
visit the up country. But alas’ too late. A
native of £o »th Carolina, he had been long a
resident of Georgia, where he settled in early
life. He frequently represented the citizens
of Burke coun'y in the Legislature, whence
he removed to this city, and was for several
years its chief Magistrate. He was universally
esteemed lor his high integrity and the excel
lent qualities of bis heart, and ha« gone down
to ?he grivo enjoying the reputation of an hon
o»t man, and chrhtian.
Suutmkrn Medical ani> Surgical Journal,
“■■The September No, of this periodical is on
our (able. It is published by Jamki McCap
ferty, and edited by L. A. Duoas, M. D.
Price $3 per annum in advance.
From Harana--Authentic.
Wo lake pleasure in laying before our
readers the following extract from a private
letter received by a commercial House in this
city per schooner Merchant via Savannah
from their correspondent in Havana. It may
be relied on.
Havana, Aug. 20.
•‘On the evening of the 11th inarmed expedition
land d near Bahia Honda, the Government sent
down troops immediately. Some two hundred of
the invaders have n it yet been captured, but we have
no doubt we shall shortly hear of their total defeat
Gen. Enna, commander in c ief of the (roofs, eent
oat against the invaders, was killed in an engagement
on the 17’h.”
Te the Constitutionalist and Republic
We beg leave to repeat the following ques
tion, asked in our ’ssue of August 24th.
“Does the Southern Rights party propose any
redress for the past wrongs of the South—or any
point of resistance to future aggressions? And
if so—what ?'*
Pxim& s Light.— Mr. Paine had announced
that he is now ready to enter into contracts for
lighting the world with gas. In an address in
the New England papera, ho says :
All the objections of the Patent Office are
now overruled, and my patent will issue in its
proper order and time. As regards th j origi
nality or practical value of the invention, I
would remark , that both these questions have
been made the subjects of critical experiments
by eminent chemists, (whose names and state
ments can bo seen at my house ;) and they de
cide that i is both original and of’ great practi
cal value.
I am now reaJy to contract (where I have
jurisdiction) to ligh: hotels, f clones, or private
dwellings; with a superior light fifty per cent
less than that of any artific al light known.
Hisry M. Painb.
A Largs Hotel.- The d.mentions of the
United Sta es Hotel at Saratoga Springs are
as follows :
Area of itrounds.S acres; length of building,
front. 200 feet; north wing, 600 lea’; south
wing 600 f“et; number of rooms 500 ; size of
kitchen, 32 by 100 fest; dimensions of ball
room, 43 by 105; height of cei ing, 22£ feet ;
number of cottages, 6 varying from 40 to 80
fee: front; number of private parlors, 16;
number of dining rooms, 3, size 32 by 135.
number of people employed, 250; piazzas,
front and rear, 1300 feet; height of building,
four stories, decorated by sqoare columns and
pilas ers. The grounds thickly and uniformly
s udded with an r ubbery, and the nob’est
specimens of the maple, elm, oak and linden
trees.
A Hot Sprirg.—One of the members of the
Mexican Boundary C writing from
Santa R ti, New Mexico, to the Providence
Journal, thus describes a spring discovered cn
the 2nd May—
‘ Having heard of a remarkable ‘hot spring*
a few miles from our read, all that were moun
ted determiced to visit it, and on leaving camp,
strack off* into the plain in a straight direction
for it. A ride of about five miles brought us
to the spot, which was indicated by a hill about
600 feet in circumference at its base, and about
30 or 40 feet high, which was formed entirely
by the deposits made by the wal-rs of the
spring. On the summit of this hill was a basin
20 feet in diameter, containing the hot water,
the surface of which was s x or eight feet be
low the top of the basin. The temperature o*
the water was found to be 125 degrees, and
of coarse so hot hat he hand could not be
borne in it. Dr. Webb collected the gas which
bubbled up from the bottom, and found it to
be neither hydrogen or carbonic ac d gas.
His conclusion therefore, was that it was pure
ly atmospheric air. Ti e water was pleasant
to tbe taste, and would be paiatab'e if cooled
At one side of the hid a small spring barat out,
and at a short distance where it collected in a
pool, the water was cool enough to bathe in,but
even then it was literally a hot ba’h.”
Great Packis* of Flour.—ln Fitzbarg <fc
Co s mi I, a: Oswego, N. Y , quite an opera
tion in packing flour was performed one day
ibis week, which the Journal of that city says, ;
h probabiv wuhou: a precedent. Four men, i
with the aid of tbe old fashioned uacking ap
paratus, in seven hours and thirty five minutes j
packed sixhnndred and fiity barrels of flour
This includes Leading tip, ready for snipping ‘
The ConeUull'vnKllßt and the Terrltorl- ;
al Queatlonih
Although the Constitutionalist does not
know who hurti it, it is evidently tore on the j
subject of non intervention. Its unusual back- ■
wardnets about a direct reply to our very (
direct attacks upon itself and the Democratic (
wing of the Southern Rights par'y, wo can (
only attribute to extreme reluctance to call (
attention to ourquotations from its old columns. (
It opens its defence with tho statement that (
" the Democratic party claimed the right of .he
Southern people to an equal participation
in tho Territories.” True—and so did the
Whig parly, and so did all men of all parties
at the South. The Democratic party said that
“ non-intervention would get it."
