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1 "iu.ii n 1 —-—aw "t ■«—mbb—as—s—Bawga-g
YfiEti inKiiuiin & n vrivn..
- # - • • ..
BY WILLIAM S. JONES.
Wfflvli)
Chronicle and Sentinel.
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AUGUSTA, (lA.
SATURDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 27.
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lor the improvement of the paper, and jlie
benefit of every mail into whose family it
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We desire to make the paper better and more
i useful in every department, than it lias ever
been, and if our friends will only aid us by ex-
tending our subscription list to die utmost of
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f Vrmance of our duties, and to the accomplish
ineiit of their and our own desires in tint re
gard .
Cliris'tya-.
Is the progress of events had not admon
ished us that time in his onward march hid
thrust us again upon flic threshold of this great
• festival, the merry shouts of the hoys of all sizes,
ages and colofs, ns they sport with their fire
balls, crackers, rockets, and other pyrotechnics,
through the streets would not fail to have re
minded us thereof. Yes, Christmas with all its
thousand associations is again lijffin us. Wlint
a day ! With how much of gratitude, for tho
event it commoinorates, it inspires the heart of
the Christian, and how it excites the thoughtless
with the prospects of the sports peculiar to its
observance! How different the emotions, a
day thus consecrated anil hallowed produc:s ! i
Bfit if is not our purpose to moralize, even were
wn in the mood.
We desire to tay, however, that while it is a
day which should excifo the liveliest gru'itnde
in the breast of all civilized men, it should not '
pass without the observance of those higher
duties of philanthropy winch all men should
extend to their fellows.
How appropriate on this day, and at this sea
son, to bestow ulms upon the needy, to make
the heart of the widow and the orphan swell
within them as they acknowledge those deeds of
kindness, which tho truly pious and charitable,
who have the means, fever fuilto bestow ; for
that inau is n stringer to the first impulses of
true Christianity, however, he may profess the
religion of the Saviour who gives not willingly
and freely to worthy objects. Nor shout I wo
wait for them to present themselves, but like his
MAstar whom houlfecj* to worship, he should
hunt them out, thut he um'y dispense, with a
liberal hand, some of the good things with
which a beneficent Providence has blessed Ills 1
labors. •
It is a little thing to give a cup of water to
Ihu- slake tho tliurst of him who is sinking down |
’ Tfrom exhaustion, yet there mny bo more true
librity iu that, than is ever dispensod by some
of'hose who have amassed much, ard profess
to observetliose olvnted principles of Him wlms
' has promised protection to the widow and the
orphan. Be charitable then! If you profess
i Christianity, dispense it as a Christian duty—as
one of the highest and noblest christaiu duties.
If not, lie charitable, that you may approximate
the higher destinies of civilized and cultivated
intin, and enjoy the cousolution of having lived
not exclusively, for yourself. Clmrity brings
healings on its wings as well to him wiio re
ceives as to him who bestows, in tho proper
spirit. And that man is poor indeed, however
rich in this world’s goods, who has nut felt his
besom glow at the recollection of some deed of
generous, warm-hearted noble charity.
Pardon us reader for this lecture upon your
duties ami accept in conclusion, the compliments
.of the season—“a Merry Cbrismas.”
Kossuth -The Hungarian War
Til* whether Kossuth and his com
panions in arms, engaged in the Hnngariau
struggle, with a view to the establishment of a
Republican Government, has been the subject
of earnest and elaborate discussion iu the city
press of New York, for some weeks or months.
The Courier & Enquirer took position against
his republicanism, mid the Tribune, Times and
E.vening Post, with their correspondents, have
omtenvored to show that lie was a republican
from the outset of the contest. The question
has acquired new and increased intorest since
the arrival of the distinguished Magyar in this
. country, and as an article from the Evening Post
in reply to th) positions of the Courier & F.uqnir-
t l , appeared in our paper of Ttirsday morning,
n doom it proper that tho reader should, to
enable him to form a correct judgmput, hear
both sides of the question ; and there lure give
the article from the Courier & Enquirer, to f
which the Post's was a reply. It will be per
ceived, that Courier’s article is in reply to a cor
respondent oftho Times, who Imd assailed the :
positions taken by the editor of the Courier &
' Enquirer, iu that paper of tho 21st of Novem
ber. Hence he reproduces the extracts upon
• which he bnsod his opinions with some addi
tions, and gavo to his readers the article which
we copy.
Th" intelligent reader need not be told that,
while tho reply of the Post, is made up in a
great degree of the assertions of the writer, tho
Courier adduces proof for every position taken
by it—proof too, which at the present writing
seems to be very conclusive against the repub
licanism of Kossuth, till his fortunes ip the
struggle botanic desperate. But the reader
must judge for himself, and we earnestly entreat
every man who would inform himself oil the
subject, not lo permit the length of the two ar
ticles to deter him from a calm and dispassion
ate perusal.
That Kossuth is now a republican, if bis own 1
declarations are to be credited, we are not per
mitted to doubt, lor ha has repeatedly so de
clared himself si uce his arrival in America, al-(
though he studiously avoided any similar de-
duration in England. VVe must believe, there
for*, unless the evidence' adduced by the Cou
rier & Enquirer is disproved, that his republi- 1
canism is a principle of very recent growth—
otherwise his reputation for sincerity and frank
ness, for which the Americans give ' him so
much credit, will evidently sttfier in the public !
estimation.
Before concluding, it msy not be improper'
* to state that, in the former artie’e of the Conner
& Enqnirier. that journal asserts that the Scla
vonic!)?, Croatiaus and. others, constituting the
ser*s of Hungary, wens about nine millions,
(while the Magyar’s did not number over four
and a half millions, six' hundred thousand, of
whom were nobles or a privileged class. This
position of the Courier has not couiro.
verted- s.
With this brief notice of the two articles, we
again commend them to the careAtl perusal of
w the reader, not only for the pm pose of arriving
h it the truth iu reference to the i riuniples of 1..
’ Kossuth but as calculated to afford much very
uteresling information os to the origin of the
war between Hungary and Austria.
GEORGIA LEG IS LAT U RE
Legislative Proceedings.
* Mn.r.kDGEviLLE, Dec. 22, 1851,.
The House re -Co n si< le red* the following bills
lost on yesteiday:
To exempt from levy and sale tinder execu
tion. one yoke of oxen, in case the defendant
does not own a horse.
To prevent the abatement of actions in U-rt.
To make penal the catting and carrying "ff
timber from lands, withoat the consent of own
ers—passed on yesterday.
The following new bills Were introduced :
By yfr. Morel—To protect rafts from collision
with steamboats on the several rivers of this
State.
By Mr. Culler—To amend and consolidate
the militia laws of this State.
By Mr. J.ane—To authorise the collection of
interest on open accounts, and other unliqui
dated demands.
By Mr. Pierce—For the benefit of tin Atlanta
& Dahlonega Plank Hoad Coinjiany. Tots bid
authorises the Governor to subscribe qSO,oOO of
State Kinds, payable in fifteen years, a* an inter
est ol 7 |<er cent.
By Mr. Harris, of Mclntosh—To punish
slaves or free jiersons of color for slandering the
character of while persona Offenders are to be
tried belpre Magistrates' Courts, and, on convic
tion, to be punished corporally.
By Mr. Floyd—To define tlie liabilities o
trustees—to prescribe how they shall fettle, and
when discharged.
Also—To regulate the holding «f Justices’
Courts—allowing them to sit from day to day,
till the docket is closed.
Also—To admit certain land deeds in evi
dence, in the Courts of this State, in certain
rases.
fly Mr..Wooldridge—To authorise tin? loan of
money by the State, to the Musroge. Railroad
Company, and to secure it against hr*. This
bill emjiower.s the Governor to issue > 11)0,000 iu
State bonds, redeemable in ten years, nr less.
By .Mr. McDougald—To fix the hours ol'labor
in Ihe several Factories of this State, for all free
white jiersons, under 1(1 years of age. This bill
restricts the time of labor to eight hours.
Also—To jmitect the private prop? ity of citi
zens living iu cities ami incorporavJ towns,
from liability on account of the dCbU of the cor
jki ration.
Also—A resolution, that the Leg! attire will
ad journ from the 21th inst. to the 2d Monday in
January next.
By Mr. Perkins—To alter the II h sec. Ist
art. of the Constitution—(providing lor annual
sessions.)
By Mr. Milledge—To pay the delegates from
Georgy to the late Nashville Convention.
By Mr. Seward—To prescribe the costs of tlie
Clerk of the Supreme Court.
By Mr. Wall—To prevent foreigners from
jieddling goods and wares in this State.
By Mr. Anderson, of Wilkes—To change the
time forthe issuing of writs by the Clerks ofthe
Courts in Wilkes county—(twenty-three days
before the sitting of the Court.)
