Newspaper Page Text
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pj rial decisions in future the wotds, “alt '
hearing of my council,” instead of “on m
lion of my council” are io be used.
Frakz Joskphe.
Scbonnbninn, 20th August, 1851.
Another letter to the Baron Von Kubeck.in
which a copy of the above is cm' sed states,
that in future the Reichsra h (Council of Em
pire) is to be considered only as the council
of tho cro-vn. and in consequence of this all
propositions oi lasts, &c., . must no*, bo
.mt:: th.- Minie'ry to the R-tciun h, bi* di
rect to the E uperor. Ami i - --»J h r letur to
the Prince r-'cl; • Zcnburg. !. ot • m him to
siimmou the council to T.'.-. a.e up in the ex
istence and the pos y ci the execution of
the Constitution of 4 h March 1849. And
that in the consideration of this mailer and all
others the principal of the monarchical form
and the unity oftheem ire must be constantly
kept in view, and tnus be considered as the
immoveable fbundationi oi all proceeding
Ch. Cour
From lit ail Territory*
The St. Louis Republican has news from
the Great 6al; Lake City to •* :-i
An election for members of die Territorial
Council was to be held on ‘ l,e brst Monday of
Aujuil Under a census oi the inhabitants,
the Terriiory is divided into seven counties.
Toe election for delegate to Congress was to
be held on the same day as ’.hat for members of
the Council.
In Iron county, at a meeting of the peoj 10,
Dr. John M. Bernhisel was nominated as th r
candidate for delegate in Congress, and as
there did not seem to be much opposition, if
any, if is p cbable hat he was elected. Dr.
Bernhisel iiaa been very serviceable as an agent
of the Territory, having obtained many favors
for them.
A. W. Babbitt, Dr. Bernhisel. Judge Snow
Secretary Harris, and Messrs Rose and Day,
Hub-lnuian agents, arrived at Great Salt Lake
City on the 19ih of July.
Gov. Young had issued his proclamation di
viding the Territory under his jurisdiction in o
three agencies. Henry R Day is assigned to
one, and Stephen B. Rose to Che other sub
agency.
Rain fell in torrents on the 13tb of July, th
torsi in sixty-three days. After that time it was
cooler.
The Republican publishes the following let
ter:
Utah Tbreftobt, Psroan county, June 31.
By a teamster, whom I am tending after a load of
mill fixtme**, I send this letter to the nearest post of
fice, two hundred and sixty miles. Our eettiem mt
is flourishing rapidly. . s there was but little suuw
feil on the mountain last winter, wat r is sca.ce for
irrigation; and there has been no rain this spring,
yet our crops look well. The scarcity of water La
subjected the settlement to the necess ty of making a
canal seven miles in length to bring the walers of
Rail Creek on to our farms, which has been a very
heavy job in thia advanced season of the year.
Our town contains about seventy bouses, about
four more in progress, a saw mill in operation, and a
flouring mill in progress, to be completed by har
vest.
This place is situated two hundred and sixty miles
from Great Salt Lak*. Valley, five hundred from the
Calhoun Pass, on the route to Southern California.
Our nearest white neighbors are two hundred miles
off. Red men are nearer, and more plenty than we
like, as they make too free with our cattle and hordes
to suit our convenience We have petitioned Gov
ernment for a mail route and post established on Big
Muddy, one hundred and eighty miles south of here,
which, if done, would make the route comparatively
safe to San Diego. As it now is every traveliinj
company must have a fight with Old Ta'kquant, the
Pon Utah chiet,
Il we could get a newspaper, or a friendly letter
from a distance, v e s.iould esteem it a great privilege.
As it is, we are well satisfied if we can only save our
hair from ornamenting some Indian lodge, without
enjoying the knowledge of the changes ol Cabinet, or
the fluctuations oi political policy in the United
States.
Our county has rare facilities, such as great des
arts, mountains of magnetic iron ore and native load
stone, salt of a me quality, viens of stone coal, alum,
saltpetre, gray mtrbic, limestone, plaster, arge bo
dies of pine limber on the top of high and rugged
mountains, a few pure mountain streams which will
serve on y to irrigate one two-thou>andth part of the
land, which is all that can be cultivated. The sod is
very productive, m ich of the land bearing grass,
short and very nutritious.
Two doctors have seitled in our county, but as
they have no tad a patient, they have given up prac
tice an t gone to farming.
By a more recent arrival al St. Louis we
have still later luteliigence from the Gr at Sall
Lak,, (to the 3d uh. j but there is nothing of in
terest in addi ion to the above.
From the Savannah Republican.
Q Arrival of the Brother Jonathan.
The steamship Brother Jonaihan, Cnpt.
Mills arrived hers yesterday from Chag res,
which place she left on the Sih inst., stopping
at Kingston. Jamaica. She brings 250 passer*
gers, and S3OO,(HJO in gold dust, mostly hek liv
ing to passeneger The Brother Jonathan b
bound to New York, and put into this poll for
a supply of coal, having experienced very
heavy gales from the northeast, commence ng
on Tuesday morning, the 16th inst, and lasting
from that time until she got into the vicinity
of the Savannah bar. Cap’.. M states that the
£ which he encountered was the severest
o bo ever experienced.
ijy this arrival we are in possession of Pa
nama and San Francisco paper* 1 , for which
Capt. Mills will accept our thanks.
The steamship Illinois left Chagres for New
York the same day the Bro:her Jonathan sailed.
We learn from a passenger that Mr. M. H
McAlister <& Sons formerly of this oily, are in
excellent health, and are dung a fine business
in San Francisco in the legal profession.
The Bro her Jonathan's are most
ly from California, and arrived al Panama in
the California and Republic.
Items from California Papers*
From Sam Diego.—By the California we
received a copy of t e San Diego Herald of
the 31st alt.
We learn that tho command of Major Heint
sei man arrived at San Diego on the 27th uh.
Two companies are at present stationed at the
Playa and oue at New Town. The officers of
year ago to take pvat at the mouth of the Glia
river, and in the execution ot which order,
more than a hundred thousand dollars bad
been expended, baa now been compelled to
return, because of the inability of the Quar
ter Master’s Department to forward supplies,
from ihehtDilt d appropriations lor sue > pur
poses, by Congress.
Capt. Hardcastle was to have left on the
steam-r of the Ist inst. for the Atlantic States.
The Sacramento 'I imes says that an incredi
ble quantity ot dr baled oats is arriving from
down a'.r’am daily, and nearly as much huy
on scows from above. The market is pretty
much overstocked forth * time being, but a
large supply is needed fill the next crop is
ready. Several adventures in the business
have proved ratnar disastrous from the low
prices now ruling, hose engaged not being
very large capitalists, or perhaps disinclined
io wait lor the future rise, and wisely prefer
ring to have their fingers burnt now, to get
Ung their foot in deeper.—
7As Hottest Day of the Seaton.— We have
not heard for the las*, two yenrx such distres
sing and doleful complaints of the intense heat
ol the weather, as on Saturday. Our citizens
almost without exception, were completely en
ervated and entire y uuab'e to do active busi
ness. The meicurv, on Front street, ran np
to 110, and on J g reet, to lt-6 which places
Saturday, beyond the shade of a doubt, the
hottest day of l e season limes, Aug 4.
The splendid and fast sidi- • He uiier North
America, Capt. J. G. Blethen, arrive ' here on
Sunday evening, in txty ser-.n days from New
York, ma Falparaito tn ten d.ys and one hour
being the quickest voyage ever male. She
sailed from New Yotko 24th June.— Fuwamn
Star, 2nd inst.
Small Pox in Oglsitiorpe.
The following report of the Committee,
presents a mu-it favorable account ol the con
dilion of the infected district in Oglethorpe :
ProCKKMIRCS OF THE COMMITTEE—The
Committee appointed by the c.t.zens of the
county to prevent the extension of the Smell
PuX, understand from the practising Physicians
and others c< iiversani wnh the facts, that h»
disease has been contired t a few families in
the Southern side of the county, and one in
Lexington ; that no new cases have occurreJ
for severs weeks, and that the last has been
con vale.-cent lor tome time.
The Committee are ot the. opinion, that
there is little or nocau«e to tear the turiher
spreading of the disease, and that business and
intercourse may be resumed without appre
hension; they have therefore withdrawn all
restrictions upon ihe people coming into Lex
ingtou. ordered the ropes to be taken from
across the roads and have dismiss dthe guard.
The Commitfe earnestly request those who
have been diseased, or in any wav in contact
with the infectious mat er, not to come to
Lexington or mix with others elsewhere, until
all alarm about the d sesse rhnli have passed
away: That thd hou-es in whicn the sick
have been confined be cleansed by the u#e
ol Chloride ol Lime or other disinfecting
agents : That all clothes which have tseeu m
contact with the diseased persons be carefullv
cleansed by washing in soap and water, and ex
posed to the atmosphere for some time before
they are worn, and that those wh ch cannot be
so cleansed be burnt.
The Committee further urge upon the fami
lies among whom the the Sidhl Pox has been,
to prevent their negroes from leaving ihe;r
plantatior, except from necessity and upon
their own business; and if they should be
obliged to send them eLewhere, that they give
them notes stating tho places to which they art
to go
The fear ot contagion and t e in*< rmptioc
of business art such great evils, that the Com
mittee cotuider it of importance to prevent
them by every precaution. For this purpo-e.
(be Patrol whicn now guards Lexington to
prevent negroes coming mio it from the intec*-
ed families, will be continued ia the service f
the countv for some -ime longer.
No negro from ihe county is permitted to
come into the village at night, or on Sundays
except for n Physician or other pressing neces
sity, or who has a wife in town and a specia’
pa* from his owner until the end of the inon h
of September Tne negroes ot the village
are forbidden to rfo beyond Town or Long
Cieek, or to have any intercourse wth ne
groes bel ngmg to m tec ted fam.he-, or with
person* wh u have been infected. All other re
strictions upon th« sex roes tu Lexington are
withdrawn. ° <
It i* wdvrsd. Thston,- hundred copiesof this 1
Report be putnuaed. ba eJ |0 ![m , .
different section* ol the county.
Lxwis J. Dtcraaa. Chtn’r 1
LF* The Male and Femu Academ e* U j|| 1
bo re commenced on Monday tht 15 a I
Lexington September 10ih, 1851.
Dayton Sept. 18—The Cincinnati aid
Day to i Railroad wtr -pen rd tv day, and th
oceaiova h<- been one of great rejo-cmg The
cars arrived here soon after !2 o'clock, from
Ciucinnan wah a party 'f invi ed quests on
board number.nc upwards of 30(M) and the
event has baon ee eb rated w h unusual %•-
nvity. Every thiag passed otT without acci
dent. The road bs* been most subsiaotiidy
eonsuacted, aud u m an excellent eoodinout
the N O. Daily De'ti. Sept. 1316.