In tho 2d place, in explainin? what the \
Democratic party meant “ by tho assertion that
non-intervention was the duly of the Federal
Government,” the following remarkable in
terpretation is given by the Constitutionalist, to
wi'r “That in establishing Territorial Go i
vernments this equal participation in them
claimed by the Southern people, should be
recognized and secured to them, and the
people, thus made equal, left fr?.e to determine
for themselves,” &c. The idea seems to be
that by “non-intereenlion” was meant “inter
vention” in the first place, for certain purpo
ses, and then “non-intervention” a/ler time. In
tervention was necessary in order to render
non intervention of any use.
If this woe the meaning of the Democratic
party, a queer word was chosen to express it.
• Recogn tion” might have expressed it.—
“Repeal” might have made a proper rallying
word. But non intervention, withont a com
mentator, would, by plain men, have been
througbt to mean the opposite. We can quote
authority on this point. On the 30th of April,
the Georgia Constitutionals!, speaking of “a
measure providing for Territorial Govern
ments for New Mexico and Utah, without the
It'll met proviso" said, in so many words, "this
is the non intervention policy"
On the 19th of May the Georgia Constitu
tionalist, speaking of the Compromise of the
Committee of 13, saio, “ By the Compromise
we get Territorial Governments, and non in
tervention on the Slavery question f?r the
Territories.” Have its own opiniot s any
weight with it?
in the 31 place, the Constitutionalist admits
that “the Dem cratic party declared that Con
gress had no right to leg.slate, either originally
or by ratification of the acts of territorial logis
latures, jor or against tho introduction of sla
very in the Territories.” This admision cov
ers the whole ground If there was need of
'egislatiou, for the introduction of shivery,
there was in Congress no right to legislate. If
there was no need (and this was tho opinion of
tho Democratic party) the law would have
been both nugatory and unconstitutional. Yet
evea after th sad ission, 'he Constitutionalist
gees innocently on writingas though it had not
already conceded every thing.
As to the votes on Sedde.n's and Millson’s
amendment, out of 90 Southern members, the
former received 55 and tha latter 49 votes.—
Where wore the remaning Southern voters ?
Where the thirty and five—the forty and one ?
Did not many Southern members hold the
amendments unconstitutional as well as unne
cessary ?
The Constitutionaliit makes another shift to
evade the meaning of “ non intervention ” It
says that tbe passage of the Fugitive Slave
law was itself legislation on Slavery Was it
legislation on slavery in the territories ? The
evasion is an unworthy one. The issue rela'ed
to slavery in the territories. The same remark
is applicable to the question whether the Dis
trict of Columbia bill was not legislation on
slavery ? It was not on slavery in the territo
nes, and that is tho point.
A word upon the Democratic resolution on
the abolition of Slavery in the District before
we get to the pos ion of the Consti.utionalist
upon it. It wis originally on iof tha Virginia
Resolutions. Virginia, bordering as she did
on the Dis.riot ha lap culiar interest in the
question. I'he Democratic parly of Georgia
was incl ned to sustain her, as well to promote
unanimity, as because of her peculiar interest.
Virginia afterwards herself receded from her
position The Democratic party of Georgia
also abandoned it. The inhabitants of the
Dis rictwere strongly in favor of the law. Its
passage wis not proposed by tho Legislature
of Georgia a» a contingency of resistance. It
was no longer advocated as such by tho Demo
cratic press. Doss the Editor of the Conetitu
tional'St himself hold now that the law “ ought
to ba resisted at every hazard ?”
But “ Mr. Cob* was a member of that C on
vention, and voted for and advocated those
resolutions. He now justifies the act of Con
gress which dees abolish the slave trade in the
District of Columbia.”
Perhaps if Mr. Cobb failed to be convinced
by the reasons above stated, he may have been
••onverted by the following cogent argument of
the Constitutionalist. It is strong
“As regards the proposed law in relation to
the slave trade in the District of Columbia, it
it is the same that prevails tn Maryland, and
did prevail in Georgia until it was repealed at
lue last session. It is in fact the law of Mary
land a slave State, extended to the District of
('oluinhia by autheritu of Congress, which was
competent for mat purpose —Const. May 22
1850.
Is not this “justifying the law?” Now, as
tonishing to say, the Editor of the Constitution
alist was “ a member of that Convention, and
voted for and advoca'ed those resolutions ”
This was io June, 1849 The same Editor of
the same paper, in tbe above extract, ' justifies
the act of Congress which does abolish the slave
trade in the District of Columbia .” This was
in May, 1850. The Editor of the Constitu
tionalist has since retracted his retracMior..—
Ti is was in May, 1851. The reasons he gave
for the first change were sound. How will he
explain the second I The penalty of the law
will not serve him. The resolution did not
aim at the penalty. It aimed at ilia abolition of
the trade, wi hoot reference to penalty What
con he say ?