By Mr. Bartow—To amend Ihe law giving a
lien for their wages, to persons employed on
steamboats navigating the Altamaha and Oc
' mnlgee rivers, &c., so as to extend the provisions
of the Ijw to machinists working on said boats.
By Mr. Merrell—To incorjxirate the Newnan
& Carrollton Railroad Company.
By Mr. Fanning—To incorpoiate the South
western & Central Bank, at LaGrauge.
The many friends of Col. Milledge will be
gratified to learn that he has so far recovered
from his recent severe attack of pneumonia, as
to be in attendance ujxin his public duties.
Three o’clock, P. M.
The House took up the sjiecial order of the
day—tbe bill to provide means to rejiair and
equip the State Road, and to pay off existing lia
bilities against it.
Mr. Seward moved to postpone the considera
’tron of the-hilt for the present. The whole af
ternoon and evening, till 9 o’clock, were spent in
discussing the motion. Messrs. Seward, Mc-
Dougald, Tift, Floyd, and Robinson, of Macon,
addressed the House, the first two several times
and at length, in favor of, and Messrs. Bartow,
(twice I believe,) Felton, and Fanning, in ojijio
sition to the motion. Mr. Fanning having con
cluded, Mr. Bird moved the call for the previous
question. Mr. Seward moved an adjournment,
and called for the yeas and nays, which resulted,
yeas 35, nays 59. ’
The call for the previous question was then
put ami sustained. The main question, which
was to jiostpone the hill for the present, was put
and carried—s 2 to 47.
The Senate employed the afternoon on the
readipg of hills the second time, and adjourned
till to-morrow morning.
Mr. McDougald made a very extraordinary
and unprovoked attack, this afternoon, upon re
porter of newspapers—denouncing them as a
fraternity of liars, ever ready to do the bidding
of their masters, &c. Kc. If Mr. McD’s. taste
runs in such a channel, he has the right to in
dulge it. It only establishes the old maxim, de
guslibus, non est disputandum.
Legislative Proceedings.
Mi t.LF.DGKVi li.k, Dec. 23,1851.
The House has occupied the forenoon, after
noon. and evening, in discussing amendments to
the Tax bill for the ensuing two years. To
morrow morning, it is to be taken on its merits.
It is next to impossible to form aay opinion as to
its ultimate fate, from tbe past action of the
House. Some of the knowing ones think it trill
go through, although it is exceedingly unpalatable
to the up-eonntry people. You are ajqirised. I j
presume, that it is framed on the ad valorem pi in- ;
eiple. I have heard several Senators affirm that
no other form of iaxation can touch bottom in
that end of the Capitol.
The Senate has passed the following bills:
To encourage the formation ol Volunteer
Corps in the several counties of this State.
To grant exemptions to Cavalry Corjis. and to
authorise the formation of Regiments of Cav
alry.
To amend the act incorjiorating the New York
& Savannah Steam Navigation Company.
To prescribe the mode for running Carson the
several Railroads in this State—providing that
sign boards, with the inscription, “ Look out for
the cars when the whistle blows,’’ shall be set
up wherever any Railroad track crosses any pub
lic road.
To incorporate Griffin Collegiate Institute.
To incorporate Indian Sjiring Railroad Com-,
jiany.
To incorporate Laureiiceville Railroad Com
pany.
To appropriate $3,000 to remove obstructions
to the navigation of the Coosa river. Yeas 19,
nays 13.
The bill to amend the act prohibiting the car
rying of foe arms by slaves, was indefinitely
postponed.
The following bills were rejected:
To jiresciibe tbe mode for the examination of
witnesses in the several courts of this State.
To make record copies of deeds, the originals
being lost, evidence of contents.
The following new bills were introduced a
By Mr. Anderson—To make Agents for Banks
from other States, take out a license, and piay a
tax of SI,OOO.
By Mr. Crocker—To incorporate Oglethorjie
Plank & Turnpike Company.
I send you a copy of the Tax bill, as originally
rejxirted from tlie Compiittee on Finance, that
you may look into its principles.
MiLLEDCiKVILLK, Dec. 24, 1851.
Contrary to the will of a majority of the Le
islature’ clearly and unequivocally expressed in
both branches thereof, another effort was made
this morning to procure an adjournment, from
to-day to the 2d Monday in January next. Mr.
Seward made a speech in favor of its passage,
and was about to be followed by other members
who seemed to be anxious to enlighten the
House on the necessity of a recess, whetT Mr.
Bartow interjxised the previous question, which
was almost unanimously sustained. The maiu
question was to take up the resolution, which
was refused—34 to 58.
Henceforth, it is to be hojied, that the call for
t previous questiou wiil he freely used. There
is certainly a majority of the House in favor of
despatching business, and they ought not to sub
mit to any further obstructions-
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 31, 1851.
The following new matter was introduced:
By Mr. Henry—To provide payment for cer
tain creditors of the Bank of Darien.
By Mr. Harris, of Clark—To regulate the
mode of taking bonds from Receivers of Banks,
appointed under the act of 1842.
By Mr. Baugh—To allow Hall county to re
tain State taxes for certain purposes. The House
passed a bill last night, allowing Dade county-to
retain the State taxes for the ensuing three years,
to re-build its jail. Such a privilege a- this
should be accorded with great caution-
By Mr. Smith, of Hancock—To amend the
charter of the Georgia Railroad Company—pro
viding for a branch Road from Warrenton to
Sparta, and through to MilledgeviUe.
By Mr. Harris, of Mclntosh—To prevent ob
structions on Railroads in-this Stale.
By Mr. Floyd—To refund money to persons
who granted fractional lots or islands under the
acts of 1847 and 1850.
By Mr. McDougald—To curtail the expense
of proceedings in Equity, and to dispense with
the necessity of tiling cross hills in Equity, &c.
By Mr. Milledge—To rejieal the act of 1850,
regulating the testimony of Attorneys at Law.
By Mr. Seward—To amend “ the act of 1870
curtailing the labor of the Clerk of the Supreme
Court, reducing costs," &c., to define tiie costs of
said Clerk.
By Mr. Lott—A resolution that no new mat
ter shall be introduced from and alter the 20th
inst., without the consent of two-thirds of the
members present. And that no member shall be
allowed to sjieak longer than ten minutes atone
time. This resolution produced quite an excite
ment among a few members. Mr. McDougaid
(imposed an amendment to the effect, that every
member should he compelled to speak fifteen
minutes, which, miraJule or korribile dicta , receiv
ed, at least, half a dozen votes. As the measure
seemed to |irornise a rich harvest of confusion
and talking, Mr. Bartow once more tested tbe
efficiency of the previous question. It operated
like a charm—it was “oil thrown ujion the
troubled waters.” The storm suddenly abated,
when the call was sustained by an overwhelm
ing vote. The first branch of the resolution was
agreed to by a vote of Cl to 21, and the second
was lost—39 to 19.
The bill to levy and collect a tax for the two
ensuing jwlitical years was then taken up. Mr.
Wofford occupied the House till the hour for ad
journment, in favor of the substitute offered by
himself on yesterday.
The Senate continues to keep all its’business
square up. It has passed, by a vote of 14 to 12,
the bill to lay out and organise “Whitfield”
from Murray county.
The bill to create a new county from Burke
and Emanuel, will be the sjiecial order for next
Friday.
Ms Hardeman introduced a bill to amend and
explain the act to point out the mode for collect
ing rents. It proposes to remove the doubt,
whether Magistrates may issue distress warrants
lor sums greater than S3O, by giving them the
power.
Three o'clock, P. M.
Mr. Wofford moved that his substitute Le re
ceived in lieu of the original Tax bill. On
which motion he called for the yeas and nays,
which stood, 36 to 51.
Messrs. Stephens and Russell addressed the
House in opposition to the bill, although they
avowed themselves in favor of the ad valorem
system. This bill, they argued, was unequal
and unjust iu its operation.
Messrs. Floyd, Seward, and Bartow, advo
cated the hill as the best that could he had now.
It was, to say she least, a new measure —a mere
experiment that had to he tested. That it con
tained some imperfections, no one denied. Yet
it had to he tried. When it shall have been
some time in practical operation, its weak points
would he exposed, and it would he left to the
wisdom of future legislation to mature it to a
perfect system.
These gentlemen having concluded their re
marks, others evinced a desire to be heard, when
Mr. Claik, of Stewart, moved the previous
question, which was sustained by yeas 57, nays
31.
The main question, viz : the passage of the
bill, was then put, and the following is the re
sult :
Yeas—Messrs. Anderson, of Wilkes, Atkinson,
Bailey, Bartow Barnett, of Henry, Barlow, Bivins,
Blackwell, Gastons, Christie, Clark, of Stewart,
Cobb of Dooly, Culler, Daniel, Dawson, of Greene,
Dyer, Fannin, Floyd, Fowler, Gilmore, Harris, of
Clarke, Harris, of Mclntosh, Hendrick, llenry,
Irwin, of Wilkes, Lane, Langmade, Latimer, of
Warren, Lewis, McAfee, McCoinb, McFarland,
Milledge, Morrell, Morris, Porkins, Ramsey, Reeves,
Richardson, Roberts, Robinson, of Laurens, Rus
sell, Seward. Shewmake, Smith, of Hancock, Tift.