History of the Kxpedition.
By one cf the Prisoners Released by the Spanish
Authorities.
We had a conversation yesterday with Mr.
Sammers, one of the late expedition to Cuba,
who was the fourth prisoner released by the
Captain General after Messrs Ilaynes, e y,
and Van Vechten, and who arrived in i e
yeiterday, per br>g Tehuantepec 1 f *
coneemxion, we M»»
whieh have no ' be "“ J P (( , ’“g S Spanish. was able
Mr. Bommers, g
to avail the Spanish soldiers at San
S r’y rre ? Ue H.: was treated very kindly by them,
. to Havana on the rail road. On
aI l arrival at Havana, he received his pardon
and passport, and left the next day (the 4th.)
He represents that there were 195 prisoners
in the Punta, who were well treated; that
except those released, they would all be sent
to Spain—and that but for the mob in New
Orleans, the Captain General assured him,
that ail would have been released.
Mr. Summers states that when the Pampero
went to Key West. Gen. Lopez met some
Creoles, with whom he was engaged some
time in consultation It was then communi
cated to the men by Capt. Gotay, a Creole
officer, that the people of the island w re
ready to receive them on their landing.
accordingly weighed anchor and set sai*. We
infer from the spirit of Mr. Summer’s state
ment ; that from the commencement the»e
was some feeling of jea'uusy between the
Creoles and Americans The steamer, how
ever, left Key West, the men in good spirits,
and bent on her way to Cuba. On the morn
ing after, about eight o’clock, the tops of Sa i
Blas were discernible in the dii'.ance ; the
steamer steered to the eastward, until they
coutd discover f om the mast head, the light
house on Moro Castle. Thecoas* was spotted
with vessels. A schooner was boarded, and
a pilot taken from her, by Gen Lopez, wh »
was required to pilot them in.o the port for
which they were bound.
The Pampero, under the direction of thii
pilot, continued her course eastward. At one
time they descried a large frigate, three
leagues distant, which spread sail for them,
but the swift stea cr soon left her out ©f
-ught. Next, they saw the smoke of a steamer,
right ahead, which caused them to turn about,
ind take the track in an opposite direction.
They next approached Purr o Cabanos, an I
senla boat into the bay to reconnoitre Tho
boat soon returned, and the officer who had
charge of her. reported that the poet was
manned, and that a signal gun had been fired.
They then stood out again, and proceeded
along the coast for an hour and a half, and then
ran into Muirillo. Though they ran in care
fully, die Pampero got aground in seven feet
water. They then commenced their landing,
he shore being two .r.iies distant. Capt. Gotaj
was seat first with a detachment. On their
auding, they were fired at by the Paisanos,
returned the fire with cheers, and the Prisano:
fled. Th«. detachment ‘hen secured the
wharf, and some boats and launches, which
were sent to the Pampero, and soon the whole
uarty was landed. On landing piquet guard
were thrown out, and the men bivouaced for
ihe night.
Early in the morning, the men were formed
md addressed by Col. Downman. They con
inued here until the cte ;mer got off, waich
was about eight in the morning. Orders were
»hen iven for Crittenden to remain with the
extra arms and ammunition, and 114 men
white' Lopez, with the balance of the com
mand, would proceed to Las Pozas, and
thence transmit wagons tint night, so tr.at
Cr ttenden could come on early the nex
Horning. Lopez arrive !at Las Pozas abcu
twelve o’clock that day (August 12.) Th*
General believed, and so assured his men tha
hey would not be attacked fur two or three,
day-, and the men commenced enjoying t em
selv s, there being a plenty of everything in
die town, for which the men paid dearly
The store people continued in town, fend
pretended to be friendly, shouting * Viva Lo
pez!" The very same persons were the first
to join in the purr-u.t on the retreat. The
General havmg procured some carts, started
them toward* Crittenden’s party; they were
never heard of afterwards At night, senti
nels were posted in every direction.
A‘ daylight the next day, Col. Downman
’timed the men out for the battalion drill
Many of the men we»e very green and hard
ly knew he use of a gun After drilling them.
Col. Downman informed the men that it had
been charged that som) men of the command
id broken into the store .4 one of the natives,
and insisted that the} should hunt him up m
ordei to ma\e an example of him, as he was
an unfit person to be associated in an enter-
F >rise of an honarable and patriotic character.
But before this could be done, they discovered
that the enemy was approaching them by the
main road. At this time the men having been
dismissed, were afl engaged in various occu
pauons, and were separated and scattered
through the village.
'Fhe enemy’s advance, about 150 men, ap
proached by the main road. At first, they
were though' to be of Crittenden's command,
nid no order was given to oppose them
Bome 50 or 60 of the Americans ran out to
meet their supposed comrades, but when they
got within fifty yards of them were fired npon
by the Spaniards Fortunately, tho guns of
the Cuba volunteers were stacked near, and
the Americans seized them, returned the fire,
and the Spaniards tell back io their main body,
which was about 400 yards off, just under the
hill. In their ro’reaf, they were pursued by
the Americans, who kept up a destructive fire,
and before they coul I rejoin the main body,
wore nearly ail kil ed er wounded—only
eleven, Mr. dumn'er- was informed by a
Spanish officer, scaping unhurt. Lopez's
men then assembled from various directions,
i>nd were formed on the hills, just out-ide of
the village, by Gen. Pragay—Capt Ellis’ com
pany be ng on the righ', Capt. Saunder’s com
pany next, and Gotay’s nex’- Col Down*
man, with the rest of the men, held the road.
The companies on the hills were exposed to
ssa—iwUMUfc— uifli us -TTiffy
approached by the road and through the corn
fields. The Americans, however, reserved
heir fire until the Hpaniards came uear—they
then opened upon them a most destructive
volley Jhe Spaniards s oud their ground
well, bu’ the .Americans were better marks
men, aid picked oft’ the officers as fast a«
they appeared in sight—they being recognizi
hie Porn their npaulettes. The slaughter in
the Spanish ranks was great, but the Libera
tors aho suffered greatly. Here Gen. Pragay
fell mortally wounded—also. Captain Gutav.
Labuzun was ki led, and Captain Ellis badly
w< unded Several others also fell, whose
names aro nut remembered*
finally, the Spaniards retired into the road
Ihr V were then p raurd by a party of the
American*, led by Colonel Downman, who
preHaed too c!os * upon the Spaniard*. The
latter, perceiving that they were chased by a
small force, instead of the whole command,
whee ed and made a charge; the Americans
then slowly retreated, Io ding and firing on
their way—but Colonel Downman refused to
retire, crying out. '*Cotne b.tck, boys!” He
lefl fighting hand to hand with th* enemy,
using the butt of h a musket. The enemy
hal ed over hi* body, which was afterwards
touiid pierced with bale and bayone’s. The
AnvncaifH too, halted and formed, when the
Spanisrdu concluded to retire from the field
4'he latter then sent small parties for their
wounded, which were not disturbed by the
America's Finally, they retrea’ed in the
din ciion o! Crittenden's cornu.aud.
in thin engag lueir, the men fought pretty
much on their own hook But few order*
were given. During the engagement. Genera!
Lopez was in the thickest of the figh*, where
the balls flew faxes:; but it wa* quite per
ceptible that, though insensible to fear, he
was depressed by the aspect of affairs The
first order given by the General after the
t» itt.e, was that ('apt Ellis's company and
another should pursue the enemy, and go
(trough to Crittenden. They accordingly
proceeded, and soon overtook the rear guard
ot theeuemv, who was slowly retiring, on
account ot his wounded Believing it too
haxardous to advance against such a force, the
Americans determined to give up the effort to
reach Crittenden, and returned to Las Poaae.
Mr. Summer* thinks that if they had not done
this. >hey would all have been cut off. as
Lritterden, he thinks, w s attacked by three
companies, at the same time that five co rps
nice attacked Las Poxas. The Spanish com*
panics are composed ot nearly two hundred
men Ol Crittenden's party, all were rap
tured or killed but the rear guard. under Capt
.A. Kelly, forty in number, who cut their
av through, and reached Li- Pnzas in ssfetv.
On the return of Captain E’ is’s detachment,
the men were employed in taking care of the
wounded. Ten wounded Spaniards were
found on the field, who were well at (ended by
the Liberal rs The Spaniards adm tted that
they ost in the engagements at Las Posaa23B
k! le and wounded. .Mr. Summers counted
70 dead on tne road, and there must have been
a good many in the cornfield* Th« Liberators
ios 22 kited, wme IS or 20 h&dly wounded
and 15 or 20 slightly. Among the killed, in
addition to those mentioned, were the Captain
of the Cuban company, (name not remember
e«d,) and Lieut. Johnson. They remained at
La> Posits until the arrival of Captain Kelly as
sured them that it was vain to wait longer for
CriitendenS command. They then took up
the line of march to war Is the mouutaius, pro
ceeding by a narrow path, and suffering mu h
from fatigue exposure, and want of food, and
cyuiinually watched and dogged by the enemy
From ignorance of the country, or from trench
ery • t her -ptes. they found them«t>lv«B. after
a fatiguing march, in the vicinity of Bahn
Honda, where the enemy were in large so ce.
They again took to the mountains and final
ly r< ached Capetai Del Frias, about one league
from Candelaria Here they hal ed on a beau
tiful eagar plantation which Gen. Lopez said
once belonged to him, and were stationed »n a
large £ rove of mingo trees, acd told to help
themselves to anything io eat hey could finJ.
They availed themselves of the invitation, and
procured material for a fine dinner, which
they were just about enjoying, when some
cavalry were seen approaching. The men
flew to their arms and commenced firing, when
Gen. Lopez shouted—“ Don't fire—they are
friend- they must be patriots ” so ’onfident
was he that he would be joined at this plaee by
a large force ot Cubans. The men, however,
were not so sanguine, as there were two nun
dree horsemen in the party, and ihev came
dashing down the road in hosti’e array They
accordn g'y opened fire upon them with great
effect, the Libera.ora being protected by the
tnan u -o frees. The horsemen galloped off in
a great hurry, the riders cli- giug close to the
necks of their horses. Had it not been for the
Wk: of the G u. that tne\ were friends, the
whole party would have been cut off. As it
only fifteen were killed, audiwo captured.
nn.i e <hi hor?e» kited.