In June, '49, the Constitutionalist was against
this measure. In May,'s9, it was for it In
May, 'sl. against it again. D'kors will it be
next? Which doctrine does it now hold—the
doctrine of ’49, of 'SO, or of ’sl ? Are the
opinions of the Constitutionalist annuals I Do
they bloom, like lilies, every summer, and die
every winter ?
Whenever it is at a loss for arguments in
fsvor of the Compromise measures, it has bu
to read itself. Il cannot attack verv vigorously
any splita*y one of those measures, without
finding itself “kicking against the pricks.”
N. B.—Since the foregoing was written, it
has occurred to us that, at the very time of the
passage of ths Virginia resolutions by that
•8 ate, and subsequently by tha Democratic
Convention of Ge rgia, the slave trade in tbe
District of Columbia was then as effec'ually
abolished as it is by the pr< sent law, unless the
slaves were brought from the State of Mary
lan 1. The government had previously retro
ceded to Virginia all that ptrt of the District
obtained from that 8 ate, and under the law of
Miryland, adopted by Congress, and applied
to the District, as we have heretofore shown
no negro could be taken there and sold except
he was taken from the S'ate of Maryland If
taken from any other slave S e e, the penalty
was the freedom of the slave. Hence, no State
but Maryland was interested in, or affected by,
the late law of Congress.
Mr. Cobb in Atlanta.
The following notice of Mr. Com’i speech
in Adan a we copy from the “luntolligvutr ”
On Friday evening last (be 220 d ins:., in pursu
ance cf previous 8f poin'men', Hon Howell Cobb,
ad Jretsed our citizens on the pMit’cal topics of the
day. The audience was Urge and mu-h inter.gt
was e*h bited b-- the people in their anxiety to hear
V e remarks which he on the ocoasioo. His
positions were alt substantially the fame as those put
forward in bis letters an 1 other speeches del vered
during 'tie campaign. He declared himself upon the
Georgia Platform, and in regard to the Compromise
measures he declared them alt such as the Sooth
could honorably acquiesce io. In fact, every mea
sure received approval except the ad miss on of Cali
fornia a? a State, and in that he siw nothing vio-
I itive ofthe const* : utioai rights of the Sooth, alrhoug •
be would have preferred to hrve her remain a few
years under territorial government before being ad
mitted as a State.
He held that ths South ba i received ail, and even
more, than she had demanded of Congress. The
South had demanded non-intervention and had got
it at the bauds of Uon/reaa ’—th t Southern men
could go at aoy time with their slave property into
the ter. itories of Utah and New Mexico—that it bad
always been held by hie parry that the Mexcan
laws won d be aorogated upon the organization of a
territorial government over the country. He did
not say whether be himaelf believed that the Mexican
laws were m force or nor. We would have been
glad to hear Mr. Cobb express bis own present be
lief on that subject. Altogether the Ex Speaker’s
address was a strong one and his arguments were
enforced wi h much bg : erl precision. It gave very
general satisfaction among his friends.
Another Fcoitive slave Case —Three
depones of the (J. 8 Marshal proceeded to
Poughkeepsie yesterday, and arrested John
Bolding, an alleged fugitive slave, claimad as
the property of Mr Barnet Anderson, of
s. olumbia, South Carolina. The prisoner
was brought to this city last evening, and lock
ed up in the Tombs. He is a mulatto, about
twenty five years of age, and has a wife in
Poughkeepsie, where he is said t * have been
doing business as a tailor for several years.
Judge Ba'culo of the Supreme Courr has
issued a writ cf habeas corpus, and the U
S Marshal has gone to Poughkeepsie this
afternoon to make return. Tne claimant’s
testimony will be heard by the U. 8. Com
missioner. Mr. Bnngn&rn. a: ten o'clock »e
--morrow morn.Dg,—-;V. Y. Caw Adv., 26th
ngt
The Kight of Secession.
[Conclvded ]
Tho authority of Mr. Calbocn on the
perpetuity of tho Union, though not so direct,
is equally conclusive. He held tho resump
tion of her delegated powers a “b reach of
compact for which the Sta'o us a community
would be responsible, and not its citizens in
dividually, page 502 ” The thought of de
nying State responsibi'ity cover occurred to
him. But we quoted the sentence for the pur
pose of showing Calhoun’s opinion upon
tho duration of the Constitutional compact.
If each Slate had resumed the right to with
draw from the Union at any time, how could
such withdrawal (the mere resumption of her
delegated powers) be a ‘ breach of compact ?”
Mr. C. evidently con-dared the Constitution
to boa compact of perpetual obligation, by
which tho State- agreed among themselves to
delegate certain powers to ’be General G v
ernment, the resumption of which powers
would be a breach of such compact.
