Newspaper Page Text
Carsnitlt £’ J&ndntl.j
The Harder Mate*.
L: the present commotion*, much intercut i*
centred in the position of the Border States, espe
cially of Maryland, upon which State all th*.
grates! consequences of disunion must fall. As }
illustrative of the feeling of the people, we extract j
from the Baltimore American an excellent article j
on the “Position and Policy of Maryland,” many i
of the arguments of which are applicable to the
position of other Southern States:
Letter* from the People.—Position and
Polio of .tlarf land.
South Carolina has passed an ordinance ae
ceding from the Union. Other States threaten to
do the same, and it has been loudly asserted that
a.'l he “Cotton States'’ would follow.
The whit* population of these States, by the
r **.su ot 1860. was as follows :
•- , Carolina 274,563 |
Georgia .. 521,572 |
Fljr.d 47,20$ |
Alabama i
Mississippi •• 225 pi lc j
Louisiana 265,491 |
Texas 154,054
Arkansas M.™ 1 j
An white population of j
Whether secession will go further, even if it ex
tend h-> far, if* by no means certain. If itdoes.the j
middle line of Staten are the next ones to be add
ed. Their white pooulation at the same time i
win as follows :
?7orth Carolina 558,02*1 j
Virginia 894,800 |
An aggregate addition of 1,447,828
Making in all an aggregate of 5,666,112 j
Should the other central slave States secede, j
the movement gains tk# following ;
Tenure 756,836
Ken Wick y 761,413
An aggregate accession of 1,618,219 |
Making a grand total of the States which
will then hare seceded of 5,103,831 j
Missouri need not be counted upon either side, j
In the Union she adds to it* strength a white j
population of 622,004. but out of it, and in hostile j
t v to it, she could add nothing to the strength of j
the South, since such is the composition of her .
population and her own location that to protect
herself against her own slaves (in number 87,422) j
and the assault# and incursions of her immediate |
neighbors will tax her utmost energies. She
therefore could not contribute a man nor a dollar ,
to the common cause.
The Union (to call by that name tb© unseceding
remnant j will find its strength in the six .
New England States, which in 1860 had a
white population of 2,705,096
New \ ork 2,048,386
New Jersey. 466,609
Pennsylvania ... ..2,858,160
Ohio 1,365,050
Indiana •• 977,064
Illinois 846,034
‘Michigan 396,071
Wisconsin 304,756
lowa 191,881 I
An aggregate of .13,147,080 j
Minn* -oia, which has been admitted since th-t
ceiiMJs was taken, will add fro none to two hun
dr and thousand to this aggregate. It* population
in May, i- was 150,042, Oregon, California and
the Territories may be passed by, as adding no
strength to the Union at such a time.
in the .South the negroes, both free and slave,
would be an element or weakness rather than of
strength, but to the North, in conflict with the
South, the negroes of the North might be made to
render efficient service, These amounted, in the
States ju*. named at the time of that census, to
194 OM.
1 1 m notorious that during the decade since that
census the numerical growth of the South has
keen 1 ir less than that of the North, so that now
it cannot be far from right to say that if all the
States indicated above (calling them for conveni
ence “the South,”; secede, and the others remain,
claiming to be “the Union,” the /numerical
strength of “the South” will be to that of “the
Union” us one-fourth to three-fourths. The pop
ulation of all the Gulf or Cotton States being a
half million less than that of the single State of
New York, and a hundred thousand less than that
ol the niugle State of Pennsylvania.
So far as the native courage and spirit of the
parties is concerned, there is little to choose.
Both spring from a brave, courageous, deter
mined stock, and through the glorious past histo
ry of our country have shown themselves worthy
of their origin. Prodigies of daring and valor, at
their country's call, have been performed by them
of the North as well as by them of the South. In
numerous conflicts with the Indians, in two wars
with Great Britain, ami one w ith Mexico, both
parties have shown themselves of the bruvest. It
is folly and madness to attribute to either all the
courage, and to the other ail the cowardice. Can
dor and truth compel the admission that both are
courageous, determined, brave—and it they come
in conflict “Greek meets Greek,” and each finds
“a fncmuu worthy of his steel.”
There are other points in which there is far
nire equality. The men of the North arc more
accustomed than they of the South to undergo
privation uud hardship, to a plain and meagre
fare, uud to perform severe, continuous labor.
These habits and this experience become most
useful when the citizen is changed into a soldier,
or is culled to bear his portion ot the burden w hich
war devolves upon his country.
The surplus accessible capital of the North also
greatly exceeds that of the South. There are
more men f vast meant capable of contributing
largely if their country call-, and the poorer class
es, fr ugal in their habits, niggardly, it you please
to call it so, have far more lo which to look while
the storm lowers over them. The $35,000,1)00 de
posited in the Savings Banks of Massachusetts
nut illustrate the character uud habits of the great
bids of the luboriug population of the North.