Thornton, Trippe, Waldhour, Williford, Wynn, of
Oglethorpe.—6l ■
Nays.—Messrs. Allred, Anderson, of Franklin,
Armstrong, Baugh, Brinson, Bulloch, Byrd, Came
ron, of Chattooga, Cameron, of Telfair, Cannon,
Chastain, Dawson, of Putnam, Dorminy, Edwards,
Erwin, of Forsyth, Felton, Gilbert, Grant, Ilall,
Harper, Hcnly, Janes, Locklin, Lott, Loveless, Mc-
Lain. Moon, Morel, Philips, Pickett, Pierce, Pow
ell, Rnulorson, Staten, Stephens, Sumner, Thur
mond, Tillman, of Appling, Tillman, of Tattnall,
Wofford, Winn, of Gwinnett.—4l.
So the bill passed.
A communication from the Governor, con
cerning the controversy between this State and
Florida, on the boundary line between the two
States, was read, and on motion, referred to a Se
lect Committee, consisting of Messrs. Bartow,
Seward, McDougald, Tift and Floyd.
[From the New York Post, in reply to the Courier
Enquirer.]
The Hungarian Straggle.
Is it true that the war in Hungary was a war of
rarcs, got up by the Magyars to degrade and en
slave other rarcs of the country f The writer in
the Courier tries to prove that it was. and we as
sert, on the other hand, most jvositively and une
quivocally, that it was not. It was a war on the
jiart of the Hungarian nation, to maintain its na
tional independence of Austria, and to mange its
domestic affairs, for itself, as it had a right to do,
by a constitution 800 years old, and which every
Hungarian king that ever reigned had sworn to
preserve inviolate.
Our readers are aware that in the year 1687
the crown of Hungary became, by the consent of
the nation, a hereditary jiossession of the House
of Hapsburg, which house, also held the imperial
crown of Austria. But this was the enly con
nection between the two countries. The Emjie
ror of Austria, as King of Hungary, exercised all
the prerogatives which the constitution of Hun
gary conceded to the regal office, but beyond that;
had no right or authority in Hungary. His pow
ers and duties were strictly defined.in writing,
and his first act on coming into jiossession of the
throne, was to take the most solemn oath, be
fore God and man, that he would resjiect and
maintain, in the strictest manner, the rights, im
munities and privileges ofthe Hungarian nation.
Hungary, therefore, was never a province, or
even a member of the Austrian empire, but a na
tion by itsell, with its own national and munici
pal institutions, and its own manners, language
and dress.
In its domestic constitution, Hungary, was an
aristocratic government, but not exclusively so,
for it jiossessed certain fundamental principles,
which provided, to some extent, a free and jxipu
lar element. The Diet of Congress, was wholly
in the possession ofthe nobles, titled and untitled,
hut the local, or jiarish administrations were in
the hands of bodies freely elected by the people. In
village affairs, every inhabitant, peasant or no
ble, was a voter, in county affairs the nobles only
were voters, but it was easy for almost any res
jiectable man to get himselt made a noble. We
Americans commonly understand by a noble,
some wealthy and jiowcrl'ul chief: but the Hun
garian nobles, who were not land holders, were
nothing of the sort. Let us state a single fact,
to show how extensive this country, or uoble
constituency was, viz: that in many of the fifty
two Hungarian counties there have always been
from six to twelve thousand more voters than
there are in anv of the English counties to this
day. Every village in Hungary annually elect
ed its own magistrates, ajiportioned its own
taxes, and, in short managed the whole of its
own local business. The towns and cities, tor
many years, bad the same right but lost them,
gradually, through Austrian iuterterence. The
counties, in the same way, had their own local
administrations, and elected their own officers,
both civil and judicial. But these county assem
blies had, beside, one privilege oi a very extraor
dinary character, and which, says Paget, ' may
be quoted as the greatest extent ol power ever
conferred on a j»pular assembly, under any form
of constitutional government. Not only tiie
acts of the Diet, but the ordinances of the mon
arch, had to be sent down to them to be publish
ed and approved, and if, after due examination,
they were found by the county meeting to be
contrary to law, or in their tendency dangerous
to liberty, they could belaid on the shell, (ci/?? 1
htmore sepemunttr.) and be of no effect. The
Hungarian jieojile, moreover, have always Claim
ed and exercised the rights of instructing their
rejiresentatives, have always possessed the Folk
mote, or right ot public meeting—and in the
structure of their courts have a provision which
resembles and answers the purpose ofthe trial
by juty, though it is not precisely the same as
the trial by jury.
The old constitntion, therefore, though mo
narchico aristocratic, like the English, in many
of its main features, had important pqjxdar gua
rantees and securities, and it is to this fact that
we must trace the spirit of political indejien
dence which has so long characterized the na
tion. It is to this fact, too, we must trace the
long-cherished desire of the Austrian rulers to
subvert that constitution, and to reduce Hungary
to a level with the hereditary states of the em
pire. From the days of Leojiold to those of Fer
dinand, the imperial house has had but one am
bition—to extinguish the separate national ex
istence of the Magyar. This has been tbe origin
of all the troubles between tbe two nations, and
was also the origin of the late war. The Aus
trian government, by corruption, fraud, manaces.
and every exjiedient that jwwer knows so well
how to use, have from time to time succeeded in
wresting away many ofthe popular rights ofthe
Hungarians, but not, on any occasion, without
stubborn resistance on their Jiart. There were
always, therefore, two parties in the state, the
Austrian court jiarty, and the Hungarian party,
’ the former bent on the amalgamation of the king
dom with the empire, and the latter resisting
that movement, and wishing to exteud and en
large the basis of Hungarian liberty. The corf 1
troversy runs back,with varying fortunes, for sev
eral hundreds of years.
We will not stop to remark upion the curious
anachronism by which the Courier makes the
Magyars the oppressors of the Sclaves, some two
centuries before these races had any connection
at all, but we put it to be reader whether he
would not infer from the jiassage that the Mag
yars were all nobles ami oppressors, and the Sela
ves all serfs and oppressed ? What is the real ;
state ofithe case ( As many of the Magyars are
jieasants. i. o. not nobles, as any of the other ra
ces, iu jiroportion to the whole number, while as
many ofthe Sclaves as of the Magyars, io pro
|x>rtion. are nobles. But, wbat is still more j»er
tirierit to remark, the laws of Hungary are one
arri the same in regard to all the races, with in
considerable local differences, made necessary by
local circumstances, so that the Crotian and Wal- ;
lachian nobles are oppressors just to the extent
ami degree that Magyar nobles may he, ami the
Magyar peasants are ojipressed just to the extent (
arid degree that the Sclavic jieasants are opjiress- i
ed ! 11l tills view, therefore, the oppression is I
one of class, and not of race, and grows out of
the social and political arrangements of Hungary j
as a whole, and not out of the overwhelming am
bition or aristocratic selfishness of any jiarticular j
tribe or jieople.
It is not, however, true that the Magyars,
either as S race or as nobles, have invariably en
deavored to enslave the other portions of the pep- 1
pie.—On the contrary, the laws for the whole j
i kingdom were one and the same, as our federal
i laws are in this country, while a large party
among them, e\ er since the democratic spirit be- !
: gan to work in modern Eurojie, have earnestly
labored to liberalize the government and to ex
i tend the benefits of freedom and equality to all
; t(ie people, without regard to religion or race. !
; Their obstinate resistance for three years tq the
; encroachments of the absolutist beaurociacy ol'
j Vienna, and their unceasing efforts for the last
! twenty years to rejieal all the feudal and aristo- I
cratic features of their own constitution, afford ,
abundant evidence of the fact.
When the Hungarian Diet was convoked in
1832—after an illegal suspension by Austria of
seven years—one of its first acts was to declare
the complete and universal emancijiation of the
peasants, or, in the language of Count Teleki, “to
make Hungary a land of citizens, and not of
suits.” But the magnanimous and beneficent
measure was defeated through the intrigues of !