The whole uent it will be ob erve.l has
been directed n t ,-igainst the r ght of seces-
sion for a breach ol tho Cons'itutional com
pact, but of secession at the mare will of the
State. The latter doctrine is mero sheer
anarchy. The right to secede for broach of
the compact, wo grant in is full extent, the
breach to be jtdged of by t.e Slate. Not
only has the Siva the right for a breach of the
compact to withdraw from the Union, but to
compel restoration of .my losses incu red by
the breach. Her right to redress, as well as
withdrawal, is as unquestionable as that of the
remaining States It is precisely co-eqta! to
theirs—docs not fill below it—does not exceed
it. The General Government has no right to
resist her withdrawal from the Union fora
breach of the Constitution. If she withdraw
without such breach, she is herself guilty in
the opinion of Mr. Calhoun of a breach of
compact, for which she is responsible as a
State.
The question, whether there has been a
breach of the Constitution ? once decided in
the affirmative, the General Government has
no right to interfere with the seceding State
If this question be differently decided by the
State and General Government, there is no
common arbiter to decide between them. If
the co-States undertake to decide, which is
their right in tho last resort, they too are not
arbiters, but partfas, and liable to err. Their
right is no more final and exclusive than that of
the single State. Tha party which has mide
a wrong decision is in he wrong, but whoso
province is it to decide which that is ? Nor
does the absurd position of the Soothern
Righ's party, denying to the remaining States
not only tho exclusive, but the equal tight of
judgment, carry with it a solitary practical ad
vantage. If the Government decides the
question of peace or war dishonestly, when
that question is involved in the decision of the
occasion of secession—then if tho right of
secession were granted it would decide dis
honestly on any frivolous pretext, immediate
ly after tho State left the Union. The proper
decision of the question of secession is as
much based on good faith, ns tho proper de
cieion of any other matter between States
If a State should secede, and her separate in
dependence be distinctly acknowledged by the
Uui'ed States, what would hinder the latter
from feigning a cause of war the next day
thereafter ? Nothing but honesty and good
faith. Would she have acquired any more of
these in the course of tho day ?
Tiie obvious truth is, that among nations
having no common umpire, the honesty and
good faith of the stronger nation is the sole
security of the weaker. What solitary rea
son can be advanced against the right of the
Government of the United States to judge
of this question of secession, which cannot be
urged with precisely the same force against
it* right to decide any question whatever in a
controversy with a weaker nation? Are not
the relative strength—the relative wisdom—
the relative honesty of the parties the same
before as as er theseparation ?
if the General Government decides wrong
ly, and interferes with the Stale which has
had a justifiable occasion to secede, then is the
General Government guilty of an act of op
pression. Ths security against a wrong de
cision on this point i< identical with the securi
ty against a wrong decision on any point
which might arise within a mouth after seces
sion. Nor has the General Government any
higher or belter right to make war upon the
Sta'e when in her opinion she has violated the
compact, than has the State to make war on
her, when she, the General Government has,
in tho opinion of the State, violated it.
What but moral restraint* defend the weak
nation against the strong ? All those moral
restraints which would prevent the Unite!
States from invading South Carolina were she
a distinct nation, obtain now in preventings
dishonest and erroneous decision of the pre
sent question We have dwelt so long upon
this point because so much insisted on by our
opponents.
If the contest were a different one, so that
prejudice was excited on tbe other si leaf the
r question, or there was entire freedom from
prejudice, the decision would bo reversed and
tho equal right to judge end act on that judg
ment conceded to both parties. Suppose the
question arose on the refusal of Ohio to de
liver up fugitive slaves. Suppose Ohio de
cided to secede rather than deliver .hem. and
■ that Kentucky should demand of her sister
states to enforce the Constitutional obligation,
Kentucky would say “I have an interest in the
observation of th, trea.y between the S'ate*
If Ohio secedes, she may not choose again to
enter into *uch a compact. At all events I
have rights under the treaty, 1 am determined
not to jeopard.” Suppose Kentucky to de
, mand aid of her sister State*, through their
agent the General Government, in toe en
forcement of th* treaty *t.pulation. Would
she not be clearly entitled to it ? Whether it
would be expedient fur her, in *ll instances—
whether she would care to demand it, or not —
she would have tbe clear right to do so
Wo have endeavored to prove in the first
place, that the Union is, and was intended to
be perpetual; this we prove Ist by the law of
nstions. We argued the point briefly but
quoted no authority. The authority for the
assertion is to be found in Vallell, page 205.
We quote the following authority.
“ By another general Division of treaties or
alliances, they are dis'inguisbed into personal
and real ” “ A personal alliance expire* with
him who contracted it.”
A real rlliance attaches to the the body of
the State, and subsists as long as the State,
unless the period of us duration has been lim
ited.”
“ Every alliance made by a Republic is in it*
own nature real, for it relates only to tho body
of the State.”