IQe Liberators were then formed, aud
® cteeo io lhe r9ar c h , >ose Suddenly
r^. an < ‘ h ' a,s “ !r <” -"’powd to ihe fire < f
t !n They
on. however », hou; re . ur j,;
hr. until th y reached a tdl.when thev ral
! e- and prepared t.. me.: the ene.r v _d e 'er.
mi ng to save tneir ammunition, a» it wa« »et
ÜB. scaree Here they were attacked t>,
large Spanish force, butitwae diflicull for heir
othcers lo bring ho mon near enough to the
dreaded “rifles” of the Americana, (there
was not a rifle in the party ) The officers ex
pose I themselves ver/ much, and several <f
them wore sini’i id out and killed. It was on
this ccc eion that Gen. Enna was killed. Find
ing it difficult to bring tho Spaniards to close
quarters, the Liberators determined to charge,
which they did, in impetuous and pell mell
style, yelling terrifically, and driving the
Spanirds before them, —Gen. Lopez al! the
while crying out “Hurra for the brave Ameri
cans ! Three cheers for the Sons of Liberty!”
which were given in hearty style. Alter thi
battle, which was on the 17th of August, (last
ing two hours ) in wnich the Americans lost
but three kiiled and wounded, the Spaniards
retired and the Liberators again took up the
marc > for the mountains.
This was a most fatiguing march, the men
being without food, any many of them being
exhausted on the way. Those who stopped,
were never heard of afterwards. Finally, they
r ached a place in the mountains called the
Old Castle which afforded an admirable natu
ral fortification, where, if they had had ammu
nition and provisions, they could have main
tained themsel e-i in spile of the whole Span
ish army. Here they found houses, in whica
for the first time since they left New Orleans
th 7 slept. The next day they took up the
march in the direction where they were told a
Patriot force wa< er.camped, but gor. lost, and
reached a thick wood, near San Blas, wh’re
they kiiled some beeves, had a comfortable
meal, and a good night’s rest, which wa* th
firstand last they had in the whole campaign
The next day they resumed their march; a
heavy rain came up, drenching their persons
and their ammunition ; they k;pt onward, on
ward, towards the mountains, the General all
the while trying to console and cheer them
with the hope, that they would soon reach a
point where they would be joined by a large
force of patriots They road was slippery and
miry, and led through a precipitous country,
ip steep mountains, and on the brink of deep
valleys—the waler running down with such
force, that the men could with difficulty keep
their footing. Still they kepton in good spirits.
Suddenly they emerged into the plains near
San Cnristobal, where there was a large Span
ish force. The Genera! then discovered that
the guide had misled him, and proposed to re
turn The men having become reckless and
indifferent to life, positively refused; they got
some corn and beef and I ivouaced on the
mountain side, being nearly washed away at
night by the rain. The next day they began *o
retrace their steps.
Arrived at Rosario the next day, the men de
manded of tie General what pros pec’s of aid he
bad, and not being satisfied with his assurances,
determined to leave him and proceed towards
the coast- The next day, whilst engaged in
taking their breakfasts, the Spaniards sto e up
on them through the corn fields, and fired a’,
them. This was the first intimation they had
of their being near. They were unable to re
turn the fire, the greater part of their muskets
being wet; they then fled up the mountains,
firing a few shots at the enemy as they retreat
ed. Several Spanish officer*, including a gen
erate, were killed by the scattering shots of the
Liberators. Fina ly, they gained the lop of the
mountain whither the enemy did not follow
them. They lost several men in this engage
ment, which look place on the 21st, and was
called the battle of Rosario. The rain contin
ued to pour in torrents ; they marched on, and
that night had a horrible time, baing exposed
to a terrible tempest, wet, exhausted, and with
out a paniele of food. Tney had to hold on to
the branches and trees to prevent being wash
ed away by the torrents that came down the
mountain sides.
The next day brought no abatement of the
tempest As soon as there was a lull, they
resumed their wearisome nurch, m til they
stopped for th*? night, when they made a meal
of the General's horse, having hid nothu g
to eat for three days, Toe next morning
75 of them, the others having dispersed—found
themselves in the neighborhood of Ban Cris
obal where they came suddenly on a cavaJry
force, whose fire they could find but two
muskets in the whole party capabl of return
ing They were then scattered, dispersed,
and broken up into 3 all parties, deeming
it unsafe to go in any number. Mr Burn
mers and his companion wandered about
in the mountains for two days, not knowing
whither they were going.
They at last reached an old saw mill, which
the left six days before. They had
thrown away their muskete, and here they
obtained a couple of long knives Theo they
proceeded towarls San Bia#, and entered the
first house hey found. The inmates fled at
their approach, for t u eir appearance was
frightful enough. Here they found a piece of
salt beef, which they divided and re raw.
They resumed their march, and at evening
reached another house, where they were kindly
treated by the females, but ihe men fled. The
proprietor of this establishment was a widow
lady, who supplied them with coffee, meats and
spirits, and told them to go into the mountains,
and she would apprise them when the
enemy approached, giving them a shepherd
boy to direct them. The were directed into
a thick mango grove, where they made them
selves tolerably comfortable Here they remain
ed all the next day, living un the green mango
fruit. From the lops of the trees u ey saw over
500 soldiers pass and repass on the r<»ad to
San Blas Ou the morning of the 25ih of
August, >he shepherd boy was sent t>y the
patriotic lady t > inform them that they had
been discovered by the Paisanoa, who had
informed the tnili ary.
They then left, sending by the boy many
thanks tn the kind widow who had befriended
them. They now determined to givo them
selves up, and about sundown took the high
road to San Diego. They did not, however
en er the town until th > next morning. They
walked in about sunrise, and were immediately
shown to the house of the commander. As
they were waiting for him, they perceived a
horseman in full gallop through the streets,
waving a package over his head ! D smount
ing before the house, the horseman dnlijia—
lore it open, and then remarked to Mr. Sum
mers and his companions—° You are in
luck; had you arrived an hour earlier, you
would have been shot. This is your pardon.”
I hey had heard the reports of some guns as
tiny were approaching the town, but a half
hour previous; they proved to be the shoot
ing of two of their companions, one ol whose
names was Black. They afterwards saw the
bodies of these moo, but could scarcely re
cognise them.
Ihe Commander at San Diego then gave
thiin a good breakfast, and the people of the
town treated them kindly. They were then
sent to Gen. x oj&le’s camp, who requested
M r Summers to go into the mountains and in
form his countrymen of the proclamation,
which h did persuading all that he could find
•o avail themselve* ofit Having a pass from
Gen. Rosales, he finally reached Bahia Honda,
a here he waa Hndly treated, and then, pro
ceeding io San Antonio look the road for Ha
v..ru, w hich he reached ou ihe 4th Sept.—
wt# presented to the C aptain General and
kindly treated by him—receiving hi* passport,
ai d left for the United States.
Such are the leading facts of Mr. Summer’s
narrative. Bespeaks in the most favorable
terms of tie kindness of the Spanish soldiers
after the proclamation was issued, and in the
must contemptuous and unfavorable manner
of Uie country people generally. Some of
his views and opinions we omit, contenting
ourselves for the present with hi. narritiva of
'he facts, which, as the firstone presented of
ibis expedition, will no doubt possess great
in erest to our readers.
PosTorncx Law and Rxvxnos The
cheap postage system is woiking admirably
forth > people, we are given to understand,
but not so well lor the revenue Tho ex
penses for the fiscal year commencing July 1,
1851, will exceed six millioru of doilarc
Tt e cheap postage law, so far from contempla
t:ng any reductions of the mail service, rather
makes provision for new post routes, and in
creased expenditure. The exoenses for the
last fiscal year were about $6 iSO 000, and if
as much the present year, there will be a
probable deficiency from postages oi about
one million ■ and three gnartert. This however,
was anticipated and estimated for by the Post
master General, and in part provided for by
Congress.
Should the deficiency be §1750,000 for the
present fiscal year, it will not be more than
one million the next; and, in three or four
years, the expectation is. that there will be a
revenue from postage equal to the expen
ditures of the Department for carrying the
mans, when there may be still further reduc
tion, as there ought now to be upon uewspa
pars.
J be new law, as I r as heard from, is greatly
multiplying the correspondence of the coun
try. and seems to be giving great satislacti n to
the people We know ol no better way in
which some of the surplus revenue of the
Government could be expended then in this
of facilitat r>g ihe w itten correspondence of
the country, and in disseminating more widely
the knowledge of the Periodical Press.
The revenues of the Postotfice Denartment
for the fiscal year ending June 20, llSl, were
larger than < ver before For the Seal voar of
1850- 51, they were $5 499.984 ; for the next
three quarters they were §4 728 388 ; and the
whole year will bring the „ u? to $6,150 0(X):
Tne Postmaster General dees not anticipate
that the receipts, under the new law, will ex
ceed §4,500 000. though it is as yet difficult,
with no re urs in. to say what they may
amount to.
The foreign mail transportation, we are
assured, is working more admirably than ever
before. Las: year, the balance against the
United Stales on account of foreign postages,
and paid o the English Government, was
$147 00 '. This year it will not exceed one
half ot this amount, and for the most unfavor
able six months was $43 1)00.
Our foreign and domestic mail service, we
are persuaded, was never more faithfully
managed by the Government than at present.
The Postmaster General devotes all his energies,
toil, night and day. and wuh an example'and
success that gives the greatest possible energy
to the Department at Washington. .V. O
BulieUn.
\tv Orleane, Sept 15.—The steamer
Yacht has arrived with Galveston dates of the
Il h Maj Giles Purler came passenger,
who has been ordered to Fort Columbus.
New York Crops in general throughout
Texas were goed, though it was though: that
the Cotton had been injured by the worm
Chas. Lawson, an American merchant, had
been murdered above Brownsville, at the same
phee where Lsvalle Captain Wilso: and
others lost their lives. Wm. H. Harrison
killed Wm G Clarke in a duel at Brownsville
Tne Incians were committing drea iful outrages
on the Mexican population in Tamaulpas.
Gen Persifer Smith had arrived at Galveston,
bound fur San Antonio There was some
talk of an expedition to aid die Northern
States of Mexico io their movement for nd,
pend n-e. H race L. Kumey and F. L Brit
ton were reported to be at the head of the
expedition Many Texas Rangers and Cuban
L'berators had enlisted. The alleged revolting
States are Taumaiipas. Coahuilla sod diew
L«on. The movement is sailed a Buffalo
Hunt. The Mexican officers are named
Carajaval and Canales, of notorious memory.
cpTjp wprrT v
1 IlJu W JuJulxla I
CHRONICLE & SENTINEL
BY WILLIAM S. JONEP.
TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM,
INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE.
DAILY, TRI-WEEKLY & WEEKLY.
Officein Railroad Bank Building!.
DAILY PAPER ,pe ran num (sent by mail,) St 00
TRI WEEKLY “ “ 400
WEEKLY PAPER ” 2 00
AUGUSTA, GA.:
WEDNESDAY MORNING, ...SEPT. 24.
SAMVEL BAHNF.TT, Associate Editor.