Austria; its abettors were arrested and impri- I
soned, the venerable Baron Wesselenyi being at ,
their head; and the press ami the post office ;
were put down, to prevent the agitation of the ;
subject from spreading among the people. Yet
the agitatioa was continued in other ways—by
secret societies and travelling agents—some lit- !
tie ground was gaineil by Count Schekenyi in
1836, until, more recently, the whole nation was
ready to raise and demand the execution of the ;
jiopular jioliey. Kossuth, then a young man, about
25 years of age, who is now accused of a design
to elavate one race on the ruin, of another, 1
was sent to a dungeon for three years for his par
ticijiation in these movements. Yet, when he
was released, he battled the more strenuously for
his objects, and the contest raged till the year
1817. nine months before “ Socialism and the
French Devolution,” when the Assembly, j
though composed mainly of landholders, boldly
enacted the scheme of laws which had been so
long announced in their programme. Mr. Ali- j
son, whose tory affinities and profound historical i
knowledge make him the best authority tor us,
in an article in Blackwood’? Magazine, for May, j
1819, thus describes the doings ot tiffs glorious ’
Diet: _ _ j
“By unanimous voice of both houses, the Diet
not only established jar/erf equality of civil rights
and public Inn Jens amongst alt classes, denomina- !
lions, and races in Hungary ami its provinces, j
and jierfect toleration for every form of religious
worship, but, with a generosity unparalleled in the
history of nations, and which must extort the ad- j
miration even ol those who may question the
wisdom of the measure, the nobles ot Hungary i
abolished their own rights to extract either la- ;
bor or produce in return for the lands held by j
imbarial tenure, and thus transferred to the peas- |
ants the absolute ownership, free and forever, of j
nearly half the cultivated land in the kingdom, j
reserving to the original projiiietors ofthe soil
such compensation as the government might
award from the public funds of Hungary, a.ore
than five hundred thousand jieasant families were
thus invested with the absolute ownership of
from thirty to sixty acres of land each, or about
twenty millions of acres amongst them. The |
elective franchise was extended to every man ‘
jiossessed of capital or propriety to tho value of i
thirty pounds, or an annual income of ten pounds I
—to every mail who has received a diploma from j
a University and every artizun who employed j
an apprentice. V\’ith the concurrence of both j
countries, HungOtyJand Transylvania were uni- j
ted, and their Diets, hitherto sejiarate, were in- I
corjiorated. The number of representatives j
which Croatia has to send to the Diet was in
creased from three to eighteen, while the internal i
institutions ot that jirovince remained unchanged, |
and Hungary undertook to com|iensate the pro
prietors for the land surrendered to jieaaants, to j
an extent greatly exceeding the proportion of
that burthen which would tail on the public funds !
of the province. The complaints of the Croata, !
that the May gars desired to impose their own
language upon the Sclavonic jiopulation, were
considered, and every reasonable ground of com
plaint removed • Corresjxmding advantages were
extended to the other Sclavonic tribes, and the i
fundamental laws of the kingdom, except in so
tar as they were modified by these acts, remained
unchanged.
“ The whole of these acts, passed in March,
1848, received the royal assent which, on the
11th of April, the Emjieror personally confirmed
at Prcsburg, in the rnidst of the Diet. These
acts then became statues of the khigdom, in ac
cordance with which the new resjionsible Hun
garian ministry was formed, and commenced
tr.e jierformance of its duties with the full con
currence of Emjieror, King, and the aid oi the
Archduke Palatine. The changes that had been
effected were received with gratitude by the
peasants, and with ent’re satisfaction, not only
by the population of Hungary projier, hut also by
that of all the Sclavonic provinces. From Croatia,
more especially, the expression of satisfaction was
loud, and apjmrently sincere .”
Klapka, in his war in Hungary, pp. 52 53 adds
to this: “The colors of Hungary and Servia
Buttered from all steeples. The Servian towns
sent deputations to the Parliament to offer their
thanks and congratulation. 1
These things, be it noted, were begun in 1837 ;
they were deliberately passed in a regular con
stitutional manner, early the next year, and
they were soon after sanctioned by the Em
peror, not under the fear produced by French
“ Socialism,’’ but under the most calm and solemn
sanctions. There was a party, however, at
Vienna, the Camarilla or Ditchen Cabinet, who
were opposed to ali concessions and to all pro
gressive movements, whom this act of the Em
peror had disappointed,and who determined from
that moment, and at all hazzards.not only to effect
a rejieal of the imjierial assent, but to put a dead
stop to the progress of liberalism among the
Hungarians. They were aware that this move
ment could only end in the complete separation
of Hungary—already widely separated in its in
stitutions and interests —ftom the hereditary
states, and thereby reduce Austria to a second
rate power. “If Hungary,” says the eminent
historian before quoted, " continued to advance
in material prosperity and intelligence, and suc
ceeded in giving her constitution a basis so broad
as to insure a just distribution of the public bur
dens, and to unite ai! classes of her jiopulation
iu its supjiort, she must uitimetely sejiarate from
Austria.or Austria most abandon her stationary
policy and advance in the same direction.” The
latter alternative was imjiossibie, and the word
was sent forth that Hungary must be suppressed.
Now, how was this to be done ? Not by ojien
violence and outrage ujxin the Hungarians, which
would at once defeat the plan, but by working
upon the traditional and religious prejudices of
the inferior races, until they should rise in in
surrection against the Magyars. Among the
laws passed by the Diet of 1847, was one restor
ing the Magyar language to use in all public pro
ceedings and acts, which had before (since 1803)
been rendered either in barbarous Latiu or Ger
man. This was a proper measure in itsell. be
cause the Magyar had been originally the lan
guage. because it was sjxiken by a larger num
ber of the nation thanjany other, because the
Magyars were unquestionably the sujierior race,
both in physical endowment and civilization, and
because, though that language was prescribed by
the law, it was provided that ali documents, acts.
Sec.. &c., when published in any of the Slavonic
and other districts, should be accompanied by
translations into the language of that districts.
Nothing could have been lairer, but many ol'the
lower classes among the Serbs, the Croats and the
Wallachians, are an ignorant, degraded, supersti
tious and half civilized race-"not equal in attri
butes to the Magyars," as our opjxment says, and
fit tools for cunning aud desperate intriguers to
play with. Accordingly,the Camarilla despatched
its money in abu»dance,and its agents in large
numbeis,toiufiamojhe passions of this jxior pea
santry. They were told that the Magyars were
not serious in their puijioses of reform, and only i
designed, in their recent enactments, to entrap (i
the other races into greater servitude. These ]
wily agents left no means untried to detatch the
Sclaves from their allegiance to Hungary, and to I
debauch their minds with susjiicion and maligni- !
ty. But even then, with all their arts, they
would have failed in this infamous treason, but
for the instrumentality of a few base priests, one
of them a Greek Archbishop of immense wealth, j
and, what was still more important, the jieculiar
organization of the military district, known as
the Granz Comitates.'’
“This,” says a writer in the Westminster Re
vietr, “extends from New Oisova on the Danube,
opposite the southwestern boundary ot Transyl
vania, to the Adriatic* a distance, to follow the
boundary line, of not less than 500 miles. The
maximum breadth is thirty miles; and the coun
try is politically, or rather strategetically, divi
ded into fourteen komitat*. The government,
in fact, everything connected with this territo
ry, is peculiar to i'self. There Is a governor or
Commander-in chief at Peterwanlein, ami sub
ordinate to him are several generals of district.
All the land belongs to the crown, and it is por
tioned out to the inhabitants on a military ten
ure Every man is a jieasant soldier. Ir. jx?ace,
each county must keep on foot two battalous, of
1,200 men each; in war the number is increased
to four. In case of exigency, the Emjieror may
call out every man between the ages of IS anil
36. All above and below that age. able to bear
arms, must arm for local defence. In jx-ace, the
emjieror has. therefore, always at his disposal
30.000 admirably discijilined infantry, which by
a mere order from the War Department may be
increased to 60,000, tvithout scriJusiy affecting
the defence of the border. The men cultivate
the soil, and once a week assume the garb and
arms of soldiers, and are sjilendidly drilled in
coinjiaiffes. Once a month they are exercised
in battalion. Along the whole of the fl intier, a
regular chain of jmsts, establish ?d night any day.
on a system of as rigid observation as if an ene
my were in front. Each county is governed by
colonels, majors, captains, lieutenants, sergeant
majors, sergeants and corporals, who each has his
department of office allotted to him: and to such
jierfectiou is the siqiervision carried, that the
most private affairs of every man are known
and registered. Civil and judicial 1 mictions are
performed by tl(#chiefs. In short, it is a mili
tary colony, governed by Sfiartan discipline and
: severity—an institution, tbe sole end and ptir
jiose of which was and is to train a race of
soldiers for the service of tiie imjierial state.
These men know no duty services to the Km|ie
ror; no law but obedience to the commaudsof
their military superiors. The curious reader is
referred, for complete information as to the
details of the system, to the work of Marshal
Alarmount.”
It was this peasant soldiery, then, acted ujion
by the corrupt and reckless Vienna jianders, and
themselves acting ujxin some of their more ex
citable and savage neighbors, who first kindled
the flame of civil war among the Serbs and Croats.