The North is also tar better supplied Than the
South with the machinery, the materiel of war,
and with the facilities for its production. The
North has been for years largely engaged in th *
manufacture of guns of large calibre ami of small,
and of the best construction ; of shot, shells* and
ammunition of all kinds. Her manufactures have
supplied these articles to the whole country and
furnished very considerable quantities fur export
ing. On the other hund, so inadequate are the
fuc iities of the South to supply her own neccssi
t'.es that she has purchased trom Northern tr.anu
t r rs arms to defend herself against Northern
rutd.-. South of our own city there are not the
means of repairing to the South the inevitable
wear in arms of a single campaign. Harper's
Ferry might do something, but Harper's Ferry is
so near the border as to be a most unsafe reliance
in the event of a collision with the North. Let
tnese stubborn facts be borne in mind as we pro-
Unless North Carolina and Virginia lollow the
example of South Carolina, there is really no
prucdcal question presented to Maryland for de
cision. No one could be mud enough to think of
seceding while separated from the other seceding
by these two uon-sectdiug States, or even bv Vir
ginia. To this extent unquestionably Gov. Hicks
i* right in declining to convene the Legislature at
this time. If could be productive of no good,
must produce qu te other than good to convene a
body of tnen given to talk, while there is nothing
practical for them to do.
But if the tide of secession reached the Potomac,
oil the States to the M’Uth of that, having with
drawn so far as by ordinance they can do so, from
the Union, then a graver question is presented
for Maryland’s decision than she has ever been
called to pass upon since her existence as a State,
ami well tuav she suinmou all her calmest and
wisest to her councils. I
Upon the one hand stand the States with which
M in land lias been wont to act, with which she is
allied by her institutions and her feelings. These
States constitute ouo fourth of the numerical
strength of what we have loved to call “our coun
try.” Upon the other hand stand the States con
taining the other three-four tbs—States that have
uot seceded—that have done no uct which tech
nically can ho called treason or revolution ; that,
so fur as the forms of law are concerned, stand by
the Constitution and the Federal laws as made,
agreed on and adopted bv the whole country, and
under which we have been prosperous beyond all
parallel.
Between these Maryland must make her elec
tion. She must decide to which she will add the
Mireugth of her 417,943 white persons—with which
for the future her destiny shall be linked.
To either party she is a ft lost important acces
sion. To the South her men and money would
furnish most important aid; her territory would
interpose another barrier between them and a
foreign and hostile nation, and the prestige ot her
v:il r would add confidence in any movement
which circumstances might constrain them to at
tempt. To the North also her strength would be
no inconsiderable addition, uud her territory most
desirabl? from its giving them ready access t the
public property at Washington.
That property, it cannot* for a moment be sup.
posed, tue North will peaceably surrender to the !
acceding States, whether few or many. If Mary- r
land secedes, that property is surrounded on all ;
sides by seceding territory, vet belongs on everv (
Wjtfti pria !•'<’ to tha uoMoedtag, tod the Nora
will be in no temper to pass it over—a Christmas
gift to the South. She must retake, garrison
and hold t. Iu houor can she do less? But this
Maryland and the South cannot permit. They
must prevent the passage of trooj a across this !
State, and the establishment of a power within
her borders as Washington is, an armed collision
t therefore unavoidable. The secession qf Mary
land then uwar. However peacefully the North
may be inclined—however little disposed to eoer
cion when other States secede, the secession of |
Maryland is a very different affair, because it in
terpose* a State between the Union and its capi- ’
tttl, and t cann< t tale place peacefully *
Before deciding to engage, with “King Cotton,”
in a “war with another king,” Maryland should f
first consult “whether they be able with ten thous
and to meet him that comelh against them with
thirty thousand,” for those are the odds. But
Maryland's prison is even worse than that. She
i> in * the fore front of the hottest battle.” Bhe is
the cut-water that must first eucounter the tide of ’
invasion. This position she cannot shirk, evade •
or avoid. Others, following whose example Mary
land has become embroiled, can stay quietly at ‘
borne, engrossed by some internal brawl or petty
insurrection, nor touch with one of their fingers
the grievous burden which they have laid on
Maryland’s shoulders. But Maryland must either
consent to be overrun by a hostile force, or she
must tight; there is no alternative. She lies, aud
she alone, between the North aud the capital.
There they will go if able, and she not only must
fight with the whole North, but the war must be
upon her own soil. Her own fields are those to
be ravaged bv au army; her own towns are those
to be pillaged by the soldiery. Around Baltimore
must flow the current of devastating war, and the
honor and glory of the most pertect success in
such a struggle could ill compensate for the de-
Mruetion of all that is fairest among us. Mary-’
land clearly ought not to be thrust into this posi- j
tion unless there be grievances which cannot be
otherwise redressed, and unless through this sea j
ot blood there be some hope of accruing advau-
I
i v ’ such grievances exist and is the case “past
surgery ?” Lincoln's election to the I’residency
i> certainly no •..**,-* 5?/’#'. That was strictly cmi
stitutional * T ‘d legal from first to lust. It had
o: lv about the average amount of humbug and
roi.t.cai chicane and trickery. It was not indeed
- neighborly jro< ceding on the part of the North,
lut :t was not a hurt rendering amputaiion ue
c. > >ary. Four \ t ar> hence this wrong can ail be
vi. ana iadicat: n> art not few that the North
w;.. bin -u .v c.s who wilt render readv aid to
redress thi> that time.