The latter fact is obvious, from the fact that
there is no monarch over a republic to form a
personal treaty or alliance. All treaties or alii
ances by-a republic are rial, and subsist as long
as the State, unless the period of their duration
is limited. The argument is conclusive beyond
all controversy, and could be extended, and
the authority extended, ad libitum. The point,
however, is too plain to need further illustra
tion. We have fortified it, so far as Amer can
authori y can go, by the direct assert on of the
Father of the Constitu'ion, Mr. Madison, as to
the meaning of the instrument and the interest
of the parties, as well ashy irresis ible infer
ence from Mr. Calhoun, who, in the opinion
of xoderr. illuminati, would, along with Mad
ison, probably be branded as a Federalist.
That the Constitution, though in ended to be
perpetual loses its obligations, as any treaty
would, by its own breach, to b? judged of by
the parties, with the responsibility of each for
its decision, we ha 'e not denied, but affirmed,
and do now strongly affirm.
Tre equal right of each to judge of the limits
of the powers of each, we ha'e argued on its
own merits, and clinched the argument with a
powerful defence of such equal right offered in
the Senate by the Hon. Jobs C Calhoun.
We have finally shown that this question of
the rights and responsibilities of secession has
no greater or other difficulties than any other
dispute between nations having no common
umpire. The absurdity of denying their equal
rights of judgment on this question, does not
save the State from any harm to which she will
not be exposed immediately alter her secession
from the cupidity or dishonesty of her power
fol neighbor. The disparity of power between
two powers has nothing to do with the ques
lions of right between them. The strong na
tion has rights neither greater nor less than the
weak. Iftentpted by strength to do injustice
in deciding upon the right of secession, the
same strength and as good excuses could be
found for .making war after that right bad been
conceded.
Many of the South.-rn Rights party will deny
that the position assigned them in this argu
ment is their correct a.d true position. If
they abandon it we a - e careless to convict them
of it All tha‘ wo hava desired, has been to
spread before the country the truth upon thia
subject. If the truth had enemies who have
abandoned their enmity, wi shall not endsavor
to renew it. Well and good. If the above
doetr.nes be co true as to have forced the assent
of ait thinking mon, we shall not have lost our
labor in spreading it before these who may not I
have thought sufficiently upon it. We have ' I
argued it, however, mainly because unless ren- I
dered very plain, our Southern Rights friends |
so speak and wiite of it, as to lead to the fol- i
lowing false inferences: Ist. That the right of ,
secession is based on the mere sovereign will of
the Slate instead of an infraction of the Con.
stitution. 2.1, Amounts to the same thing—that
tho Constitution was not intended, while tin
infringed to be perpetual. 3d. That each State
had the exclusive right of judging and acting
on its judgment, unchecked by any like right
in the retnain’ng States, and that the contrary
doctrine is dangerous and un’rue. Let them
retract these assertions or deny these infer
ences, and we shall not be far apart upon this
right of secession.
As to the attempt of tbe Southern Rights
party to press into the service of their new and
; h retofore unheard of doctrines, tho Virginia
j and Kentucky Resolutions, it is indieative of
nothing but audacity. Tha Virginia Resoln
' I lions, so far from sustaining Secession st the
mere will of the State, asserted that “ in case
’ ol a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exer
cise of other powers not granted by the said com-
pact, tho States, who are the parties thereto,
< ave the right, and a e in duty bound, to inter
pose for arresting tbe progresi of the evil, and
for maintai.-.ing within their rospective limits,
the authorities, rights and liberties appertain
ing to them ” What thia “ right to interpose”
meant, is to bo found in the Report of 1799,
explaining and defending the Resolutions of
’93- Secession is n't even remotely hinted at-
Mr. Mad son, the author ' f the report, tho au
thor, though not the offerer, of the Resolutions,
has been quoted by us to show bis opinions,
favorable t> our views, of the perpetuity of
the compact.
Where the right contended for by the South
ern Righ’s party is to be found in the Kentucky
Resolutions, is equally a matter of mystery
Speaking of the Constitution, the Ist resolution
say*: “That to this compact, each State acce
del as a State, and is an integral par'y, its co-
States forming as to itself the other party.”—
Like the parlies to any other treaty, the parties
to the Constitution have each the right to judge
subject to the equal right of the other party te
judge -and each party responsib'e to the other,
if not for tho correctness of its decisions—at
any rate, for the correctooes of its action upon
that decision. The exc'usive right of judg
merit exists, we repeat it, no where.
Comparative Resale* of the Suacess of
the two Parties In Georgia.
These have perhaps been too much over
looked. From their results, immediate or ul
timate, it is that principles derive their impor
tance, and these form, therefore, the best stan
• dard of comparison.