Constitutional Union Nomination*
FOR GOVERNOR.
HON- HOWELL COBB
For Representative from Sth District «
HON. ROBERT TOOMBS.
CONGRESSIONAL DELEGATION.
First Dist.—CHARLES H. HOPKINS,
of Mclntosh..
Second District.—J AMES JO HNSON,
of Muaeogee.
Third Dist.—ABSALOM H. CHAPPELL,
of Bibb.
Fourth District. —CHARLES MURPHY,
of DeKalb.
Fifth District.-E. W. CHASTAIN,
of Gilmer.
Sixth District.—J UNI U S HI LLYER,
of Wa'ton.
Seventh District.—A. H. STEPHENS,
o/ Talia ferro.
Eighth District.—RO BERT TOOMBS,
of Wilkea.
For Senator from Richmond and Co
lumbia.
ANDREW J. MILLER.
For Representatives from Richmond i
JOHN MILLEDGE,
ALEXANDER C. WALKER.
DINNER IN JEFFERSON COUNTY.
•g~V The Constitutional Union Party will
give the Hon. Robert Toombs a Free Barbecue at
Mt. Moriah Camp Ground, Jefferson county, on
THURSDAY, the 25th of this month.
Messrs. Cobb, Stephens, A. J. Miller, McDonald,
and McMillan, are invited to be prestnt.
Tae cit sans of Jefferson, and the adjoining coun
ties, are respectfully invited.
si6 By thb Cc mmittbe of Invitatiom.
MR. STEPHENS INF OGLETHORPE
Thio gentleman will address the people of
Oglethorpe, and the adjoining counties, at Aniioch
Depot, on the Athens Branch of the •eorgia Rail
roid, fifteen miles abore Union Puint. on Thursday,
aft. r the Fourth Monday in this month, (Sept. 25.)
Mr. Lewis is expected to be present. s!4
Wm.P. Mbirk, 1
Geo. F. Platt, > Committee,
Jos. H. Lumpkin, Jr J
Mr. C'ubb'a Appointments*
Mr. Jobb will ad fress the people at the
following places at the time designated:
Decatur, Thursday, “ 25.
Newnan, Friday « 26.
Franklin, Saturday, <« 27.
Griffin, Monday, “ 29.
Forsyth, Tuesday, “ 30.
We are authorized by Mr. Cobb, to s.iy that
Judge MoDonld is invited to attend these ap
pointments, and (o participate in the discussion,
upon equal terms.
John 11. Howard alias “John Hancock. ’’
During the hist Congressional canvas in
Georgia, in 1848, the districts of Messrs
Toombs and Staphens, were flooded by a
handbill, to which was attached the name of
“John Hancock,” said to be from the pen of
our very modest, retiring friend Col. John H
Howard, of Columbus, Geo , who very mod
estly assumed, perfectly in character to admon
ish and instruct the intelligent constituents of
Messrs. T. and S how they should vote, and
assailed those gentlemen for their opposition
tu the Clayton Compromise. Now, like his
other co laborers in disunion, he is undertood
to be endeavoring to persuade the people of
Georgia that “they are degraded” by the late
Compromise, because they are excluded from
the Territories by the existence of the Mexican
Anti-slavery laws.
This brief explanation wid suffice to enable
the reader to appreciate fully the communica
tion of “Seventh District,” in thia -lay’s pa
per. The position of John Hancodk, alias
John H. Howard, is the same precis dy as the
great mass of his partisans.
In 1848, the Mexican laws were a mere hum
bug, a perfect nullity; no *’ they are sufficiently
potent to exclude Southern men from the
territories. How pitiable !
Dr. Lieber’s Address.
We call attention to the extracts from the
address of this learned scholar and profound
■'mFr’rr Afl 7 y i store 6ouse 6T know-
ledge, not less universal than his own “Ency
clopaedia Americans,” and who is not more
thoroughly versed in the facts than in the phi
losophy of history.
Abolition Outrage.
A horrible aflray occurred iu Chester Coun
ty, Pennsylvania, on the 10th inst, between a
mob of abolitionists and negroes on the one
side, and he United States Mar-hal, together
with the owner of two fugitive slave#, and his
friends, on the other. Mr. Gorsuch. the own
er of the slaves, was killed, and several of his
parly dangerously wounded. Three of the
miscreants who made the attack upon the
Marshal and his company were shot, and two
havo since died. Fifty-one arres.s have been
made of parlies implicated, and a reward of
SIOOO offered for the apprehension and con
viction of the murderers. We trust that the
guilty will atone w ith their lives—»o far as
atonement can be made— for this gross and
diabolical outrage.
It is a case in which feeling and judgement
unites in demanding that tho terrors of the law
should bo displayed, and its majesty vindicat
ed The blood of the murdered man calls not
more loudly for vengeance, than do the faith
of the Government, and the provisions of
the law.
Singular Circumstance.
VVa cannot but consider it a very singular
and remarkable circumstance, that while en
gaged in discussions with the Chronicle by
name, on a variety of oih-r subjects, the Con
stnutionalst & Republic has never had its
attention called to our attacks on its course
upou the territorial question,; nor indeed to our
attacks on its general course in relation to the
Compromise.
Os what explanation does this fact admit?
We wonder if that paper would take it upon
itself to deny either of the two following pro
positions :
Ist. THAT THE SETTLEMENT OP THE
NEW MEXICO AND UTAH QUESTIONS,
(TWO OP the; grievances NOW COM
PLAINED OP) WAS IN STRICT CONFORM
ITT WITH THE DEMANDS OF THE DEMO.
CRATIC PARTY OF GEORGIA, ANO MORE
ESPECIALLY OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL
IST ITSELF.
2d. THAT THE CONSTITUTIONALIST
HAS SUPPORTED NOT THOSE MEASURES
ONLY, HIT EACH AND EVERY SOLITARY
MEASURE OF THE COMPROMISE.
We shall be on the ijui owe for the denial;
but fear that we shall look as long and vainly
as we have for its reply to the question so often
ask-d: “Does the Southern Rights party pro
pose any redrers for the pas: grievances of the
South; or any point of resistance to future
aggressions I and if so, whet?”
Cobb and trie Committees.
Thb former editor of the Conthtutionalut,
and the editor of the Republic. now co-editora
of the Cr><utitutionalnt Jr Republic, are in a
snarl on the point of Mr. Cobb’s appointment
of the Committees. It is better to fight
each other than for the ComiiMionotiit to
fight itself. The arrangement now established
between the two is admirable. Tired of
making war upon bis own opinions, the Con-
CMutwnalut lias engaged the services of the
Republic to discharge that disagreeable duty
The article in which Mr. Cobb was considered
to have brought neither injury nor danger
upon the South, by the appointment of < ne
free soiler upon each of the Committees, was
written by the Conctitutionalut. The article
in which Mr. Cobb so arranged the commit,
tees as to force those who would enlighten the
public mind “to send the poison with the neees
sary means of public enlightenment,” by ap
pointing a majority of free eoilers on the Com
mittee, was written by the Republic.
A very pretty quarrel. Had not the eo-edi
tore be ter spend a little time in consultation,
and looking over each other a editorials before
publication I Or have we hit upon the cor
rect solution of their connection, tn consider
ing i an arrangement by which each can war
against the former heresies of the other —and
say the writer of this was not the writer of
tkalt
Several of the Cuban “expeditionists” ar
rived here in the Weiaka yesterday. Among
the passengers we notice the names of several
ot the olficers. We understand that the ex
pedition has been entirely disbanded, and most
of the men have returned to their homes.—
das*. Rep.
Gov. IVTcDonuld’a Views on Secession.
We are glad to have the views of the South
ern Rights candidal? for Governor, under hie
own hand:
n I maintained the right of secession for cause, of
the existence and sufficiency cf which the people of
a Slate in their sovereign capacity, were the exciu
tive judges. In the exercise of it, they could not
be contrdled by the judgment of others ; that it was
absur 1 to say that a mm had the right to do a thing,
and that another should say that he had no such
right, and not permit him lo enjoy it. I illustrated
by putting this cose : If Seward, Giddings, Wilmot,
Hale, Chase & Co , acquire sufficient power to
abolish slavery io the Stales, and raise negroes to
an equality with white persons, and Georgia wcro
to deem that sufficient cause to secede from the
Union, for the purpose of taking care of her honor
and her rights, and appeal to the same men to know
if the wrong* they had inflicted justified the meas
ures we had adopted, there could be little doubt
about the judgment they would pronounce. They
would decide against the sufficiency of the cause, for,
by admitting it, they would condemn themselres.
I maintained that a right was a perfect thing. That
there was no right, if it could not be exercised but
at the pleasure of others.
As 1 have been forced to this statement, 1 will say
additionally, that on the establishment of the right
of secession for sufficient cause, of which tho people
are to judge for themselves, independent of all con
trol by other*, depends th3 rights of the people under
our Government. Estab!ish the doctrine that the
o.her States have the right to say that it shall not be
exercised, and you deprive the States of all remedy
for political wrongs end oppressions. They must
submit to any aggression inflicted by a majority, or,
if they wish to relieve themselves of it, it cannot be
done but by an appeal to the God of battles. There
will be an end of State sovereignty and State rights,
if this doctrine prevails, and if the time should come
that powers delegated, entrusted to the Government,
for the protection of the people of each State dele
gating it, and all the States, should be so used by a
corrupt majority in the Government, as to inflict "the
most insupportable wrongs on the people, and that
the people cannot re-assume as peaceably as they
delegated those powers abusively used, our Govern
ment becomes a despotism at once, and the sun of
political and constitutional liberty will go down in
revolution and blood. Charlbs J. McDonald.
Marietta, Ga., Sept. 8, 1851.
This letter sets at rest the question of Gov.
Me Dobald’s position on the exclusive right of
judgment. He asserts and re-assarts it, as
not only the truth, but essential, fundamental
truth. The assertion of the right of the “other
States” he considers fatal. In fact, there wi I,
in his opinion, “be an end of State sovereign
ty and State rights, if this doctrine prevails.”
Gov. McDomald is therefore distinctly com
mitted to the doctrine of the exclusive right of
judgment.
This doctrine we do not hesitate lo pro
□ounce aa utterly repugnant to authority as it
is to principle and to common sense. It is no
more justified by the principles of the Repub
lican party, than would the assumption of the
right of repudiation of th*, public debt of a State.