Nor arc the 1 ersonal Liberty laws” grievances
that cannot be redressed. Wrong ihev uuquo
uooubiy are—violations of the fraternal bond
w: c i >huuld unite the States. At the sa lne time
oust be confessed there is uo reason to suppose
-iv citizen of Maryland has ever lost one
i .a. :r u. their ope rat mu. Nor has the Gov
. , uor have the legislators of Maryland ever
and -eu.f ; .eui so much a practical grievance as to
direct s vps to be taken to test their constitution
ality. Lqmn that point it is but justice to the
North to say it has ever extended to and
* tie South ail courtesy. No obstacle ever
beeu interposed, either by the Government or the
citizens of the Northern Stales, to bring to a full ,
legal examination any laws which the South re- <
garded as grievances. \
Ou the contrary, in more instances than one— !
asm the caseofl'riggr.. Pennsylvania, supplemen
tary laws have been passed at the suggestion of
the South Itself forth© sole purpose of enabling
them to bring tbe act complained of to a judicial
decision, uud there is no reason to suppose they
would not fcti 11 do the same. The Personal Liber- !
ty law of Massachusetts, as it now stands, was
passed iu 1855, slightly modified in 1858. It was
th* n but a supplement tw a law passed in 184S, |
adapting it to the provisions of the Fugitive Slave
law of 1*550. It was passed in ill humor—a fair .
specimen of bad blood running away with the
better judgment iu legislation, an occurrence
from which our legislative halls have not always
been wholly exempt.) At the same time it was,
ami always has been, like all ctfi**r Personal Lib
erty laws’—a brrUum ftdmen —offensive, indeed,
but hurting nobody. That it has existed so Jong
and never ueen seriously complained off till now,
indicate;, very positively that it has never done
much harm aud lias been nosed out now by some
body in aearch of a pretext to justify a course of
act 10A already determined on It clearly is not a
ffhenbee justifying war. No one has ever been
imperilled iu person orproptfty by it, and the
moment any one is so, lut proper tribunal cannot
hesitate to declare it unconstitutional, and, there
fore, void. But, it is said, public sentiment at
the North is hostile to the institution of slavery as
it now exist* in our State. That is most true, and
it leads to many acts on the part of indieidvaU in ‘
those States ot which we may justly complain.
But has the Federal Government ever failed in
consequence of such hostile public sentiment to j
enforce the laws of the General Government, and j
to secure to our citizens their constitutional
rights? Hid not the Government gecur© the ren
dition of Burns from Boston, the hot bed of abo- .
litiomsm, through the heart of as mad a crowd as
ever was gathered from the dens of a great cit? ? i
Has not the Government always enforced the Fu
gitive Slave law as thoroughly and as easily in the :
North as the law against the foreign slave-trade 1
in the South ? Have not juries been as ready to :
indict and convict for the one in the North as for !
the other in the South ? Has not Maryland keen
quite as much injured by the illegal importation
! of slaves in the South as by the illegal rescue of
slaves in the North ? And if the Government is
; not at fault in this respect, bat has shown a com
mendable zeal in the execution of the law, what .
reason for rebellion against that Government and i
secession from it because others who ought to j
yield it a ready support do what theycaiTto fetter
and embarrass its actions? In none of these
grievances do we find any justification of seces
sion, Involving war as we nave seen secession does
involve. .Shall we be told that our action is to
find its justification, not in what we suffer now,
but in the purpose, and tendency of the success
ful Republican party? When were ever appre
hensions, fears, made the grounds of his counsel
by a statesman, the basis of its action by a .State ?
Is it not rushing to meet the evil that we fear,
leaping into the sea to escape the peltings of the
rain ?
But grant that the grievances endured might
excuse an appeal to the ultima ratio regum how
are the evils to be redressed by such appeal ?
By the act of secession, Maryland would, so far
as any advantage therefrom to herself vas con
cerned, repeal **the Fugitive Slave law” at once
and forever. From that instant the whole country
north es Mason A Dixon’s line becomes to Mary
land what Canada is now. Nay, immeasurably
i worse, for its proximity gives it a thousand fold
| the facilities for mischief which Canada possesses,
! and the fugitive population which would lurk and
settle with impunity along the whole of our ex
tended frontier would have every disposition to
use those facilities to the utmost. With this pop
ulation—white and colored—possessing a full
knowledge of the country in which they were to
operate, incessantly exciting the slaves to escape
(if not to insurrection,; what would be the value
of slave property in Maryland ? How long could
she be a slave State at all ? The mere talk of se
cession has already depreciated the value of the
j slave property of Maryland more than six millions
and a half of dollars. Let secession become an ac
complished fact, aud we ourselves have done in a
i day more than the most fanatical Abolitionist had
I Loped to see effected in a generation,
j This would be the result even if secession were
peacefully accomplished, but attended with hos
tilities, as it is sure to be, no slave worth the hav
ing could be retained in Marvland a week. II
must journey South, or lie will journey North.