We need not recall the Astor Place riots in this
city, to show how easily the jiassions of a mob
can be moused by skilful men, working on fan
cied grievances, or no grievances at all, to the
most insane heights. Thus the wretched Stlaves
were set to work, with fire, pillage and slaughter,
ujion ah the Hungarians who came within their
reach. Yet there is n j evidence tiiat many more
Sclaves were engaged in the rise than could have
been mustered from the military district in the
pay of Austria. The whole population were
never enlisted, because they had no reason to
enlist. That they hrfd no real wrongs to avenge,
and that it was the universal impression among
the better informed that they had been excited by
the agents of Austria, is shown in the address
which the Catholic Bishojis of the whole nation
sent to the Emperor, asking his aid in putting
down the disturbance. They say:
“Hungary is actually in the saddest and most
deplorable situation. In the South, an entire race
although enjoying all the civil and political rights
recognised in Hungary, has been in open insurrec
tion for several mouths, excited and led astray by
a party which seems to have adopted the fright
ful mission of exterminating the Magyar and
German races, which have constantly been the
strongest and surest supjxirt qf your Majesty's
throne. Numberless thriving towns and vil
lages have become a prey to the flames, and
have been totally destroyed; thousands of Mag
yar and German subjects are wandering about
without food or shelter, or have fallen victims to
indescribable cruelty, for it ig revolting to repeat
tho frightful atrocities by which the popular rage,
let loose by diabolical exmemeut, ventures to
disjilay itself.”
**#?#*
“Sire!—The Hunganqm nation, heretofore the
firmest bulwark of Christianity and civilization
against the icessaut attacks of barbarism, often
experienced rude shocks in that protracted
struggle ior life and death ; but at yo period did
there gather over hes ljeaifso maiiy nniTl6'“(?W-'
ble temjiests, nevea was she entangled in the
meshes of so perfiflious an intrigue, never bad
she to submit to treatment so cruel, and at the
same time so cowardly—and yet, oh, profound
sorrow ! all theseriorrors are committed in the
name, and, as thejjjssure us, by the order of your
Majesty.
“I’es, Sire I it isjnder your govenment, and
in the name of yo® Majesty, that our flourish
ing towns are bonjiarded, sacked and destroyed.
In the name of yefc Majesty they butcher the
Magyars and Germans.'’
**f * * *
This testimuiiysfias tlie greatest weight, be
cause most of She Magyars are protestants,
while the Croats,ice., are Catholics. These Ca
tholic Bishops would naturally side with the lat
ter. Yet, writinfi from the very scene of action,
not a word is saiilin the whole of their long and
elaborate. address about Magyar oppression,
while they trace Ae outbreaks, directly to court
intervention, set
But there is a stronger proof still; none other
than Emperor Ferdinand, who, on the 10th of
June, when the rebellions first arose, addressed a
long and earnestproclamation to the Sclave3, ex
horting them to peace with the Magyars, on the
ground that the Magyars had really done more
for the other races than they had done for them
selves. His language is so strong that we ex
tract a jiassage: >
Croatians ..vt) Slavonians! The more grate
ful to us was theihilh that by the extension of con
stitutional freedom to all the inhabitants, (of our
dominions | wo had bound our people to gratitude
aud truth, exerted them to fraternal union, and
opened to them a broad sphere for the advancement
of tlicir well being: so much the more jiainful
comes upon us the painful experience that in you
we have erred in this expectation. In youßvho for
eight centuries bin e shared tho destinies of ltooga
ry, and owe to that union the constitutional . Je
dom which you alone, of all tho Slavonic people,
have been able to jirescrvc! It was in you that wc
have been mistaken, who have not only enjoyed an
equal share at,the rights and liberties of the" Hun
garian Constitution, but have also enjoyed sjiecial
rights, privileges and liberl'uSi, such as have been
extended to no other subjects of our sacred Hunga
rian Crown!
The whole document is in this strain, and even
more positive as to the goo<#Vill and justice of the
.Magyars. (>B'<w it in Klnj.rt’s Appendix .]
That Jellaohlch was the more instrument of tho
Austrian court is put beyond all doubt by his own
private letters, which were seized by the Hungari
ans, after the battle of the 24th September. Those
were addressed to Count Latour, Baron Kulmer,
and others of the bureuucracy of Vienna, acknow
ledging the receipt of large amounts of money, and
requiring further supjilies, on the ground, not that
he was fighting the battles of the Slavons, who are
never mentioned, but that he was sustaining Aus
tria. m ln one of these, dated Sejitembcr 22d, 1848,
ho says to the Austrian minister, Kulmer:
* * * * “Dear Friend, I had the definite pro
mise that so soon as my troojis had entered Hunga
ry, they should receive the regular pay and rations
from the imjierial treasury. The hojie of a power
ful moral supjiort was also given me.
In another letter to Latour, Minister of War. tho
next day, after acknowledging the receipt of a “re
cent sujiply of money,” and asking for 600,0(10 flo
rins more, he writes:
“ I ask this, becauso in the great struggle now
begun for the good cause of Austria, I reckon on
all possible help from the Imperial Royal Ministry,
and have the right to reckon thereon. Besides, it
is all the less possible for me to bo neglected by
that excellent body, (hochdemselbcn,) that I am
now amid the Hungarian territory, and it would
have the most terrible consequences for the country,
the army, and the entire monarchy of Austria.”
It should be remembered that all the while this
corresjxmdencc was going on, Austria pretended to
be the friend of the Magyar, and had actually is
sued a manifesto of outlawry agaiust Jellachich.
What could be more convincing than all this ?
Yet the Camarilla, not to be defeated, oven by the
Emjieror, in the course of a few months, had car
ried their intrigues so far as to induce him, with a
treachery almost unexamjiled in history, to make
direct war ujion the Magyars whom he had lately
praised. U nder this influence, the Hungarian Diet,
in utter violation of the law, was dissolved, and their
acts of tho last session, emancijiating the peasants,
were repealed: the whole country was declared un
der martial law; and the very man who had been
the chief instrument in stirring up the Croats (Jcl
lachieh,) was appointed military dictator with su
preme irresjionsibie power in both civil and eccle
siastical affairs. The Hungarians protested against
the monstrous outrago vehemently; they were in
deed so unwilling to go to war in the existing state
of the country, that they supplicated the King to
retrace his stejis, but he was already bound hand
and foot to his advisers, and refused. There was,
therefore, no course left to the Hungarians, but to
sustain their national existence at all hazards,
which, as we know, they did, with a gallantry and
heroism worthy of their most just and excellent
cause.
Fires.— ln addition to the very destructive
fire at Gainsville, the jiarticulars which have
been furnished by a corresjxmdent, we have
heard of several others during the cold weather
last week. The engine house and a sujierior en
gine were burnt at tbe depot in this place, on
Thursday morning. There were two fires at
Augusta, and one or two at Charleston the latter
part of the week, and on Saturday morning, the
station called Camak, on the Georgia railroad,
with some hundred or two bales of cotton, to
gether with a jxirtion ofthe railroad track, were
destroyed. The cold has been productive of an
unusual number of fires.— Jthens Herald, 25M
inst.
VOL. LXVI.—NEW SERIES VOL. XVI.—NO. 1.
From the N. Y. Courier if Enquirer.
The Late Hungat isuf War-
A writer in the Times of this city, published
last week, what he was jilcased to ueiiouffnatc
an answer to our article upon the causes and
oejects ofthe late war iii Hungary. In that
pretended reply, we are charged .vitli falsehood
some thirty times; and altogether its character
is such as determined us not fo*notice it. Its
argument consists of abuse; and when a formi
dable document presents itselt it is got over by
very deliberately pronouncing jti an Erroneous
translation! A correspondent insists, however,
that we are bound to republish ceitain docu
ments which have heretofore so triumphantly sus
tained our position that the Hungarians ail 1
Kossuth did not' fight for Republicanism, and
tint the cuuse oft Heir defeat was their refusal
to extend to Croatia 'and other Sclavae conn
tries, the lib rty they themselves demanded and
wrung from the imbecile Ferdinand.
I The writer in the Times does not pretend to
impeach the authority of Schlessinger ; and for
tiie very excellent.rea-tni. that Count Pulaski,
who is now prt. ent in this country with Kos
suth, said of him ■— - i
“Theauthor isun Hungarian by birth, but
long “ago quitted his nxtive country, residing
first in Prague, and subsequently in Berlin. He
is perfectly familiar with Hungary, and his con
ception of persons aud characters is essentially
accurate.”
Preface, by F. Ptilzlky.
We quote from Sc.dessinger’s War iu Hun
i ?:iry
j “The Magyar irovement is widely distinguish
ed, both by the po ' tv w hicli called it forth, and
the object it had in viaw, Irom all tlie revolu
i tions that convid cd Eurene during the last two
years The political knowledge ofthe Magyars
docs not extend much beyond that of their own
constitution; and it is remarkable with what
singular affection and constancy this ancient
constitution.with >ll i s defects mid abnormities,
lias been held fast aisd cherished by the jieojile.