The avowed policy of the Union party is the
salvation of the Union on the basis of tha late
settlemen'. On this subject the Southern
Rights party gives utterance to a studied and
- ominous ambigui y. Its 11th Resolu ion reads
as follows:
“ Revolted, That we yield to none in our attach
ment to tbe Union, formed to “ establish ju*t : ce,
insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common
defence, promote the general welfare, and secure
the blessings of liberty tooursalva, and our posteri
tythrt wo venerate such a Union and the Con
stitution established by our fathers to ensure these
I leasings to themselves and those tacome after them;
that our object is to preserve such a Union if we
can, but at all hazard* to maintain the liberties and
rights of the people of Georgia.”
In the preamble and soma of th* foregoing
Resolntions, it had arseried the degradation of
the Southern States, and fundamental changes
in the federal character of the Government,
already undergone. After such assertions the
words are badly chosen, by which the Convert
tion declares it to be “ its object to preserve
such a Union.” Restoration would be a neces
sary w..rk prior to preservation Which of
the rights of >he people of Georgia does the
Convention pledge itself “at all hazards to
maintain?'’ Georgia, on this showing, has
ost her rightful equality, her rights in the Ter
ritories, her rights in Csliforn a, some of her
rights in the District. Is the pledge “to main
tain at all hazards the liberties aud rights of the
people of Georgia” an idle boast? And if not,
what did the Convention mean to to ? Lst it
be proclaimed.
We might have thought this language con
elusive in favor of restoration of our lost rights,
or dissolution, but that the members an! press
es of the party disclaim the inference.
The Union party holds no equivocal position
towards the Union. Itssuccess would ensure,
as its result, that Georgia should do her duty
towards its preserration. Nor would it tend,
as falsely charged, toward federalism or con
solidation. The charge is shameless. We
have heretofore shown that the Union party,
while pledged to the maintenance of the Union
on certain terms stand* equally and definitely
pledged to it* dissolution on other*. It* stand
for Southern rights and honor (in fact as in
name) i> decide! and unequivocal. Its posi.
tion upon the sovereignly of the States properly
taken in Dec. 1850, was re-asserted in June,
1851. Who can deny these thing* ?
What, however would be the results of the
success of the Southern Rights party 7 Would
success fail to enlarge their policy ? Would it
not make that enmity to the present Union, so
ill-disguised now, bold to show its face 1 What
but the want of numbers in luces Gov. McDon
ald to stand where he does now, an acquies
cent? Give him the numbers, will he stand there
longer t
That Gov. McDonald is hostile to the Union
we conclude from his public conduct, speeches
and letters. The only reason he assign* for
submitting 'os h* considers it) to the lezislation
of Congress is the decision of Georgia. That
decision is only binding until reversed. Re
verse its decis'on, and i»/n< reason will rzmaia
for lenger acquiescence ? Does not his Buuth
Carolina letter show inoontestibly that the pre
sent, in his opinion, t* the proper time for resist
unco, but for tile unfortunate blindness of ti e
degraded States ?
When we couple the evident inclination of
tbe Candidate with what the course of the par
ty, on its statement of facte, ought to be, we are
led irresistibly to the conclusion that the party
at heart is hostile to the Union and only sub
mit to it grumblingly, for lack of power to
overthrow it. The failure to m ike an issue of
“ Disunion” arose from policy simply. It was
deemed the more effettual way to attack it se
cretly. For what do Gov. McDonald, and
those who believe with him, love a Union
“which has such claims to their hostility 1”
Rather, what but conscious weaknesa binders
them from attacking it?
If, however, they can succeed, by any and all
pretexts, in banding together a party; if, by
appealing to old party prejudices, to disap
pointed aspirations, to the venal, the thought
less, the rash, they can get together a sufficient
number of voters, the probability is they will
need them but once Trust them with that suc
cess, put them once in power, and they will
engage to *ake care oi the time to come. The
convulsions they will ercite will last as iong as
they.
But suppose they now fail. Still they will
have formed the nucleus, they hope, of a fu
ture party. Why get men together on grounds
they must detect, hereafter, to be false and
fraudulent 1 It is easy to answer.
Get them together, end the esprit du corps,
the common sympathy, the remembrance of
the common contest, will weld them together.
Is there not evidence that the creed of the par
ty is, “ Get votes, by all means, get voles?”
Take no name, for fear es losing votes. Be
not for the Union for fear of losing votes. Be
not againet the Union for the same fear. Adopt
not the Georgia platform for the fear of losing
votes Reject it not for the same fear. Whigs!
swallow the Democratic creed, hoping to gain
Democrats. Democrats ! swallow, seme of
you, Nullification, all of you your doctrine of
non-intervention, hoping still for votes. Do
not these things show the determination to be
all thin.s to all men, that by all means some
may be won I
It is true that the workmanship of the
Southern Rights platform is as bungling as it
is unscrupulous. The stupidity and indiffer
ence of the people were est.maled too highly
It will hardly last one campaign. The candi
dates cannot stand upon it. There is there
fore now no common ground of principle, or
apparent principle. A’tsch voters, however,
to the McDonald car—and trust to giving it
direction afterwards.
A mass of this sort—so accumulated, and on
sich diverse principles—is capital material for
a revolution. Far be it from us to say that
the mass of the party contemplate and know
ingly pursue the legitimate effects of its policy.