We are left with the old, the infirm, the worth
less, such as nobody would buy and us could uot
be coaxed or frightened to run away. Maryland
then would be in this position : the frontier
State of a Slaveholding Confederacy—if the South
indeed confederate after seceding—having be
come such for the protection of her slave proper
ty, yet herself pructically a free State—having
lost all her own slave property by her alliance
with the other slave States What interests has
she then in common w ith the other States of the
South? In point of fact, the interests of Mary
land, Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky and
Tennessee, the grain producing, aro entirely dis
tinct from, and at variance with those of the Gulf,
or cotton producing States now. But then, having *
censed to furnish hands to the cotton fields from
our surplus slave popul ition, the last b<tnd of
common interest is broken. Tlhir great decider -
turn is plentiful and cheap labor for the cotton and
sugar plantations. This desideratum they seek to
supply first from the destruction, by the Reces
sional panic, of the value of slave property in
Maryland, and the other Border States. The un-
wonted supplthrown as a consequence upon
j their market at greatly reduced prices, is au im
j meuso pecuniary gam to them ; and when this
I supply is exhausted they trust to the cbauces of
the future for re-opening the foreign slave trade.
! That this is their ami no one, who has noted the
, current of events in those States for the last two
J years, can be so demented as to doubt. That, if
they succeed in forming a Southern Confederacy,
! they will re-open this trallic unless prevented by
| the national police of the seas, is equally beyond
I all doubt. All the interests of Maryland, >l3 she is
now and as she will be then, are clearly opposed
:to such re-opening. Yet she will stand powerless
to preveut it, and must acquit.soe in their decree
or secede again, and this time to stand alone.
The interest of Maryland in preserving her slave
property theu s can not bind her to follow South
Carolina’s illustrations example and secede from
the United States. The interests of trade are a
different mattter, but this touches the city of Bal
timore alone. The rest of the State o 1 ’ Maryland
luis no trade with the South to justify her in in
curring great risks for its preservation. Balti
more's largest and best customers are in the
States south of the Uotomac, uud that trade will
be imperilled, it not lost, if they secede and Balti
more does not.
All the great lines of trade and travel which
Baltimore has striven so zealously to complete
reach after the trade and travel of the free States.
, The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, for example,
j takes hold of the teeming products of free labor
| beyond the Ohio, and when ary land and Vir
-1 ginia can no longer cull the great Northwest “our
I couutry,” and the through trade aud travel shun-
I niug it, us in foreign territory, pass from termin
| us to terminus over the roads of New York and
! Pennsylvania, even “preferred bonds'’ Baltimore
| and Ohio Railroad will hardly command a higher
premium than those of the State of Mississippi.
Men trade to make money, and trade is deter
mined by laws as inflexible us those of the Modes
aud Persians. Me 11 come to Baltimore to buy
goods so long as they can buy cheaper here than
elsewhere, and they will not come any longer.—
We have been Southern and slavehoiding ever
since we were anything, but Charleston has kept
up her regular lines of traders with Boston and
New York, and never would maintain one with us.
The Gult States hate slave-hating England aud
j New England, but they send all their cotton to
them because trade says so. If Charleston be
comes foreign to Boston and New York she will
still go there for her goods (if at peace with them,)
unless the other seceded States force her to aban
don free trade, for which she has always clamor
ed, and if they do slit* may secede again. Jfa
tariff discriminating against the North be made to
1 determine trade to the ports of the Southern Con
i federacy, how is it ul! to inure to the benefit of
I Baltimore instead of the better harbors of Nor
folk, Beaufort and Charleston? It might do so if
her internal trade could be preserved entile, but
with this crippled, and so large a portion of
wheat from the Northwest and Pennsylvania, has
found u market here, diverted to the Northern
not ts, the possible advantages of trade to spring
from secession seem hardly sufficient to justify
encountering tne certain disadvantages.
But, in case of secession, we have no Union at
home and no consideration abroad. The .artioles
of our copartnership are then to be drawn up.
We have in common only a disgust, an indigna
tion at wrongs we have suffered together; an
aversion to, or hatred of those that have wronged
11s and our institutions, for the preservation and
! enjoyment of which we have forsaken all else.
Army, Nuw, Treasury, Postal system, in a word,
j our entire (tovernment, with alf the “modern im
provements,” and the means of sustaining all, are
j to be provided for and organized. In view of tho
•onflicting interests, and the docile, yielding
: temper ot some of the friends with w hom, in all
j these details, we must agree, it were really to be
| washed that we could wake up some morning and
mid the’new government had organized itself.
When this lias been effected, we have to make
and take our place among the nations of the earth.
! The North has its treaties with all and its credit
: fixed ; we have the treaties all to make and the
! credit to create. The tone of the foreign press
1 admonishes ns that we are not to be treated with
! the utmost favor, nor can we present ourselves as
n first-oloss power. Iu their eyes we are a rebel
j hous fouYth of a great power, seeking alliances
against the other three-fourths. We are valuable
to them chiefly from jvliat we sell them, w hile the
North is more valuable from what she buys from
them, and at everv Court is the accredited rep re
sensitive of the “United States” o disparage our
pow er, our character, our purposes, and to whis
per that we alone, of nations claiming to be civi
lized, are running a muck for slavery against the ‘
world The practical difficulties of forego alliance
are hurdlv less than those of domestic harmony, 1
aud may make us wish with almost equal earnest- j
ness, that we could w ake some morning and find
our treaties w ith foreign powers were all liappilv ;
concluded.