Whilst all tho other nations have sought to en
large more or less their representative cor slitu
tions, the Magyar has dreaded any change in
hi*,clinging to its very letter, hs the Mussulman
to the wordsof the Koran *’ — Schlcssinger's War
in Hungary, vol. i. p. 114.
“Jellachich’* first appearance was such as to
command respect. Iu Crotia -there was no pil
lage, hut there was equipment; there was no
murdering—there was arming. The Ban
roused his fellow-countrymen to the war against
the Hungarians, with ihe same irresistible elo
quence as t at which subsequently enabled
Kossuth to perform such inereditahle exploits;
he took the field for the independence of his na
tion with great talents for agitation and inflam
matory enthusiasm. He entered the arena of
the, revolution with raised visor, in a spirit of
self-reliance, ofconfldence in the power of his
race, and—their right to revolt.
“The question naturally arose, why the Croats
should not enjoy privileges which the Hungari
ans had obtained without a struggle, ami which
the Italians on the field of battle, ami the Ger
mans in their Parliament wero striving to ac
tjuire ! No one who does not condemn all re
volutions as indefensible, can consider the
Croat insurrection less justified than those in
Italy and Poland, iq fact, at its commencement,
Jellachich met with'considerable sympathy both
in and out of Austria; notwithstanding that
Sclavism had never' en joyed any great favor in
Europe. Ib. pp. 26, 27
This soli’ary extract from an authority thus
endorsed, should be conclusive ; and it is so in
the minds of all who bear in mind, that it is only
since his downfall that Kossuth and his imme
diate followers have b‘ come Republicans. That
they are now Republican*, wo rejoice to know;
and whereas they only had our respect in their
last struggle, should they make another attempt,
they would command our sympathy as well as
our respect.
On the fourth of July, 1848, Kossuth and the
Hungarian Ministry applied to the Emperor of
Austria to aid-in putting down the Crotians, who,
as Schlessinger >ays, had only demanded from
Hungary the liberty . which she had extorted
from the weak and embecile Emperor of Aus
tria— Ferdinand, it must bo remembered, was
a perfect imbecile, arising from a succession of
epileptic fits, which utterly and entirely de
stroyed lus intellect and compelled his counsel
lors to depose him m favor of his nephew, the
present youthful Emperor, who has proved
himself a reckless Despot, and openly violated
all his pledges to his people.
From a Memorial presented to the Archduke by
Kos-uth and the Hungarian Ministry, July
4th, 1848.
“Ifhis Highness, the Archduke John, will be
stow a careful attention upon oil that we havo
just said, he cannot but be convinced ofthe
true character of the rebellion of those Slates,
which make great pretensions of fidelity to the
Sovereign whilst violating the royal authority;
hecannot but perceive, that even their oflerof
joining Austria is merely a feigned pretext, in t
order to give at (he crisis ofthe struggle such a
superiority to the Selavish element iu Austria,
that after thus com|iletely paralizing the Ger
man element, and undermining the Austrian
throne, the empire shull he split up into inde
pendent Selavish kingdoms, and the very exis
tence of the Austrian Imperial House shall be
thus buried.
And yet loyalty and attachment to the King
is so deeply routed in the heart of the Hunga
rian Nation, that the Illyrian rebels are well
aware that, in openly exhibiting their intentions,
they will not in.-et any sympathy They have
therefore come forward in the spirit of reaction,
as the pseudo heroes oftho royal authority, and
agaim-t the Hungarian Nation, who have not
attacked tho power for whom a legal in
dependence and a constitutional administration
is not a recent grant, but anjuncient right, sanc
tioned by innumerable royal oaths,—against the
Hungarian Niti n, which at this present mo
meat, when almost every throne in civilized
Europe is tottering, rgniains not only the firm
est, but the only -in uj prop of the Austrian
throne, 'ihisfeekug and this experience have
led us to request the kind assistance of his High
ness. the Archduke John, with respect to the
Illyrian rebellion.
* * * » * * #
“The disloyal rebels actually boast of the sup
port ofthe offended ml.ng House itself! And
when wo requested His Majesty, in order to
enlighten the unhappy and deceived pe-ple, by
his ownjiandwriting. to let the | eople know
that His Majesty disapproves of the rebellion,
and is determined to maintain in all their integ
rity the solemnly affirmed inviolability of the
Hungarian Grown uud the authority ofthe laws,
the fenders ofthe rebels deceived the jieople by
declaring that this has not been done voluntarily
oil the part of His Majesty, Imt that it is merely
and unwilling expression extorted by the Hun
garian Ministry through means of compulsion ”
We need not dwell upon the character and
spirit ol tliis ap> eal to Austria against the rebel
Sclaves, who detriuined to throw off the bon
dage of their Mag) ar masters, with whom their
brother fc’clave, Kossuth, was acting It speaks
for itself, and gives an insight into our history
of events.
•gut ihe Croatiaus and their brother Sclaves,
were not idle. They too approached Austria,
not us miserable suppliants, who sought for
power to continue the slavery of his fellow
creatures, hut as men who demanded justice,
aud felt their ability to obtain it. They felt
that they were speaking the language of nine
millions of men, as capable of maintaining
their rights as their four millions and a half of
masters. And being nobly determined to
achieve their freedom or to die, they spoke
as men capable o( such determination alone
can speak. Thus spoke these Rebels to tho
Emperor of Austria:—
“Emperor, if you reject our prayers, we
shall know how to vindicate our liberty without
you ; and we prefer to die heroically like a
Sclavonian people, rather than to bear any long
er such a yoke as imposed upon us by an Asiatic
horde, from whom wo have nothing good to
receive or to learn. Emperor,know that we pre
fer, if we must choose between them, the knout
of the Russians to the insolence of tbe Mag
yars. VVe will not, on any terms, belong to
the Magyars. Remember that, if Croatia forms
but a thirty-fifth part of your empire, the Croa
tians constitute a third of your whole infantry.”
The commentary made by Scles.-inger upon
Jellachich and his people, is the only one uec
cessary to be made here. Every reader can
arrive at a sound conclusion in regard to differ
ence in character between the Magyars begging
of Austria to aid iu enslaving Croatia, and the
Sclaves demanding their Liberty! We care
■not what others think or bow they feel; our
sympathies were with the ‘'lllyrian Rebels ’ and
against Kossuth and his Magyar colaborers.
The foregoing extraordinary official docu
ment, signed by Kossuth, Balthiany, Szemere,
Eotvos, and the other Hungarian Ministers, and
addressed to the Archduke Johu, at once throws
light upon a contest which has so long been
involved in darkness. Dates are now impor
tant.
In March, 1818, the revolution in Vienna
-took place, and Ferdinand was driven to Inn
spruck.
In April, 1848, the Hungarian Diet compel
ed Austria to concede the Independence and
separate government —even to a Secretary ot
War and Foreign Affairs—which had been pre
viously refused for three centor’es.
In May, they ordered Ban Je luchich to appear
before them and submit to tffeir authority in
stead of that of the Linjie, ot ol Austria; and
he not only contemptuous y refused to obey
them, hut finally threatened to march upon
Pesth itself-
And in July, this Hungarian Ministry headed
by Butthiany, humbly approached the throne of
the Emperor of Austria, through the Archduke
John, then tbs German Confederation, and en
treat his kind assistante in “the
Illyrian Rebels” —Croatia being ancient Illyria.
Rebels against whom ? Why against the Mar
tyrs of Hungary ! And why rebels ? Because
after nearly eight centuries of bondage to a
Tartar race, only half as numerous as themselves
with skins as White, and intellects as vigorous
as their masters— these descend Hits of the an
cient possessors of the soil of Hungary, de
termined boldly to assert their iiberty, as did our
fathers, without a tythe of the cause, determin
ed to assert their independence of England.
But with this difference. Our patriot sires,
fought only for a redress of grieratires, the
Sclaves rose against their masters, who held
them as slaves, worked them as slaves, and as
slaves, legally inflicted upon them the lash, and
even death itself! Yet, for thus acting, Kos
suth himself aSclave—denounces them as “Il
lyrian rebels ” and beseeches the Germau Con
federation aud Austria, to 'put them down on
the distinct plea that they are the enemies of
Austria, while the Magyar “ Hungarians are
not only the firmest, but the only firm prop of
the Austrian iliroue, at a moment when almost
every throne iu civilized Europe is tottering!”
The historian Paget, who admits that he was
opposed to the success of the Croats, gives the
following as one of their grievances:
“Since the Hungarian Diet has proposed to
enforce the use ofthe Magyar language, instead
of the Latin, iu public transactions throughout
all Hungary, a spirit of opposition has been ex
cited among the Selavish pojiulation, which
threatens very serious consequences. The first
effect of the measure proposed by the Diet was
the rousing up in Croatia of a strong sentiment
of nationality, which foittid vent in the estab
lishment of a periodical something like the
•Penn) Magazine, in form, in the Selavish lan
guage. This is the Danica Ilirska, edited by
Dr. Gay. It is published once a week, is very
respectably got up, and contains national songs,
original articiesand translations
“It is no uncommon thing to hear them reck
oning up the Croats, Slavonians, Bosnians,
Dalmatian l , Servians, Montenegrins, mid Bul
garians, and then comparing this mass of Sclaves
with the three or four millions of Magyars, aud
proudly asking why they should snbntit to deny
their language ami their origin because th’.-
Magyars command it.