If nodisiin.t condemnation of the doctrine
could be found in the resolutions of the Re
publican party, it might be easily accounted
for, on the ground that the claim is too pre
posterous to have been advanced by any party
less desperate than the present Southern
Rights party of Georgia. Even the refuge of
silence is denied them, however, by the Re
publican party The K;ntucky resolutions
of 1798, drawn by Mr. Jefferson, distinctly
affirm the right of each party to judge for
itself, noton.’y of infractions but of the mode
and measure of redress. Toe very words
“each party” indicates that there are two par
ties. Who the other party in the controversy
is, is distinctly laid down in the following
quotation from those resolutions:
“ That to this compact each Stele acceded as a
State, and is an integral party, its co-States form
ik® AS TO ITSELF the OTHER PARTY. That the
Government created by this co epact was not made
the exclusive or final, jvdce of the extent of the
l>owera delegated to itself; since that would have
made its discretion, and not the Constitution the
measure of its powers ; but that as in all other
cases ol compact atnoog parties having no common
J«adge, bach party has an equal right to judge for
itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode and meas
ure of redress.”
The Virginia resolutions, and the report of
’99, explicitly regard the Stales es parties,
and no where claim any exclusive right to any
one State or number of Slates
Coming lo the contest of 1832 and 3, it will
be found that the positions of ihe most extreme
State Rights men never reached the absurdity
of cla ming the exclusive right. If Gov.
McDonald’s doctrine be a test of State rights,
then such men as Calhoun, Troup and
Condy Rauuet, have no title to the name of
Slate Rights men. Madisjn and Jefferson
having already been expelled from the Repub
lican party, and tho claims of Calhoun,
Troup and a host of others, formerly consid
ered almost too orthodox, and bending rather
the other way, being rejected, what names
and what company will be left for Gov Mc-
Donald, the head of the new school ? It
will sink beneath contempt.
We have shown (August 30th, 1851,) that
Calhoun held “(he resumption by a State of
her delegated powers a breach of compact, for
which the State as a community would be res
ponsible, and not it)citizens.” Mr. Calhoun
expressed himself also in the following strong
language :
“ He could not conseive of a division without giv
ing an rq ial right to each to judge of the extent of
the power allotted to each.”
Gov. Troup held the equal right of judg
ggnt^m^botjj»tjS and it tfk,
M That a State, for ’he violation of the articles of
compact, it responsible under the public law to the
other States, and may as between sovereigns, be
compelled to u aka reparation for any iej jry or
damage which may ensue to them in consequence of
such violation , and that this is rne of the great se
curities against hasty and precipitate ae’ion on the
part of tho Stales.”
Extreme as ho was in some of his opinions,
Gov. Troup held not only the right of the
co-Slatet to judge for themselves, but to “de
mand sub lac ion,’’ end to “go to war.” Gov
Troup denied the right of tho General Gov
ernment, but never the right of the other
States.
Cosoy Ragvut, iu tiia Ei.miner of Febru
•ry 4'h, 1835, when opinion, had had an ample
opportui ily to mature, after the moat searching
investigation of the question, involved, by the
ablest minds of the nation, discusses the ques
tion of umpirage in the case ol '‘disputed
power between a State and the Federal Gov
ernment,” and arrives at the following couclu
a ion:
“Where thin should we look for an umpire ?
Would any State of tho Union consent that her liber
lies and rights should be placed at the arbitrament of
any foreign power? We judge not, and as we can
conceive of no other need of umpirage, we are forced
to th. conclusion that the safest policy would be to
Icivo Ihe quention open as it is at present. The
right of ‘mulual eontrcl' appeals to us, to be the
rcry conservative principle of our system.”
Gov. McDonald has emerged from tin
lowest depths of Federalism, to teach Gov.
Taoup thit what he considered “one of the
great securities against hasty and precipitate
action on the part of the States,” is in reality
“an end of State sovereignty and State Ri ghts.’
He has risen to rebuke Conor Raolkt, by
assuring him that ha is mistaken in cons dering
“the right of mututl control, the very conser
vative principle of our system,” and that on
the contrary, upon independence of all control
‘‘depend the rights of the people under our
G overnment."
He has purged himself of Federalism, by
becoming an anarchist. Tho immense mo
men um he acquired in his sudden leap has car
ried hi it beyond all bounds,—he has overleap
ed Republicanism and fallen on the oilier
side—and finds himself now the advica'.e of
anarchy and absurdity, and with the warmth ofa
new convert, virtually accusing the most ex
treme Slate Rights men of ignorance of the
Right: of the States, and denying the doc
trines of the Virginia and Kentucky Resolu
tions. Not even the opinions of individual
men of the extreme wing of the State Rights
party —much lass the well considered positions
of the Sta es above named, or of the State
Righ's Convention of Georgia in 1833, sus
tained the claim, preposterous on its face, of
the ezc/wtiM right of either party to a contract,
to judge of its infraction or of tne mode and
measure of redress.
Col. Jeffkkson Davis hat been nominated,
by the Committee appointed to fill vacancies,
the succes or of Gen. Quitmam, the disunion
candidate for Governor of Mississippi.
We are glad of thia, at the 'people of that
State may accomplish two objects at one and
the same time—repudiate him and his princi
ples for Governor, and eject him from the U.
S. Senate. That they will do it, we entertain
not the least doubt.
Elbctiom or Jcdgks.—The following resolu
tion was adopted by the last Legislature relative
to the election of Judges of the Superior Courts :
Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Rep
resenlativee of the St te of Georgia in General
Assembly convened. That a: the next general
election for Governor and Members of the Leg
islature, the people of thia State be requested
to express th ir wishes as to the manner in
which the Judges of the Superior Courts shall
be elected, by endorsing on their tickets, "By the
Legislature/* or “By the people.”
Assented to, December. 12th, 1851.
Beware of Last Cards.
The Jownal Jr Mewngev thus cautions the
publ.c against the last Cards of the disunion
is’s. Their for unes are desperate and they
are ready to p’ay a desperate game :
Rbwabb or Last Carbs. —Oar friends ia distant
coant’ee are cautioned against tbe “Last Cards"
of tbe fire eaters. We are informed, that they bare
scores of these in coarse of preparation. Two dis
unionists were heard conversion upon tbe subject a
lew days since. It was agreed to keep the docu
ments. whatever they were, out cf circulation about
the large towns and Railroads ; and to send them
:o distant a unties ; where their influence coul * nci
be counteracted before the election. Oar Union
friends, therefore, are req ested to been the look
ut; as these documents will doubtless uake their
appearance on the eve of tbe election. The very
faet, that these papers are to be thua clandestinely
circulated, proves that the men who are getting
them up know that they contain in famous false
hoods.
Mr. Cobb.--Tlie Cent: al Bank.
Hating heard upon reliable authority, that
John F. Brown, of Burke County, the candi
date for Senator from Burko and Jefferson
counties, had and was circulating the report in
both of those counties, “that Mr. Cobb was a
debtor or defaulter to the Central Bank for
eight or ten thousand dollars,” we promptly
addressed Mr. Cobb a letter informing him of
the fact and requested him to reply, giving us
the facts of the case, which he has done in the
following letter, dated at Canton, Cherokee
County.
Soon after writing Mr. Cobb, wo observed
that the Federal Union, had also attempted to
assail Mr. Cobb, by referring to the matter in
such a manner as to make the worst possible
impression on the public mind, without having
the manliness or honesty to state the facts, that
the public might be enabled to arrive at truth,
and correct conclusions. To show in what
manner that journal attempted to assail him,
and to deceive the public by a vague and indefi
nite reference to the ma ter, it is only necessa
ry to remark, it simply stated that “Mr. Cobb
had permitted executions against him to be re
turned to the Bank, endorsed “so property.”
without stating whether he was principal or
security for the amount of the indebtedness.
Why were not these facts stated in connection
with the other? The public will determine
this question, and deter n ine it correctly, tha
the reason was, the story in that shape would
fail to make a false impression, and the people
would not be deceived.
We have also observed that the Constitution*
alist copied both the articles of the Federal
Union in relation to this matter. Will it have
the manliness to do Mr. Cobb the justice to
publish his letter? that it may have the same
circulation as the effort to make a false impres
sion, had through it columns ? We shall see.
Canton, Sept. 19th, 1851.
DbabSib:—l have this moment received your
letter, informing me that Mr. Brown was circulating
a report, that I was indebted to the Central Bank,
to the amount of ten thousand dollars or some other
large amount. The report is utterly false. I am
the security of Major Jackson, on a Cenral Bank
debt of some four or five hundred dollare, which 1
thought was paid, until 1 received a letter from Mr.
Campbell during the past, summer, informing me
that it was unpaid. 1 agreed to pay it by the Ist,
of December next, if Major Jackson did not settle
it before. Which arrangement seemed to be satis
factory to Mr. Campbell, as he has not since writ
ten to me on the subject. Yours, dec.,
Howell Cobb.
Thus it appears that Mr. Cobb, instead of
owing the Central Bank eight or ten thousand
dollars, according to Mr. Brown, or soma oth
er indefinite sum. according to the Federal
Union, only owes ooire four or five hundred
dollars, besides interest, for which he became
liable by endorsing the note of his friend, and
the payment of which he had satisfactorily ne
gotiated with Mr. Campbell, the director of
that Bank— facts, in the history of the transac
tion, which Mr. Brown and the Federal Union,
if they knew, very carefully concealed from the
public. Let the public judge of the motive for
that concealment, and Mr. Brown and the
Federal Union, vindicate themselves as beat
they can.
The Constitutionalist—The Commit
. tees.
It is eaid of a certain distinguished wit in
Georgia, when asked for his opinion as to the
character for veracity of an acquaintance,
somewhat notorious for his want of that virtue*
he replied, “ha wascertainly a very great econo*
mist of truth.” Whether the Constitutionalist
merits such a classification, the reader will
determine after a brief expose of its misstate,
ruents in an article on the appointment of the
Committees by Mr. Cobb—with which the
public should be familiar, as it may serve to
show the desperate resorts to which that journ
al is driven to sustain a sinking caus°.
In a single paragraph in reference to the Ju
diciary Committee, of a dozen lines or less,
there are six distinct misstatements— one to eve
ry two lines—pretty fair! Whether that print
knew them to be such, we pretend not to say,
but certain it is, the effect upon the coun ry is
the same, if they remain uncontradicted. The
misstatements are made, and by that journal.
Here they are :
Ist. That the Judiciary Committee is a favorite
Committee with the Free Soilers.”
To show that thia is not true it is only ne
cessary to state that that committee in the
House has little or no business connected with
the slavery question. If so, the
alisl may sustain its pesition by showing what
that business is.
2d. “ That the Constitution of new States is re
ferred to the Judiciary Committee?’
This is untrue. In the House they are
always referred to the committee on Territo
ries.
3d. “That a majority of the JuJiciary Com'nitteo
were Free Soilera.”
That is not true. There were four South
ern men, and Miller, of Ohio, wh'f never
gave a vote against the South in Congress—
and Thompson of Pa., who voted with the
South on the Compromise.