These are some of the leading practical difficul- 1
ties in the way of Maryland’s secession. Let them
•be looked fairly in the face. We do uot gain Ely- j
sium by passing an ordiuauce of secession from i
the Union. There is then stern work to be done, i
demanding wisdom, valor and sacrifice, persever- ;
, ing and untiring. Might not the same wisdom !
ana less sacrifice, without the valor, preserve to j
us the L T niou itself. One State has gone, and two !
or three others may follow. Cannot the contagion j
be prevented from spreading further, the rights of
all secured, and an early return of that which has
departed effected ?
Lincoln's Inauguration.—A letter from Wash
ington says I— The obstructions to Mr. Lincoln’s
advent into Washington may be avoided bv his
taking the oath of office iu New York or Phila
delphia, or even in Springfield ; but hero a doubt
has ansen in the minds ot some astute gentleman.
Suppose the electoral votes are never counted ac
cording to constitutional requirements —that is,
in ioiut convention of both Houses. This is no
chimera, for it is expected that 16 Southern States
will be out of the Confederacy by the Ist February.
The votes are to be counted on the first Monday
in that mouth. Fifteen States out, thirty Sena
torial voles are gone, aud if the Northern demo- j
cratio Senators go with them, such as Gen. Lane,
of Oregon, Messrs, Gwinn and Latham, of Cali- 1
forma, Douglas, of Illinois, Bright and Fitch, of
Indiana, Pugh, of Ohio, Rice, of Minnesota, and 1
Thomson, ot New Jersey, there will be but twenty
seven Senators left, or seven short of a quorum, ,
and you may be assuied the Vice-President will
never give his consent to have the votes counted
if a quorum of the Senate be not present.
*‘A Black Man.”—The Argus, published in the
city of Drogheda, Ireland, tells us readers that
“the election by the Northern States of America
i of -i buici’ as has at length brought
j about a'state o! feeling between the Southern and
Northern States which for a long time has beeu
feared, and which threateus to ead in the disrup
tion ot the Americau Unipn. Since the Coufeder
j ation was termed, no Presidential election has ex
cited so much party feeling as has the election of
Abraham linceln. a black gentleman, hitherto
unknown out of the State in which he lived—or
at least unknown as a public man in Europe.’’
A Corporation with A >oi’L.— One of the offi
cers at Fort Moultrie, having a policy of Insu
rance in one of the leading Lite Insurance Com
panies in New York, wrote to theeompanv on the
•Ji*d inst., stating the probability that the Fort
would soon be attacked, and the certainty that
“it would be defended to the la?: extremity,” and
inquiriug what would be the effect on his poiicv if
he should fall. He was promptly answered, that
although the company was not legally liable where
the assured fed in battle, “if he should thus fall |
now whilst doing his duty, he lived have no fears !
but that his policy would be paid.”
Meeting of the Pennsylvania Legislature.—
The Pennsylvania Legislature met on Tuesday. In ‘
the Senate a resolution was offered declaring that
Pennsylvania is willing to pass laws necessary to
the redress of any real grievances of a sister
State, if such are found to exist: proclaiming it
Vo be her ardent desire to cultivate friendly rela
tions with sister States; declaring her adhesion
to the doctrines of Jackson’s proclamation, and
her willingness to contribute men and money to
tbe preservation of the Union.
Henry Clarke a printer, at Charleston, wrote a
letter to a friend at Providence, K. 1., in which
he said the talk about secession was all gas. The
letter was taken from th© mail and opened by a
”yL dant,” who showed it to Clarke, and warned
him to leave the Bt*t©, and he thought it safe to
do so.— Republican.
It is carefully estimated that the election of
Lincoln has already cost the North in deprecia
tion $180,000,000. This is paying pretty dear for
a penny whutle made out of a nigger's thumb.
Correspondence between the President
of tli United State* and Ile Com
missioners of SoutU Carolina.
The following correspondence was read in the
South Carolina Convention ou Friday, in secret
session, and from which the injunction of secresy :
wa* removed:
W \- i!ix<;ton, Dec. 25, 1860.
Sir:—We have the honor to transmit to you a
copy of the full power* from the Convention cf
the people of South Carolina, under which we are
“authorized and empowered to treat w ith the Go
verument of the United States lor the delivery of
the forts, magazines, light houses, and other real
estate, w ith their appurtenances, within the limits
of Sooth Carolina, aud also for an apportionment of
the public debt aud for a division of all the prop
erty held by the Government of the United States,
as agent of the Confederated States, of which
South Carolina was recently a member, aud gen
erally to negotiate as to all other measures aud ar
rangements proper to be made and adopted in the
existing relation of the partie . and tor the con
tinuance of peace and amity between this Com
monwealth and the Government at Washington^
In the execution of this trust, it is our duty to !
furnish you, as we now do, with an official cop*.
! of the Ordinance of Secession, by which the State
, of South Carolina has resum- and the powers she
i delegated to the Government ot the United States,
and has declared her perfect sovereignty and in
1 dependence.
It wouid also have been our duty to have in
, formed you that we were ready to negotiate with
you upon all such questions as are necessarily
raised oy the adoption of this Ordinance, and that
we were prepared to enter upon this negotiation
with the earnest desire to avoid all unnecessary
| and hostile collision, and so to inaugurate our new
: relations as to stcare mutual respect, genertil ad
i vantage, and a future of good will and harmony,
i beneficial to ail the parties concerned.