“I am very far from wishing this party suc
cess, though I cannot help in sune degree sym
pathising with a people who resist when th>-)»
think a stronger power is willing to abuse its
strength by d-prtviug the weaker of those ob
jects - language and religion—which they hold
as most dear.
“The act has passed, however, which declares
that in ten years's time, no Croat shall be eligi
ble to a public office who cannot read and write
the Magyar language, and the consequence has
been the creation of a feeling of hatred against
the Magyars, which bodes but very ill for tbe
speedy Magyarizing of the < rotian people”
—Pages, Hungary, vol ii pp 582—589.
It was in July, 1848, that the ball of Revolu
tion was set in motion in I’aris. In March,
the empire of Austria was driven from
Vienn to [nnsprock ; and then it was that the
Magyar Diet of Hungary demanded thetr inde
pendence of Austria, and promised certain
changes to their bondmen. We quote the fol
lowing on this subject, as well worthy of atten
tion :
“The other races, however, that were con
cerned iu these changes (effected in March and
April, 1848,) and esjiecially the Sclavonians,
immediately saw that the tendency ol life
Magyars was to merge all the other nationalities
in their own, and to suppress them altogether,
to which end the separation ofthe Hungarian
government from the central government ofthe
empire, was a necessary meaus. This convic
tion, supported by recent experience, soon
brought out the most determined opposition.
The Croatian and”Sclavonian member, oftho
Diet, in the proceedings of the two Houses, (or
Tables) had not raised their voices against these
innovations, because the terrorism exercised by
the Magyar party had deprived them of all
freedom of speech, and because they also hoped
thut the Crown would reject the propositions of
the Diet, which would inevitably have caused
the empire to he divided into two hostile por
tions.”
•‘The pretence ofthe Hungarian, that they
took up arms to secure the adoption of liberal
principles in the empire, was a fraud, which
exposed itself by the tone of independence
they arrognted when they perceived the author
ity of Austria was on the wane, and were em
boldened in consequenbe to pul forward the tin
moderate demands which originated the war,
and called forth tha Ban, a Croat, who dread
ing the servitude intended to be impose? on his
countrymen, unsheathed his sword to save their
liberties and the undivided power as the empire.
Should the Hungarians and Kossuth succeed,
(a result little to be apprehended,) the Selavo
uians would be subjugated and deprived of all
their privileges, and would fall into the hands
of wild theorists, instead of being regenerated.”
—Tlipmpson’s Austria, p 396.
The writer in the Times quotes against Ban
Jellachich, the Emperor of Austria’s Procla
mation, setting forth tho wonderful things which
the Magyars had done for Hungary, and ad
vising the Croats to return to their bondttge,
and superceding their Ban ! It is said that
“ Fools rush in where angels fear to tread,”
and had the writer alluded to not been os ignorant
of his subject as he is reckless in assertion, ffu
would not have dared to refer to that docu
ment, which is well know to have aoyered all
concerned in its forgery, with disgrace.
Kossuth will not thank him for bringing it to
light; but now that it has been produced, the
following from Count Mailath’s Geschito, pp!
421, 422, will exhibit the Hungarian Ministry
iu no enviable predicament.
“ The Hungarian Ministry must prepare for
a struggle, if it would obtain its object, of
breaking off Hungary from tlie monarchy; for
Croatia and Sclavonia would not obey the
commands of the ministry. In Jhe beginning
of the movement, the Croats also had claimed a
ministry of their own, and j»u* forth sundry
other demands, which wore any thing butlaior
able to the unity of the monarchy. But all
this went into the hack ground as soon as they
saw that their nationality was menaced by the
Hungarian ministry. The tyranny of race and
language, which had been exercised for many
years by the Magyars was now severely exjiia
ted liy the resistance of the Croats. A l tho
last meeting of tho Diet, Kossuth had exclaim
ed iu open session : —‘ But where lies Croatia?
I cannot find it on the map.’ Ho now found
out to his cost where it lay.
The Magyar ministry tried in vain various
un ans to bring the Ban in o subjection. He
avas summoned to Buda-Pegth; he did not
[ come. A royal commissioner, General Hrabo
wsky, was ordered into Crontia ; but he was
not disposed to enter tho’province. The Ban
was called to Inuspruck to answer for his con
duct; he obeyed, and soon convinced the em
peror that he wished only the welfare ofthe
monarchy and the dynasty. On his journey
home, he learned from a newspaper that ho
was deposed ; but Croatia continued to obey
him, and soon a royal ordinance ajipeared
which reinstated him in his dignity and office.
This disposition of tho Ban wag one of the
most enigmatical occurrences of the time. Os
the numerous reports which were circulated in
reference to it, the most probable one, is that
the President of the Magyar Ministry, who was
for some time iu Innsjiruck, by some unknown
means obtained the Emperor’s signature to a
blank sheet of paper, and then, without the
Linjicror’s knowledge, filled it out with the de
position of the Ban. This report was some
what confirmed by the fact, that not the slightest
protest was made by the Hungarian Ministry,
when the Ban continued iu tbe execution of
his office ; tlie Magyar Ministry dreaded any
thorough investigation of this matter."
We have no commentary to make ujion this
It tell i its own story.
The following extract from Kossuth’s Speech
in the Hungarian Diet, when called upon by
Austria to aid in conquering Italy, will best
show how much of Republicanism, and wlmt
notions of Liberty, were then prevalent with
the Magyars.
Extracts from a Debate in a crowded meeting
of the Diet, July 20th, 1848, on the question
whether Hungary should send troops to aid
the Emperor of Austria in putting down the
Italian insurgents in Lombardy.
“ Kossuth, the Minister of Finance, resum
ing his address, [which he had suspended from
exhaustion,] came now to speak of the Italian
question. This is the first European question
which the nation had had to consider since It at
tained its majority, [or its age of freedom.] TheJ
should not therefore allow themselves to bo so
far carried away by it as to forget their own
country. He wished that this question should
not agitate their minds, hut that they should
consider it calmly. When the fate of the na
tion is at stake, all sympathies and antipathies
must be laid aside. Here the matter ought not
to be viewed according to abstract jirinciples;
if it were, we should be obliged to bear tbeir
iron consequences; if we protect the Italians
because they are fighting for their freedom,
then we must also concede the point to Croatia
and Bohemia, and confess that they are in the
right. [Murmurs.] He openly confessed, he
wished the Italian nation was free. At the
former Diet, the question came up whether
they were willing that the ministries of war
and finance should be at Vienna. VVe answered,
no. Thereupon, those persons [the Austrian
ministers] said, ‘ What shall we do ? You
will not assume any part of the State debt, and
if the Italians break loose from us, we shall bo
driven to natioiial-bankriip!cy ; help us, at least,
to end tho war with honor.’ VVe plead im
possibility as an excuse. The ministry is con
stituted, and the insurrection breaks out on all
sides. Then they said at Vienna, ‘Hungary
will not help us, but Jellachich will; then we
will make terms with Jellachich.’ This, lies
like a curse upon the Hungarian ministry.
At Vienna, they appeal to the Pragmatic Sanc
tion to show that we ought to help them to ob
tain an honorable peace. Now, before the
opening of the National Assembly, where we
claim that every member of the Dynasty should
labor to support our integrity as a State, the
Hungarian ministry must be very circumspect.
Idle fancies are here of no use. France would
help the Italian Republic, but not the Italy ol
Charles Albert, who has just as mnch right to
Lombardy, as Jellachich has to Croatia, or the
Russian Czar to Hungary. I will exjihtiti
fully the policy of the ministry (He reads the
protocol of the ministers’ plan, in which it wus
resolved, Hint if peace and order were restored *
to Hungary, they would tlicn send the troops
they did not need at homo to effect an honor
able pence.) Herein, continued the orator, we
only say, ‘ procure fonts quiet in Hungary,
and we will help you to gain an honorable
peace.’ But to the Italians we will say, • strain
not not the cords too tight or it may happen
that we shall come to the help of Austria.*
They have desired us to cull back our troops
from Italy. This is easily said, but not so
easily done. We have from 10,000 to 12,000
men in Italy j but there are also 35,000 Croats
there, who would also come back, and we
have no particular need of them. He had
here spoken only of the past policy of the min
istry. He did not say that they would imme
diately send an auxiliary army to Italy, or oven
hew many they would send, but tho moral
power of such a declaration was very great,
and by that alone, they might boa great help
to Austria. (Unanimous applause.)