But the principles of the par.y, and the aims of
that nucleus of leaders around which it clus
ters, lead to revolution. It contains many
shameless men—many unscrupulous, many
simple men. Disappointed aspirants, political
bankrup t—the low and intriguing—the des
perate and daring, in most counties, love to
gather round such a party. Such men are
reckless to begin a revolution —they are no t
to control it. Uncommitted to any name or
practical policy —repudiating when it suits
them, even the shadow of policy set forth in
their party platfurm-they are at liberty to
adopt any means of cajolery or bullying Un
restrained alike by scruples es conscience, by
•ruth or virtue—or by party shackles, they
have for a time a seeming advantage. With a
leva intelligent people, they would maintain it
permanently. We do not believe they can in
Georgia, acquire, mush less maintain, ascenden
cy.
We may be thought to speak harshly. We
have made the necessary qualification as to
the mess of the party. Among th* men of
influence there are those whose motives we
respect. Especially do we respect those who
are in favor of action, corresponding to their
opinion* on the facts. Even of those who
are not, we make no sweeping censure.
But we believe the picture we have given of
the party loaders, and of the discontented from
all quarters who have flocked to their «tand
ard is not overdrawn. If , tru , picture— are
they fit to be trusted with a revolution— or if
revolution be-beyond their power with the
ordinary administration of Government?
South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama and
Mississippi have been the hope of the co
operationists. The result in either State,
cheers or dampens the spirits of tbe allies in
other States. Thank God, Alabama has been
true to the Union Georgia led off for it
last fall. She led none too fast—none too far.
With admirable discretieti she assumed a
position alike formidable to Diaunionists at
home—and tbe enemies of slavery at the
North. She will not desert that position—
aor the men who placed her upon it. The
position, oar opponents dare not openly
attack. The men who selected it, they do as
sail. When Georgia is ready, for any just
reason, to repudiate the builders, she is ready to
repudiate their work—the Georgia platform
itself, — mark that I
We do not beltve Georgia will consent to
become one of the links in thia already bro
ken chain If she should, prophecy alone
can tell the results. We can see tbe edge of
the black cloud which hangs upon the horizon,
gilded now with thoughts of chivalry and
words of daring- It will be a dark day for
our country when it shall have risen. We
do not fear it, but we do not desire it. It is an
evil d*y—and if it be not our destiny, let □*
not strive to make it so.
The Albert* Case.
The Constitutionalist was “shocked” at onr
little notice of its own misrepresentations of
this case. What more does the case prove
than what (if correctly reported) we admitted
it to prove? to wit: “that the law of Penn
r sylvania—not the law of the United States —
was not faithfully administered”—“that tbe
jury was corrupt, and tho judge arbitrary and
' tyrannical”—that the unfaithful administra
tion of the law shows “much prejudice and
- fanaticism upon the subject of slavery at the
North.”
s Does it prove any thing more ? Then let
1 that paper show what it is. We are notable
1 to torture it into any thing more. Its anxiety
I to find fault with the government and laws of
‘ the United States may add keenness to its
vision.
The Constitutionalist says, we stated “that
Alberti was not tried under the present
Fugitive Slave Law,but the old law of 1793.”
So we did state, an 1 such was the fact.
“What of that? How does that alter the
villany of the transaction ? ’ In no way.
We did not say it altered it. We only assert
ed that your paragraph was full of loose sta e
menta, of which the fordgoing was one.
“ The most ignorant man in the Southern
States will tell you that if his Negro woman
runs away and gives birth to a child in a free
State, the condition of the child will follow
that of the mother.” We know the most
ignorant man will tell you this. But those
who are well informed upon the law are better
authority, and will tell you the contrary. We
regret that the law is not otherwise, but our
wishes are not law makers. Why does not
Mitchell claim Joel as his save? Why?
if ho wanted Betsey, bad enough to send for
he.’, why is h so indifferent to owning Joel
a'so ?
Nor was our argument based simp'y on the
fact that Joel, under the law of Pennsylvania,
was free. '1 he agent of Mitchell had no
power of Attorney except for the mother.
Freeman or slave, he had no authority to take
him.
The Constitutionalist charges us with
“k eping back” part of the Judge’s charge.
We inserted none of it. We only ft tied the
facts necessary to rectify its own misrepresen
tations.
Finally, it inquires upon what we base our
disbelief of the truth of the report ? Our
criterion of truth varies from that of that
journal. We beiieve what has been proved
to us. He seems to believe what has not
boon disproved- Dues n r pt
itself show the necessity of caution, for with
the case before him (twice published we be
lieve) his statement of it would have led to
the various misconceptions pointed out in our
x.t.cle
Yet the Constitutionalist is' shocked It
will be shocked still more at its want of suc
cess, if it under’•’kas to torture the case into
proving more iL .n we admit it to prove.
Mr. Cobb not Cornered.