But the events of the last twenty-four hours
renders such au assurauce impossible. We came
j here the representatives of au authority, which
I could at any time within the past sixty days have
taken possession of the forts in Charleston har
bor, but upou pledges given in a manner that we
cannot doubt, determined to trust to your honor
rather than to its own power. Since our arrival
an officer of the United States acting, as \e aie
assured, not only without, but against vour or
ders, has dismantled one lort and occupied anoth
er, thus altering to a most important extent the
condition of affa rs under which we came,
i Until these circumstances are explained in a
! manner which relieves us of all doubt a to the
spirit in which these negotiations shall be con
ducted, we are forced to suspend all discussion as
to any arrangements by wuich our mutual inter
ests might be amicably adjusted.
And. in conclusion, we would urge upon you the
immediate withdrawal of the troops from the har
bor of Charleston. Under present circumstances,
they are a standing menace which renders nego
tiation impossible, and, our recent experience
shows, threatens speedily to bring to a bloody is
sue questions which ought to be settled with tem
perance and judgment.
We have tho honor to be,
Very Respectfully,
\ our obedient servants,
R. W. Barnwell, j
J. H. Adams, r Commissioners.
James L. Okr, )
To the President of the United States.
Washington City, Dec. 30th, 1860.
Gentlemen : —l have had the honor to receive
your communication of 28th instant, together
with a copy of “your full powers of the Conven
tion of the People of South Carolina,” authorizing
y°u to treat with the Government of the Un ted
States on various important subjects therein men
tioned, aud also a copy of the Ordinance, bearing
date on tho 20th instant, declaring that “the
Union now subsisting between South Carolina
and other States, under the name of the “United
States ot America,” is hereby dissolved.
In answer to this communication, I have to say,
that my position, ;i President of the United
States, w as clearly defined 111 the Message to Con
gress on the 3d instant. In that I stated that,
‘ apart from the execution of the laws, so far as
this may be practicable, the Executive has no au
thority to decide what shall be the relations be
tween the Federal Government and South Caroli
na. lie has been invested with no such discre
tion. He possesses no power to change the rela
tions heretolore existing between them, much less
to acknowledge the independence of that State.
This would be to invest a ui#sre Executive officer
with the power of recognizing the dissolution of
the Conlederary among our thirty-three Sove
reign States, it bears no resemblance to the re
cognition of a foreign defacto Government invol
ving no such responsibility. Any attempt to do
this would, on his part, be a naked act, of usurpa
tion. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Con
gress the whole question in all its bearings.”
Such is my opinion still. I could therefore meet
you only as private gentlemen of the highest char
acter, and was entirely willing to communicate to
Congress any proposition you might have to make
to that body upon the subject. Os this you were
well aware. It was my earnest desire that such
a disposition might be made of the whole subject
by Congress, who alone possess the power, as to
prevent the inauguration of a civil war between
the parties in regard to the possession of the Fed
i erjl forts in the harbor of Charleston ; ands
therefore deeply regret, that, in your opinion
“the events ot the last twenty-four hours render
this impossible.
In conclusion you urge upon me “the imme
diate withdraw al of the tioops from the harbor of
Charleston, stating that “under present circum
stances they are a standing menace which renders
negotiation impossible, and us our recent experi
ence shows, threatens speedily to bring to a bloody
issue questions which ought to be ‘settled with
tempeiance and judgment.”
Tlie reason lor tins clianoc in your posilion is
tliut since vour arrival in Charleston, “an officer
of the United States, acting as wo (you) are as
sured not only without, but against your (ray) or
ders, lias dismantled one tort and occupied an
other, thus altering to a most important extent
the condition of affairs under which we (you)
came. ’ \ou also allege that you came here “the
Representatives of an authoriti which could at
any time within the past sixty days have taken
possession ot the forts in Charleston harbor, but
which, upon pledges given in a manner that we
(you) cannot doubt, determined to trust to vour
(myi honor rather than to its power.”
‘t his brings me to a considerstion of the nature
of those alleged pledges, and in what mannerthey
have been observed. Iu ray Message of the 3d of
December last, I stated, in regard to the property
of the United States in South Carolina; that it
“bus been purchased for u fair equivalent bv the
coifsent of the Legislature of the for the
erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, <fec., and
over these the authority to exercise exclusive le
gi slat ion, has been expressly granted bv the Con
stitution to Congress. It is not believed that any
attempt will be made to expel the United States
from this property by force; but if in this I should
prove to be mistaken, the officer in command of
the forts ba-> received orders to act strictly on tho
defensive. In such a contingency, the responsi
bility for consequences would rightfully rest upon
the bends of the assailants.”