This tells its own story, and p esents Kos
suth us publicly declaring that if Austria would
aid in bringing 'he Croatiuns into subjection to
tho Magyars and tho “ancient institutions'’ of.
Hungary, he was quite willing to aid Austria
in putting down liberty ill It ly ! Until then.
| “ all sympathies” with men striving for freedom
i must be crushed ! But listen to his own con
j session, and a precious one it is : If we protect
| the Italians because they are lighting for their
; Freedom, then we must also concede the point
1 to Croatia and Bohemia, and confess that they
are Right.” And tints only sixteen duys afle’r
signing tho petition for Austria to put down
“ the Illyrian rebels,” he admits in debate tlmt
if it bo right “to fight for Freedom ” then
the cause of Croatia is a just one; and as that
must Ins put down at any rate, it is better to toll
"the Italians, fighting for Freedom, strain not , »
tho cord too tight, or it may happen that we shall
come to the help of Austria.” !!
Jellnchich then, with the boldness which marks
his character, and which bad induced him to de
fy the Austrian power, though an outlaw, pre
sented himself to the F.tnperor at Imsprurk, and
succeeded in convincing him that the Sclaves
were his trim friends; and that being twice ns
numerous as the Magyars, iflie would guaranty
to them equality of rights, they would compel
the Magyars to respect his authority. The Em
peror Ferdinand, Who was as weak in mind as
in. body, was convinced of the forro of this just
reasoning, charged his plans, and not only com
missioned Jellnchich, Ban of Hungary, but sub
sequently appointed him specially to itu> down
what had become an Hungarian Rebellion ot
tho Magyars against Austria, by the Diet’s
throwing off all dependence upon the Emperor,
except to crave his aid against Croat a and tho
Sclaves.
Jallacliich returned to Croatia without his
reconciliation with the Emperor having been
proclaimed. It was suspected, however; and
the Hungarians united with the Socialists and
Red Republicans to get up a second revolution
in Vienna. Professor Bowen, in a truthful and
powerful article in the No-th American Review
for January, 1850, thus describes what then en
sued :
“These reusons (of the Ban) appearing con
clusive. the Emperor did not hesitate at once to
change sides, to unite the Imperial forces with
those whom ho had just before denounced as
rebels, and to commission the Ban Jellnchich,
himself the chief rebel, to put down the insur
rection in Hungary. This arrangement, how
ever, was kept secret for a time', to await tho
results of negotiation with the Magyars. But
this haughty and imperious race waited for no
compromise, and their spirits only rose as the
number of their enemies increased. Their Diet
voted an extraordinary contribution of a hundred
millions of florins, a levy of two hundred thou
sand men, and an issue of two hundred millions
of paper money. It was also proposed to re
call the Hungarian regiments that were serving
under lladetsky in Lombardy; but Kossuth
cried out, ‘Beware what you do! They tiro
Croats and Sclavoiiians whom you wish to re- 1
•all.' ”
Ou the 10th of September, 1848, after the re
turn of the Emperor to Vienna, ajieputatiou of
one hundred and sixty members of”the Hunga
rian Diet arrived in that city, demanding of tho
Emperor that he should approve of their vote to
raisfb men and money, issue a proclamation de
nouncing Jellachich, and take up his rcsidencu
in I’esth! byway of proving to the Sclaves tlmt
lie sided with the Magyars f The absurdity of
such demands is only equalled by their impu
dence. They were of course rejected ; when
the haughty Magnates and Magyurs withdrew,
threatening vengeuce ; and an eye witness in
formed us, that he was present when they reach
ed the steamer ou the Danube, two miles dis
tant. They immediately drew down the Aus
tro-Hungarian flag which was waving on the
boat, trampled it under foot, hoisted a red flag
in its stead, and proceeded down the Danube.
Another deputation sent, a week later, to Vien
na, was refused an audience; and then the
Hungarian Diet proclaimed Kossuth Dictator,
L tHrtUraised a Ibroe to tweet Jwllackicli, who had
1 already crossed the Dave, urid was marching on
| Pesth !
The war fairly commenced, Kossuth despatch
ed General Beni into Transylvania, to strike
terror into lhatregion, and thus prevnut assault
from the Sclaves of that quarter, which ha con
sidered his rear. What Bern did there, and how
he conducted the war amid that simple, and al
most unarmed people, the following document
will show. Comment is unnecessary :
Extracts from a Let'er from Hichbichoss Raia
chich. to Field Alaschal Heabnwsky, dated
"Cnrlowitz, August 1,1848.”
“With a bleeding heart, I take the pen to de
scribe to your Excellency the horrors that have
been committed by the Magyar troops at difl'er
ent places oil tho theatre of the civil war.
Thero war not a single enemy in the Servian
town of Futtack, when the Magyar troops un
der your Exellency’s command fell upon the
place, slaughtered innocent children, women,
anil old men; while others shamefully beat a
priest, stripped him to the skin, and so drugged
him naked round the place, while they plunder
ed some of the houses, und burned others. In
iMohul. they ripped open the belly ofavenerable
priest, and also heat his ton to death.
“Tile abominations are indiscribuble which
there savage soldiers committed in the churches
at Futta-k, Foldvar, Mohul, and Kikiudu. I
will pass over iu silence the destruction in thesu
churches of the scats, doors, prayer books,
chandeliers, and other articles of; furniture de
voted to God’s service; hut it is a thing unheard
of iu all history, that Christian troops, in an
open place possessed by them, should seize on
the Sacrament of the Eucharist, standing in rea
diness fertile dying on the holy altar, should
throw it down,and trample it uuderfoot. should
kindle a fire ou the holy altar, and commit other
abominations on it not fit to be named ; should
tire pistols at the image of Hie Holy Virgin, and
stab out tho eyes of the other images of the
saints. As they could notconl their coinage on
the armed Servians, they violated women and
maidens, hewed down children and other de
fenceless persons. out off their ears und noses,
plundered evctyihiqg they could curry away,
and destroyed the rest.”
“From this picture, fulling far short of the
reality, of the horrors thus far by the
Magyar troops, your Exellency c»'< easily infer,
that this national war for "' ar of races) pro-
I yoked by the Magyars. '* already not far from
j turning into a rol'gmus war, and must issue in
! such a war, H some limits are not put to these /fa
i barb«<dies- I greatly fear that very soon I shall (
I no longer he able to hold back our own officers
and troops from similar deeds of horror; I
greatly fear that Bucskca, tho Banat, and Syrmia
will soon be made a wilderness. After what has
now happened, I believe that the Servian peo
ple find themselves reduced to extremity, and as
I know them, they will fight with the energy of
despair for tlicir nationality and their religion,
and will rather die than allow themselves to he
robbed of them. 1 must frankly confess to
your Excellency, that from the barbarities al
ready committed by the Magyars, the Servian
nation already draws the inference that the "
.Magyars are waging against (hem a war of ex
termination What will he the issue 1 I believe
it will be nothing else but this, —that they will
adopt these practices of the Magyurs, and will
repay them like for like. 5' “
“The Servian nation has not the means for
carrying on a war which are at tho disposal of j
the Magyar Ministry; but would never have
thought of war if they had not been urged and
driven to it by the attack made on the J2th of j
Juno, upon poor innocent Carlowitz upon their \
sanctuary. They were firmly determined to W ; ,>
recover their undoubted rights by legal means.
Therefore they sent me with a respectable dep
utation to the foot of the imperial throne, iti or
der that they might find help there, where they
were always accustomed to find it when in dis
tress. 1 remain with all respect,
Your Excellency’sobedientservant,
Josini Raiachick, Archbishop.”
The reckless writer in the Times, quotes from
art article in Blackwood's Magazine, written by
Allison. In answer we quote the following
from BrTrwnson's Uuarterly for April last; and
it will be perceived that he calls Pulzsky, Kos
suth’s under secretary of State, to the stand, as a
witness. Speaking of the period of which we
write, the author says;—
‘‘The charge of treachery preferred by tho
Magyars against Austria, comes from them with
a had grace. It appears certain that, shortly
after the insurrectionol' March. 1848, at Vienna,
there was an understanding between a portion
of the insurgents and certain Magyar leaders.
Pulzsky says, (p. 176,) that about September
“the newspapers took up tho question carefully,
and some of them declared themselves for Hun
gary.” It was confidently stated that the Ma
gyars had distributed money in Vienna as early
as September, and there is little doubt that the
money expended there h id a direct influence
upon ihe opinions of the Viennese mob, which
was unfriendly to the Magyars n August, and
allied to them iu October Iu fact, lei era were
intercepted fVoin Batthyaui to I’nlzsky, offering
funds for the purpose of “gaining the sympa
thies of the Viennese for the Hungarian na
tion.” Moreover, it was proved at the trial of
Batthyaui, that Pulzsky had received and dis
tributed money. Pulzsky says, (p. 200) that