A short time since, when a portion of the
citizens of Washington County, Union men
ot the true Sou.hern and State Rights stamp,
hold a meeting and appoi. ted a Committee t 3
interrogate Mr. Cobb, to ascertain his views
on the subject of B<ato and Southern rights,
the disunionis's were highly delighted and
chuck ed over it with great gus o, Haltering
themselves that Mr. Cobb was cornered. We
imagine however, when thay « > ad
the f dlowing address of the Committee to ths
Union party of Washington County, their
tone will be suddenly changed, and their faces
as suddenly drawn down a little. We com
mend 'he Committee’s reply to their conside
ration :
Toths Union Party of Washington <’o. —The
undersigned were appointed by the Convention of
the party held on the Ist Tuesday of this month, a
committee to transmit to the Hon. Howell Cobb, of
Athens, certain resolutions passed by the convention
and uek his opinion upon the questions involved and
to report to you.
Your committee have performed the duty assigned
them, and by due course of mail received an answer
from Mr. C., in which he refers us to his letter to the
I Macon committee, in which his views, at length, are
I given.
| Having carefully read the letter referred to, we
cannot, upon the whole, but regard it, as an able end
correct exposition of the views and sentiment* of the
Union party of Georgia, and we advise every man in
Georgii to read it carefully. The doctrine of se
cession is one which may puzzte older heads and
abler minds than ours. Though one thing seems
perfectly clear to us ; if a State has a sovereign right
to secede from the Union at pleasure, the other sover
eignties have a ri/ht to guard themselves from injury
which inay be caused by that secession, and how this
is to be done, they alone can determine. Hence, al
though tece-Ki >n may be peaceable, we believe that
war is its legitimate consequence
Mr. C«~b informs us that were a State to secede,
and a requisition made upon him as the Governor of
Georgia, for troops to coerce her, he should not hes
itate to convene tho Legislature of the State, with a
vew of having a convention of the State, before
whom be should lay the whole question and be go
verned by their decision. This is as we would have
h m do. Should the time ever ccme when this (glo
rious eoniederacy is to be dissolved, when madly
bent on ruin the stars that make up this bright con ■
eh Nation shall rush wildly from their orbits, when
that hour arrives, wc want no Executive to say what
Georgia shall do, and by inconsiderate, ir»ju iieious
haste, endeavor toccmmit her to a course which she
would not pursue. No; when that hour comes—
and we pray God it may never—then will be the
time for deliberate State action, beta convention be
assembled, and let the voice of lha people be there
expressed, and what they determine let the Governor
execute. R. W. Flournoy, )
E. S. La?-GM IDB, I
J. R. Smith,
G. E. Boatright, I
Silas Floyd, J
M hile the views of Mr. Gebh upon the right of se
cession, do not go as far as the undersigned, ye: in
view of the fact that he would submit the whole
question to the people of Georgia for their decision,
1 am satisfied, and shall support him with a great
deal of pleasure. R. W. Floubnqy.
Health of Augusta.
OVPICB OF THg BOKODOF HsALTH, )
Augusta, September Ist. 1851, j
It is with pleasure, I announce to the publ c that
there is not a esse of Small Pox in the City and but
two cases of varioloid, and they very light. The
disease is still confined to .he lover part of the ciiy.
Persons need be under no apprehenanoi of con
tracting the disease by visiting Augusta.
WILLIAM E. DEARING,
Chairman Boi-d of Health.
Iaro>TAUT Mmwn- -w. find the fol
lowing notice in the Ch.rleaton Mercury, but
as it doe. not appear »• an original arlh,le ,n
that paper, we know not whence it came:
We are authorized to announce, that in a
a circular will te issued uad.r tne orders.and coun
tenance of European eapita'iM. (not Eng i.b, “'' rel ®:
ed to the Commercial and cgrionllural interest, of
the South an d Southwest. The e>rcular wall be
issued and the correspondence flowing from it carried
on in tbe .am. of lbs “ Commute, on Foreign cor
respondence” est.bli.be 1 in Thue,.-
cular will bare tor its object merely the estabh.bmg
of good correspondence between th. merchant, of
Amsterdam .ndtbe South, and through Amsterdam
throughout Europe. The great object will be the
establishment of an estens.re European cotton depot,
to supply the Increasing wants of the Gorman, Prue-
AnwrisD, and Russian manufactories, embrae-
B \ d g Switzerland, Norway. Denmark, 4c, Ac. We
beg to call the attention cf our Southern and South
western iriende to this subject and ask for it their
consiieration, and upon corresponding with the par
ties interested in Europe, though their agents ia
Washington, they cm of course act as may seem
best to them.
Judicial Election! in Missouri. —The
Sl Louis Republican sums up its details of the
election in that State for Judges of the Circuit
Court as follows;
“Nineanti-Benton men, four Benton men,
and one undefinable have been elected as
Judies of the C.riuit Court in ibis State.
The Supreme Court will have upon its bench
one Whig, one anti-Benton, and oce Benton
man-