This hving the condition of parties, on Satur -
day, bib December, four of the Representatives
from South Carolina called on me, and requested
au interview. A\ e had an earnest conversation
on the subject of these forts, uud the best means
ot preventing a collision between the parties, for
the purpose of sparing the effusion ot blood. I
suggested, for prudential reasons, that it would
be best to put 111 writing what they said to me
verbally. They did so accordingly, and on Mon
day morning, the 10th instant, three of them pre
sented to me paper, signed by all tho Represen
tatives from South Carolina w ith a single excep
tion, of which the following is a copy :
” To lfis Excellency, Janie* Buchanan ,
President United States:
Iu compliance with our statement to you yester
day, we now express to you our strong convictions
that neither the constituted authorities nor any
body of the people of the State of South Carolina,
will either attack or molest the flirted States forts
in the harbor of Charleston previously to the ac
tion of the Convention, and w’e hope and believe
not until an offer has been made through an ac
credited representative tp negotiate for an amica
ble arrangement of all matters between the Suto
and the Federal Government, provided that no
reinforcements shull be sent into those forts, aud
their relative military status shall remain a* at
present.
John McQueen,
M. L. Bonham,
\V. \V. Boyce,
Laurence M. Keitt.
Washington, 9th December, 1860.”
And heie 1 must, in justice to myself, remark
that, ai the time the paper was presented to me, 1
objected to the word “provided,” as it might be
construed into an agreement ou my part which I
never would make. Thev said that nothing was
further from their intention—they did not so un
derstand it, and I should not so consider it. It
evident they could enter into no reciprocal agree
ment with me on the subject. They did not pro
fess to have authority to do this, and were acting
in their individual character. I considered it as
nothing more in effect than the promise of highly
honorable gentlemen to exert their influence for
the purpose expressed.
The event has proven that they have faithfully
kept their promise, although I have nevv*r since
received a line from any one of them, or from any
member of the Convention, on the subject. L is
will known it was and tvrmiuutiou. and this I
freely expressed, uot to reinforce the fonts in the
harbor and thus produce u collision, until they
had beeu actuully attacked, or until I had certaiu
evidence that they were about to be attacked.
This paper I received most cordially, and consid
ered it as a happy omen that peace might still be
preserved, and that time might be thus given for
reflection. This is the whole foundation for the
alleged pledge. But I acted in the same manner
as rwould have done had I entered into a positive
aud formal agreement with parties capable of con
tracting, although such an agreement would have
been on m3’ part, from tire nature of my official
duties, impossible. The world knows that 1 have
never sent any reinforcements to the forts iu
Charleston harbor; and I have certainly never
authorized any change to be made in their milita
ry status. Bearing upon this subject, I refer you
to an order issued by the Secretary of War. on
the 11th ffist., to Major Auderson, but uot brought
to my notice until the 21st inst. It is as follows :
“Memorandum o f Verbal Instructions to Motor An
derson, Ist Artillery , Commanding Fort Moul
trie, South Carolina :
“You are aware of the great anxiety of the Se
cretary of War that a collision of the troops with
the people of this State shall be avoided, and of
his studied detetinitiation to pursue a course with
reference to the military lorce and forts in this
harbor which shall guard against such a collision.
He has, therefore, carefully abstained from in
creasing the force at this point, or taking ant’
measures which might add to the present excited
state of the public mind, or which would thr6w
any doubt on the confidence he feels that South
Carolina wifi not attempt by violence to obtain
possession of the public works or interfere with
their occupancy.
“But as the counsel and acts of rah and im
pulsive persons may possibly disappoint these ex
pectations of the Government, he deems it proper
that you should be prepared, with instructions to
meet so unhappy a eonticgency. He has, there- I
lore, directed me verbally to give you such in-
studious.
‘‘You are carefully to avoid every act which |
would ueedlessly tend to provoke aggression, and i
lor that reason you are not, without necessity, to j
take up any position which could be construed j
into the assumption of a hostile attitude ; but you !
are to hold possession of the forts in thi? harbor, |
1 and it attacked you are to defend yourself to the ■
! last extremity
“The smaiiness of your force will not permit ■
you, perhaps, to occupy more than one of the j
! three forts, but an attack on, or attempt to take
possession of either of them, will be regarded as
an act of hostility, and you may then put you;
! command iuto of them which you mav 1
’ deem most proper, to increase its power or resis
; tance. You are also authorized to take similar *
■ steps wheuever vou have tangible evidence of a |
! design to proceed to a hostile act.
D. P. Bltleb.
“Assistant Adjutant-General.” *
“Fort Moultrie, 8. C., December 11, 1*
This is in conformity to mv instructions to Ma- !
jor Buell. John B. Floyd,
“Secretary of War.” \
These w ere the last instructions transmitted to !
Major Anderson before his removal to Fort Sum
ter, w; .. exception, in regard to a par
ticular which does notin any degree effect the
preseut question. Under these circumstances, it
is m.: Major Anderson acted upon his own ;
responsibility aud without authority, unless, in- |
deet , he h and “tangible evidence of a design to .
proceed to a hostile act” on the part of the autho- -
rilics of South Carolina, which has not been al- J
legtd. Still he is a brave aud honorable officer,
ami justice requires that he should not be condem
ed without a fair hearing.