.. u 4th,meiutercQuld.make
Tnat is not true. Fora minority have no
right to report. It is only by the courtesy of
the House that they are permitted to submit a
minority report.
Fifth—“ That minority reports are always printed
with the reports cf the majority?’
The reverse is the truth. They are almost
invariably printed seperately, and the excep
tions to the rule are when they are printed
together.
Sixth—“ That Southern members arc compelled
to send out the minority with the majority reports.”
Having shown that the fifth statement is
untrue, of course the sixth and last is in the
same category.
Itisa little remarkable (perhaps not, how
ever, for the Constitutionalist,) for a journal
t iat makes some pretensions to respectability,
should in a single paragraph make only six
distinct statements, which it asserted as facts,
and yet every single one should prove to be
untrue. Every assertion in the paragraph is
untrue! Great—very great economy of truth
that, certainly ! What th : nk you, reads* t
It is a strange fact, which we beg to refer to
in conclusion, that the Disunion organs and
leaders shruld, now that the committees have
ceased to exis’, find so much r ault with them,
when the fact is notorious that neither a major
ity nor minority report was made against the
by any committee appointed by Mr.
Cobb! They must ha’e been very danger
ous committees to the South, Southern rights
at.d ins'i'utions ; and how exceedingly keen of
scent these disunion organs must be to snuff
treason in the breeze, tohavr just now discov
ered it, long after the committees were defunct,
and which while in existence, did noMi.ig—
nothing against the South or to her prejudice.
Gov. McDonald on the Stump,
The following letter from a gentleman in
Dahlonega, gives a brief account of the discus
s<on between Messrs. Cobb,and McDonald in
that place. It will be seen that McDonald
repudiates the Georgia platform entirely, not
withstanding the earnest efforts of many of his
friends to make the people believe he had ta
ken his nosition on it—said he, “ I am not on
IT, NOR DO I WISH TO Bt."
Dahlonega, Sept. 16.
Dear Sirs : At the diicussion hel l here yester
day, the important admisaijn was made by Governor
McDonald that be was not oo the Georgia i latform,
neilhei did he wsb to be. Or, to nee hie own lan
guage, when interrogated by Mr. Cobb on this point,
when asked if he stood on the Georgia platform
“Ao, (said be,) I am no!, nor do I wish to be."
Quite an important admission, when it is considered
that bis friends claimed that he was on the Georgia
platform, though it was not quite so good Union
ground as be desired.
It was a glorious day for Cobb, and an exceeding
ly unfortunate one for bis opponent. Tbe efforts on
the part of Mr. Cobb, we venture the assertion, has
left fifty less foes to himself and the Union iti Ibis
county. Very respectfully.
Tbe latest in'elligence we have from different pans
of the up country is, that Cobb will carry the State
by at least fifteen thousand majority. We learn that
the Disunioniets have entirely ceased betting on Mc-
Donald, and are trying to set off whit they have al
ready unwisely staked on bis election by betting on
Cobb's majority. We think it decidedly safer to
bet on his majority than to bet on McDonald’s elec
tion, three to one.—She. Republican.
Wt have heard of a zealous but very shrewd
supporter of McDonald, who offers to be: on
Cobb and give thousands.
Notwithstanding rhe signs of the times, the
Savannah Georgian has to bolster up the
drooping spirits of its despairing partizans, by
copying sueh stuff as 'he following from the
New York Herald, which was possibly insert
ed at tbe instance of someone who hoped to
catch a green horn with it:
‘•Each party is sanguine of success, but appear
ances are decidedly in faxor of Git. McDonald."
The New York State Agricultural Fair was
opened Tuesday at Rochester. A telegraphic
despatch dated on Monday says:
The preparations fur the Fair, are on the largest
ard most magnificent scale. The greatest excite
ment and bust e prerails. Railroad care from all
points are so overloaded, that they are from two to
lour hours behind time. The hotels are overflow
ing. Fortunately the weather tas changed, else
people would be suffoca ed. The price of tickets
to the grand festival on Thursday evening is ten dol
lars. The Committee have seat t> New York lor
fifteen hundred dollars’ worth of silver ware. Ou
Friday. Senator Douglas will deliver the address.
Every kind of amusement is in requisition, includ
ing concerts, shows, and magic performances.
Seen a Gbttixg dows Ftaus.—The Vicks
burg True Issue has been informed that Col.
McWiliie has abandoned the contest with Gen.
Freeman in the Third Congressional District of
ilassUsippi.
•• State Rights In 1833.”
Under the above caption, the Constitution
alist Sf Republic of the 14;h inst, states “in
brief propositions, what were the doctrines of
the State Kights party of Georgia iu 1833, (in
its owu opinion,) and defies a contradiction of
their truth.”
We do contradict and utterly deny the truth
of three of the ten propositions laid down as
principles of the State Rights party of 1833.
Positions so ut'erly absurd were not held by
that par y. Let it be observed that this is a
question of fact, in which the absolute truth or
falsehood of the propositions is not invalved,
but the point is whither or not the propositions j
referred to were held by the State Rights party
of 1833 ?
The absolute falsehood of the proposition?
was argued in the columns of this paper on
the 26th and 30th of August last. Our present ■
object is to demonstrate, by reference to the
recorded proceedings of the State Rights party
of Georgia of 1833, that it held no such doc
trines as those set forth in the 7th, 9th and lOth
propositions of tli d Constitutionalist 8f Republic.
We shall show that, the positions there assumed
are alike unsustained by the authority appeal
ed to, as by principle. It is a simple question
of fact, to be established or refuted not by rant
nor assertion, but by history. The Constitu
t.onalist $ Republic says, ** If we could go to
the graves of the mighty dead and call them up
to life, they would sustain us in these declara
tions. * Wo shall go to the records in whic i
they left their opinions recorded—by which
being dead they speak—to prove those decla
rations utterly unfounded and unsustained.
The doctrines contained in Gen. Jackson’s
proclamation, against which the State Rights
meeting of Georgia did in its own language,
“solemnly pro.eat, a:d as solemnly deny,
their legitimate deduction from the compact
which established the Fedral Government,”
denied the truth of the following position of
the Proclamation:
“That the States have no right to secede from the
Union under any circumstances whatever, inas
much as secession would destroy the unity of the
nation. 9 9
Tne meet ng asserted the above doctrine to
be contained in the proclamation, and denied
its truth, and its legitimate deduction from the
Federal Compact.
The logical consequence of the foregoing
denial is legitimately and accurately given in
the following proposition The denial of the
position of the Proclamation is precisely equiv
alent to the asser ion :
“ Thiit there arc circumstances in which the
States woul t have a right to secede, notwithstanding
the objection urged that secession would destroy the
unity of the naticn.”
The proposition asserts Ist, That there are
circumstances in which the States would have
a right to secede.
2d. That the object on urged as to the de
struction of the unity of the nation, is invalid
The truth of the latter clause of the propo
sition is a nece-sary sequence from the de ial
on the pari of the meeting, of the unity of the
nation. The argument against secession, based
on the ground that it would destroy the unity
of the nation, falls, of course, with the denial
that such unity exists.
The result of a perfectly correct, fair and
logical analysis of the proposition of the meet
ing, is the assertion by it—
-Ist. That under certain circumstances the
States have a right to secede.
2d That the objection against this right
urged by the proclamation, is invalid
The above propositions contain, accurately,
all that the Slate Rights party of Georgia as
serted in relation io secession.
The Constitutionalist & Republic contends
teat, among the doctrines of that party in 1833,
were the following:
“7th. That each State had the right to secede
from the Uoioo, without coercion, by virtue of its
sovereignty.”
“ 9th. That secession was a peaceable right, and
any attempt to prevent its exercise by the General
Government, would be a glaring infraction of State
Rights, and a gross outrage upon the li . erties of the
people.”
“ 10th. That the right of secession was not the
right of revolution, which implies the right of the
party revolted against to maintain its power by the
sword, but the right peaceably to withdraw from the
Union, and assume an independent state and posi
tion among the nations of the earth.”
The seventh proposition has not even a
color of support by the State Rights party of
1833. The assertion of the right to secede un
der certain circumstances not named, is no as
sertion of the right to secede “ without coer
cion, by virtue of sovereignty.” If the meet
ing had intended to assert so broad a right, it
would have been much more explicit than sim
ply to deny the doctrine of the proclamation.
If a State has the right to secede without coer
cion, simply by virtue of her sovereignty, then,
as the State is always sovere’gn, it always has
the right to secede, under any circumstances,
with cause or without. Sovereignty is her’s a
- without intervals, whether with cause of
session or without. That, “by virtue of"
which she secedes, perpetually exists, and gives
a corresponding perpetual right of secassion.
- Tha 2-h -^^nj QJQ ja jKer.i
by the proceedings of the State Rights party.
It is in fact the application of the denunciation
of the force bill to an ent rely different subject
matter. The party denounced the force bill.
The Constitutionalist & Republic makes this
denunciation apply to any attempt to prevent
the exorcise of the light of secession
Os the 10th proposition, which is substan
tially cont *ined in the 7th and 9th, it need only
be observed that the distinction it alludes to
between the right of secession and that of rev
olution, whether correct in principle or not, is
not so much as hinted at by the meeting.
Unless that paper ignores us on this subject,
as it does upon non intervention, the Consti
tutionalist & Republic will probably attempt
t»o modes of rendering it muddy and vague.
One method will be by asserting that ths right
of secession, for cause, as we admit it, is a
peaceable right. The other mode will be to fly
from the resolutions of the State Rights party,
passed in Milledgeville, Nov, 13 h, 1833, after
ample consideration, and discussion and
appeal to the vague, half formed opinions of
individual men.
Upon the former mode of mystificitiou, we
may comment, ifit is revolted to. The latter
will be equivo.ent to the abandonment by the
Con titulionalist If Republic of its position,
which asserts certain doctrines to be the doc
trines of the State Rights party of Georgia in
1833, not the doctrine of a few southern men.
That party gave a public expression of its
views late in the year 1833, some of the lan,'
guage of which is contained in the article of
the Constitutionalist, though applied to a dif
fered subject.
Three of the propositions eo ingeniously (if
not ingenuous!*) interwoven with the remain
ing seven, we do deny and contradict to have
been doctrines of the State Rights party of
Georgia in 1833. These then are the only
propositions, strange to say, on which the pre
sent parties make an issue. We challenge the
Constitutionalist Sf Republic to the proof.
While the Union party has male no testa
upon the right of secession, the doctrine on
•hat subject declared by the State Rights party
of Georg a in 1833, ha, never been denied by i’.
Mr. Cobb expressly holds the right of seces
sion for ‘just causes, to be determined by
herself.” Neither he—nor the present Union
party—nor tbe State Rights party of 1833, do
hold, or hare held the positions attributed to
the latter by the Constitutionalist Sf Republic.
Secession Leaving the Field.
A private letter from a friend in Mississippi,
informs us that the Hon. Jacob Thompson, a
disunion candidate for Congress in that State
has promptly followed the example of Gen.
Quitman, and retired from the field. His
health was very suddenly (after tbe late elec
tion) eo impaired, that he could not p rosecute
the canvass. Verily, the thunder tones of
an indignant and outraged people, has ex
ercised a wonderful influence upon the ner
vous systems of some aspirants. And there
seems to be a very general disposition on the
part of many in Mississippi, to avail them
selves of an alternative in the shape of Union
pills in connection with a strong potion of
lincture of “acquiescence in the Compromise,
in obedience to the sovereign will of the
Slate.” Unfortunately, however, for many of
the leaders, they did not percieve their desper
ate condition until it was too late to be reliev
ed, and the sextons have been compelled io
perform the duties of their sad e ffices, and
consign them to their last resting place,
through the talismanic influence of the ballot
box.
Chasoxlcor Stecbes Cocks has been an
nounced by the Vicksburg Sentinel, aa the
“ democratic ” candidate lor Governor of
Mississippi in opposition to Gen. Foots.
Qcitman was the " democratic etats righti”
Candida e, but failing nnder that designation
to persuade the people to dissolve the Union,
the haders hoped, by a new trick , to re estab
lish old party I ines, which, a lew onths ago,
they so indignantly repudiated. They must
imagine that the people of that patriotic State
are easily gulled by names.
The Babsweu. Means— We learn from
the Savannah Morning News of yesterday, that
Wil iam G. Tobin, eccuaed with others, of the
murder of John McDaniel in Barnwell District,
was anested on Sunday atlernoon in that city.
A reward of two hundred and fifty dollars has
been offered by the Governor of South Carolina
for iua delivery to the jailor of Barnwell District.
“To Constitutional Union Men.”
The Constitutionalist proposes to argue
before you, the loss and gain of the South by
the compromise measures. Out of its own
mouth let it be judged. We shad not answer
it, as we most fairly might, with a solitary ar
gument, not its own.
1. CALIFORNIA.
It is equally clear, if
the Constitutionalist is to
be believed, that the
South lost nothing, for it
says: “ Now it is well
ascertained that no part,
of California, north or
south of any given line,
will ever be s'ave terri
tory. It cannot be slave
territory. It cannot be
made so against the inter
ests and wishes of the
people. They have de
cided not to have slave
ry there as a domestic
institution. The Demo
cratic doctrine is that the
people are to be left free
to decide that question
for themselves.” Con
stitutionalist, My 22,
1850.
“ Well, it is clear that
the South gained nothing t
by the admission of Cal- I
ifornia, with a provision !
of her Constitution for- t
ever prohibiting slavery I
within her limits. — Con*
stituticnalist Sept, 10/A,
1850.
2. te:
“ She gained nothing
by cutting off from the
slave State of Tex is,
territory enough to make
a State as large as Geor
gia and South Carolina
put together, and adding
it to the territory of New
Mexico.”— Const. t Sep,
10, 1850.
3. DISTRICT 0
(( She gained nothing I
by the abolition of the |
slave trade in the Dis
trict of Columbia, with
the provision declaring
any slave to be a free
man who shall be car
ried into the District for
sale, or to be transported
from it far sale any where
else.”—Const. t Sep. 10,
1850.
4th and sth. nbw
“ She gained nothing
by the Bills establishing
governments for the terri
tories of Utah and New
Mexico, with provisions
. subjecting the holders of
■ slaves to the test, in the
. Courts of the territories
in the first place—and
t'.e Supreme Court of the
’ United States i n the se
> cond, as to their right to
hold iheir slaves as prop
erty witbin their limits :
we say the South gained
nothing by these bills,
especially, when amend
ments to them to deciare
1 them open to slave hold
ers as well as non-slave
holders were rejected,
I both in the National
r Senate and House of
. Representatives.” —Con
1 s/ifuZwnaZfet, Sept. 10,
1851.
1 THB 5 FOREGO
“ So far we have a
right to say that the South
gains nothing. Do you
) not agree with us in opin
ion 7 ~ Can you dispute
its truth 7 if you cannot,
t thus far the South has
gained nothing. On hei
part, it has been a clear
and palpable sacrifice.”
Const. Sept. 10,1850.
s
e 6tn. Tne Pugi
e “These measure con
stitute the entire scttle-
J ment, called a Compro-
I mise, with a sing e ex
e ception, that of the fuei
e tire slave law. To that
you were entitled by the
e Constitution.
e “If then the enforce
e ment of your right ea..-
e not be called A GAIN,
- what have you gained
bythe COMPROMISE?
Nothing, nothing, noth
-1 iog.”— Const., Sept. 10,
f 1850.
I- THE e
i “Are you right or are
we wrong? If you are
right -».• will go with you;
‘ i -‘ .i -.re right, will you
;♦ j s » with us? : ’ — -Const.
! Sept. 10, 1850.
i “We appeal directly
'• to you, ss men who are
. willing to be guided by
( truth.”— Ibid.
,9
r,
f
8
I.
1
t
EXAB
It is sufficient to re
ply ; “As to the Texas
boundary question, it is
eufficie t to say, that it is
a matter of free choice
for Texas to decide to ac
cept the terms, cr not, as
she pleases, which are
offered by the scheme of
Compromise.
“She is not required—
she is not to be forced to
part with any portion of
her territory.”—Consti
tutionalist, May 2 id,
1850.
OF COLUMBIA.
I Let the Constitutional
ist nn’wer what she lost:
“As regards the pro
j-osed law in relation to
the slave trade in the
District of Columbia, it
is the same that prevails
in Maryland, and did
prevail in Georgia until
it was repealed at the
last session. It is in fact
the law of Maryland, a
slave state, extended to
the district of Columbia
by author ty of Congress,
which is competent for
that purpose.”—Consti
tutionalist, May 22d,
1860.
V MEXICO AND UTAH.
; “By the compromise
wo get Territorial gov-
■ ernti'cnts and non-inter
r vention on the slavery
i question for the territories.
That is Something.”—
Constitutionalist, May
19/A, 1850.
i
i
i
I
f
>
OING MEASURES.
a In which of your two
i opinions do you desire us
i to agree with you? With
- last year’s opinions, or
» this year’s? According
, to last year’s opinion, the
3 3 first measures were no
i losses, an-l by the 2 last,
r we got something. This
’ year each measure, on
. the part of the South, “has
been a clear and palpable
sacrifice.” Before abk
ing “can you dispute its
truth?” tell us which
statement you refer to.
itive Slavb Law.
i- With this law, no fault
isfiund. We need offer
i- no amwer. While ex
- pressing doubts as to its
enforcement, the Consti
it tutionalist did once pro
e nounce the law li some
thing ’ towards securing
i- our rights. This was on
- May 22d, 1850.
i
?
i-
),
BANTER.
e We have shown, by
e no less evidence than
i; your own, that by the
u Ist measure (California)
we lost nothing, for the
2d there weie
y reasons to satisfy you—
e the 3d was the mere ex
y ercise of a power which,
inyouropini n, Congress
was competent to exert—
the 4th and sth gave us
our demand, and were
« something” on our aide;
the 6th, also, was “some
thing” on our side.
Can you tell us what
ought to be the higher
evidence of truth with
you, than your own tes
timony r "tl SO,
endeavor to offer it. If
not, then we answer your
questions thus— We are
right, and you are
bound by your pledge to
go with us.
Tile Texas Boundary Bill.
Or this bill it may be truly said, as of most
of the Compromise measures, that if the South
has any complaint to make, it is against herself.
Passed by a majority of her own members,
against a majority of Northern members, it
arrays Southern mon against Southern, not
Southern mon against Northern. Against the
unanimous vote of the free toilers it was car
ried by the unanimous vote of several Southern
States, and a majority vote of the majority of
Southern States. Both of the Senators, end
a majority of tho Representatives of Georgia,
voted for it The entire delegation from Texas
voted for it. New York, New Jersey, Michi
gan and Ohio gave majorities against it. The
Southern majority for it was 31; the Northern
majority against it 11.
Tho origin of the question was a disputed
boundary, at first between the State of Texas
and New Mexico, then between Texas and the
Uu.ted States. The title of Texas was techni
cal and the course, both of Texas and of tbe
United States, in relation to it, inconsistent.
Texas had offered, from 1838 to 1841, to treat
with New Mexico ns a foreign power The
United Stales has alternately treated New
Mexico as foreign territory, and as a portion of
Texas. When the United States was subro
gated by the event of the war to the claims of
Mexico in this territory, the controversy was
shifted into one between Texas and the United
States. We believe the latter to have been
estopped from a denial of the right of Texas,
by the act of declaring war on the assumed
title of Texas. Whatever the merits of the
question of title, meritorious or technical, the
United States had a right to propose the pur
chase of the doubtful or .'he undoubted ti le. She
did propose it, the members from Texas unan
imously voting for the proposition.
The character of the slave laws of the coun
try is not affected by the transfer. Slaves can,
beyond all question, be held in the ceded terri
tory. The effect of the cession upon the
remaining portion of the now organized terri
tory of New Mexico, is to extend the law tole
rating slavery (if it needed extension) over the
uninhabited and uncivilised portion, in which,
in the opinion of some, anti-slavery laws
might otherwise have prevailed. If slavery
tails to go there, it is the fault, not of the
law, but of the soil. If that be the cause of
failure, as it alone can be, then the failure
would equally have occurred bad it remained
a part of Texas; and the only effect of it
would have been to build up in Texas a divided
interest. The division was advantageous both
to Texas and the ceded country. The inhabi
tants of the latter were mostly of a different
race, with different wishes and interests. To
have compelled an unwilling connection with 1
Texas woulu have been unnecessary to the
latter and prejudicial to both. The remo
va! of internal dissensions is a blessing, not a
curse. If the country would have been free,
the ho! h aves it free; if slave, the bill leaves it
liars I. ft has separated two incongruous
, 9 their mutual gratification and interest.
This measure, passed by the votes of South
ern Representatives in the proportion of 5 to
3, is the act of Congress, by which the South
ern Rights Convention declares that “the
Southern States being a minority in federal
number!, l ave been forced to surrender terri
tory unquestionably and legitimately their own
to the use and enjoyment of the hireling States."
We are happy to be able to state that a very
leading Southern Kights paper once entertain
ed a d fferent opinion on the subject, and thus
erpressed reasons sufficient in its judgment to
justify the measure:
“As to the Texas boundary question, it is suffi
cient to say, that it isa matter of free choice for
Texas to decide to accept the terma cr not, aa the
pleases, which are offered by the scheme of Com
premise.
Sbe is not required, she is not to be voat so to part
with any portion of her terrix ry,’’
Con B F. Hardeman of Oglethorpe has
accepted the nomination of the Constitution
al Union partv of the 37-h Senatorial district,
as their candidate for Senator.
The Milledgeville and Gordon Kailroad.it
is said, will be in operation by the 35th Octo
for the Chronicle Jr Sentinel. |
Judge Colquitt's Vision* J
The people of Georgia will remember that j
when the “ Three Million Bill ” was under I
discussion before Congress, a propositior was 1
made to the effect that the Government of the
United States did not seek or desire the dis
memberment of the Republic of Mexico, or '
he acquisition of any portion of her territory.
Whether t ;e adoption of that proposition and
its faithful execu ion, would have been wise, in
not now open for discussion. The government
pursued a different policy, and we must take
things ns they are. But it will not be unprofit,
able to refer to the opinions of those who are
now so dissatisfied with their government, that .
they are willing to sea South Carolina drag
her into the whirlpool of disunion. Upon the
occasion to which I refer, Judge Colquitt held
a seat in the Senate of the United States, and
on the 17th of February, 1847, made a speech
on the “Three Million Bill,” the conclusion of
which is in these words:
“ I cannot think the amendment will serve a val
uable purpose for the people of thia country. We
sought to avoid a war with Mexico, and hence this is
not a war of conquest. But lam in favor of reap
ing all its legitimate results, as we must suffer the
evils inflicted by its progress. If the country now
in po session 'f ourarms had still been held by Mex
ico, without a conflict, I should have been satisfied
and yet we would have waged war, at any time, to
have rescued its possession from mightier powers.
Having it now in our possession, I shall abide a treaty*
and insist cn its retention. 1 must confess I still mere
deeply regret the petition assumed by my colleague
in opposing the acquisition of territory for fear of the
agitating question of slavery. I regret it as coming
from a Southern mao, and still more deeply regret
it, coming from Georgia. Sir, 1 cannot bel’evc it
reflects cither (he spirit or the feeling 9 of the people
of the State we represent. The fear of no question
will induce them to retard the march of cur country
in fulfilling its high destiny. Ours will, in titre,
be an ocean-bound republic. Upon every hill will
float the banner of freedom, and in every valley will
be reared an altar to agriculture and to peace Not
by war or conquest but by the lite al spirit of our
free institutions, will this work be accomplished.
It should be the part of wise and practical states
men to guide with discretion this onward movement
to its final completion. But he who hesitates end
falters too long will be crushed by its progress. I
have yet an abiding confidence in the p-triothm of
the people. The question of slavery bears now a
threatening aspect, bur I shall, with a patriot’s faith,
discharge my duty to the country, and trust that the
tempesi-cloud will pass eff without harm to the re
public. I will not suffer myself to believe that we
shall ever want men or mcney to prosecute success
fully this war. Without money and without clothes,
the sons of revolutionary fathers will march at the
bidding cf their country, to battle for her honor and
defend her rights. Nor will I shrink back at the
frightful spectre of fanaticism, nor yield a right, to
escape its foulest machinations. No, Sir, the God
that guided and shielded the country, in its fearful
struggle for independence, is still our God. Many
a paltry, t:me-serving politician, who estimates his
selfish purposes higher than the Constitution of his
country, will be dead, and many o hers will be driv
en from the councils of the nation, shrouded with that
black and bloody mantle with which they threatened
to observe the bright prospects of their country —I
shall offer every proposition by which the progress
of the war may be checked, by unnecessary or nis
chievous anticipation. But 1 must say to these gen
tlemen who slitter themselves that now or hereafter,
the South will suffer herself to be degraded to pre
serve friendly relations with the North, that they
make a Bad miscalculation. I know the South and
the feelings of her generous people. They will lay
no burdens upon other sections of the Union. They
will require no sacrifices—make no exactions. They
love the Union, and will labor to preserve it so long
as it c.n be preserved consistently with honor. But
with all their devotion for the Union, there is not a
man, woman er child among them but w uld sooner
see the bright, sunn/South riven by an earthquake
from the continent, and floating like an iceberg upon
the ocea i, than see her sons submit to outrage and
degradation.”
“This lair land of ours should be the peaceful pat
rimony of a band of brother*. The South earnestly
and honestly desires to preserve and strengthen the
golden chain that binds ls together; and when its
links shall be severed by the ruthless folly of fanati
cism. the blow will not be given by a southern arm,
while she will receive its infliction with unflinching
firmcees and unfeigned regret.”
It seems that Judge Colquitt did not appre
hend much danger from the acquisition of
Territory, and though the aspect was threaten
ing he had a “patriot’s faith,” that the “tempest
cloud would pass off without harm to the
Republic.” The policy of the Judge and his
friends was carried out, and just two days
after this speech, Mr. Calhoun introduced his
resolutions, upon which bo asserted that the
Somh could stand and “ever be a respectable
portion of the community.” The Territory
was acquired, and the principles of Mr. Cal
houn and his friends, among whom was none
more devoted than Judge Colquitt, were
applied in the adjustment measures. The
Wilmot proviso was abandoned, and the decla
ration that no more slave States should here
after ba admitted into the Union, was not
only surrendered, but the affrmative actually
received Congressional sanction. Judge Col
quitt wss willing, in order to carry out this
lav ‘rite policy of Mr. Calhoun, the acquisi
tion of more Territory, to pledge the South
in advance that she would “require no sacri
fices—make no exactions.” And now that
every thing has been done for which they con
tended, the Government must be broken up
and the altars that were reared in every valley
to agriculture and to peace must be demolish
ed—the Ocean-bound Republic must be re
duced to the municipal! yof South Carolina,
and the banner of freedom that was to float
upon every hill must be torn down and des
troyed. But the vision of the Judge is not
altogether and entirely fanciful; one ray at
least seems to have the impress of prophetic
inspiration:
“ Many a paltry, time-serving politician, who es
timates his selfish purposes higher than the Consti
tution of his country, will be dead, and many others
will be driven from the councils of the nation, -
shrouded with that black and bloody mantle with
which they threatened to obscure the bright pros
pects of their country?’ . -
It is not necessary to designate those who
already, or will soon, wear the black and
bloody manth . ho indigna ion of the people
wilieoonconsi.il them to a retiracy, which
every interest demands.
But there is another portion of this vision
that deserves some notice—and that is what
every man, woman and child in the South
would do rather than see her sons submit to
outrage and degradation. If, as Judge Col
qii’tt and his friends contend, our rights have
been outraged and we, as a State, degraded,
we ought to be floating like an iceburg upon
the Ocean, or if we cannot get up an earth
quake to rive us, we ought certainly to be
marchinir “with our Coffins upon cur backs”
to the field of glory or the grave. But,
instead of that, the party now seeking to be
the custod an of the honor of a State they
affect to believe is degraded, ask do higher
exemption from this degradation, 'han the
abstract right of South Carolina to secede
from the Union—hey do not claim the right
for themselves, for they avow they do not
desire to see it exercised, and that they are
Union men.
The commentary npon all this, is plain and
simple ; the people of Georga have either r >ot
been outraged and degraded, or if they have,
those men who have not th? courage to resent
it, arc not entitled to their confidence. In
every possible manner in which this contro
versy can be viewed, but one conclusion
irresistibly forces itself upon the public mind,
and that is, the leaders of the Southern Rights
party are seeking to over hrow the Govern
ment by deluding the people. If they were
engaged in a just they would have the
manliness to assert their rights ; knowing and
feeling the weakness of their position, they
expect to accomplish by treachery, rather than
courage, their hellish purposes. Does any
man, in his senses, believe that men are sin
cere in asserting that their State has been de
graded and the rights of the people infringed,
and yet advise them tamely to submit to such
insults—ask no other remedy—i-eek no other
sanative—and demand no other reparation,
than the acknowledgment of the right of South
Carolina to secede from the Union? Il cannot
be, and I desire no higher evidence of the
baseness of their desings than he fact that
they seek their accomplishment through
intr gu3 and misrepresentation. Justice.
Scrlven County Meeting.
Messrs. Editors: 1 attended, on Wednes
day last, the great (I speak according to a«li
cination and not reality) Union Meeting, at
Stony Bluff. Ido not, by the phrase “ Union
Meeting," mean a meeting of the Union Con.
stitutional party, but a Union Meeting of the
citixens of Carolina and Georgia—the Union
Constitutional and Disunion, alias Southern
Rights parties. I have italicised the word great
for great it would unquestionably have bun,
had the orators invited appeared ; but unfortu
nately from some cause or other (whether the
bugle did not sound or gave an uncertain note,
I cannot say) they were, in tbe charts language
of a witty friend of mine "non comatibus tn
swampo." At one time it was the general
impression that none of the invited speakers
would he on the ground (in which event the
"spiked team" must have led the “forlorn
hope”) and the gray goose quill of “anonymous
scribblers” coul 1 have had a season of repose;
but to our great pleasure and surprise tbe jewel
of Richmond county (Hon. A. J. Miller) ap- J
peared, and soon after the Hon. Mr. Bellinger, ' ’■
of South Carolina, a disciple of the Rhett ■
school. "
According to the arrangement, Mr. Miller
opened, and in a speech of one hour he gave
us a most masterly exposition of the late Com
promise measures of Congiees, proving most
conclusively that they were io perfect accord
ance with the demands of the South. To the
charge of “ disunion,” the party (Southern
Rignts) in Scriven plead guilty, a sineerify of
purpose which we commend most heartily to
the party in other sections, as tendering thp
true issue. Mr. Bellinger next took the stand,
and commenced by saying, Georgia was very
jealous of South Carolina, and as a matter of
course, of him also; for he was watebed very
closely by the constables when in Georgia. He
did not tell us for what, but I have no doubt he
felt he was a very suspicious character "what
ought to be tuk up." Tne lamented elder Wel
ler cautioned his son Sammy “to beware ot
widders.' I would say, “Btware of South
Carolina chivalry That the authorities
should watch closely a man who would think
Georgia was jealous of South Carolina, was
lobe expeeled; but it could only be because
they considered him a fit subject for the Lunatic
Aeylu . Two of hie assertions merit partic
ular notice. First, that Carolina was ascertain
to secede as the sun shone i« his face. R did
shine there and no mistake, yet we believe in
the divine precept, “no prophet is without J
honor even in his own country. Mr. B- is
no doubt aware of that fact. Secondly, Caro
lina preferred the election of McDonald to
Cobb, because it was believed that Georgia wsuld
follow Carolina. There, Georgians! what
think you ofthatl Is it plain enough ■ Ur
do you wish it still plainer I No dodging or