Be this as it may, when I learned that Major •
Anderson had left’ Fort Moultrie and proceeded
to Fort Sumter, my first p; omptings were :o com
mand him to return to hi former position, and
there to await the contingencies presented in his
instructions. This would only have been done, f
with any degree of safety to the command, by the !
concurrence ot the South Carolina authorities.— i
But before aay steps could possibly have been ta
ken in this direction, we received information
that the “Palmetto flag floated cut to the breeze
at Castle Pinckney, and a large military force :
went over last night (the *27th'i to Fort Moultrie.” ;
Tbus, the authorities of South Carolina, without •
waiting or asking for any explanations, and,
doubtless, believing as you have expressed it, that 1
the officer had acted not only without, but against :
my orders, on the very next day after the night
when the removal was made, seized by a military j
force, two of the three Federal forts in the harbor
>f Charleston, and covered them under their own 1
flag, iu.riiead of that of the United States. At this
gloomy period of our history, startling events I
succeed each other rapidly.
On the very day, the 27th instant, that posses
.-ion of these two forts was taken, the Palmetto j
flag was reised over the Federal Custom House
and Postoffice in Charleston, and on the same day !
every officer of the Customs —Collector, Naval Oi- ‘
ficer, Surveyor and Appraiser—resigned their of- j
flees. And this, although it was well known from 1
the language of my Message, that, us an Execu- 1
tive officer, I felt myself bound to collect the rev- j
enue at the port of ‘Charleston under the existing j
laws. In the harbor of Charleston we now tind j
: three forts confronting each other, over all of
which the Federal flag floated only four days ago; !
. but now, cvhi- two ot them this flag lias been sup- !
planted, and the Palmetto flag has been substi
tuted in its stead.
It is under all these circumstances that I am
’ urged immediately to withdraw the troops from
the harbor of Charleston, and am informed that
without this, negotiation is impossible. This I
cannot do ; this 1 will not do. Such an idea was
never thought of by me in any possible emergen
: cy. No such allusion had been made in any com
munieation between myself and any human being.
But the inference is, that I am bound to withdraw
the troops from the only fort remaining in the pos
session cf the (I. S. in the harbor of Charleston,
because the officer there in command of all the
forts thought proper, without instructions, to
change his position from one of them to another.
I At this point of writing I have received infor
mation by telegraph, from Captain Humphreys,
in command of the Aisenal at Charleston, that
“it has to-day i .Sunday, the 30th,; beeu taken by
force ot arms.” It is estimated that the muni
tions of war belonging to the United States in
i this Arsenal are worth half a million of dollurs.
Comment is needless. After this information, I
have only to add, that whilst it is my duty to <ie
i fend Fort Sumter, as a portion of the public
i property of the United States, against hostile at
tacks from whatever quarter they may come, by
i such means as I may possess for this purpose, I
•lo not perceive how such a defence can be con
! strued into a menace ugainst tho city of Charles
ton.
W itii great personal regard, I reinatn yours
very respectfully, James Buchanan.
T ) the Honorable Robert Barnwell, James H.
Adams, James L. Orr.
Washington, I). C., Jan. 1.1861.
Sir : We have the honor to acknowledge the re
ceipt of your letter <>f the 30th December, in reply
to a note addressed by us to you on the 28th of
the same month, as Commissioners from South
Carolina.
In reference to the declaration with which your
reply commences, that your “position as Presi
dent of the United States was clearly defined in
the Message to Congress on the 3d inst.;” that
you possess “no power to change the relations
heretolore existiug” between South Carolina and
the States, “much less to acknowledge the inde
pendence of that State,” and that consequently
you could meet us only a> private gentlemen of
the highest character, with an entire willingness
to communicate to Congress any proposition we
might have to make,” we deem it only necessary
to say that the State of South Carolina having, iu
the exercise of that great right of self-government
w hich unck-nlies all our politicul organizations,
declared herself sovereign and independent, we,
as her representatives, felt no special solicitude
as to the character in which you might recognize
us.
Satisfied that the State had simply exercised
her unquestionable right, we were prepared, in
order to reach substantial good, to waive the
formal considerations which your constitutional
scruples might have prevented you from exten
ding. We came here, therefore, expecting to be
received as you d.d receive us, and perfectly con
tent with that entire willingness, of which you
assured us, to submit any proposition to Con
gress, which we might have to make upon the
subject of the Independence of the chute. That
willingness was ample recognition of the condi
tion of public affairs which rendered our presence
necessary. In this position, however, it is our
duty, both to the State which we represent uud to
outa elves, to correct several important miscon
ceptions of our letter, into which you have fallen.
You say “it was my earnest desire that such a
disposition should be made of the whole subject
by Congress, who alone possess the power, to
prevent the inauguration of a civil war between
1 lie parties in regard to tho possession of the
Federal forts in the harbor of Charleston, and i
therefore, deeply regret that, in your opinion,
‘the events of the last twenty-four hours render
this impossible.” ’ We expressed no such opinion,
and the language which you quote as ours is al
tered in its sense by the omission of a most im
portant part of the sentence. What we did say
was: “But the events of the last twenty-four
hours render such an assurance impossible.”
Place that “assurance” us contained in our letter
in the sentence, and we are prepared to repeat it.
Again, professing to quote our language, you
say : “Thus, the authorities of South Carolina,
without waiting or asking tor any explanation,
and, doubtless believing, as you have expressed
it, that the officer had acted not only without, but
against my orders,” Ac. We expressed’ no such
opinion in reference to the belief of the people of
South Carolina.
Tiie language which you have quoted was ap
plied solely and entirely to our assurance, obtain
ed here', and based, us you well know, upon your
own declaration, a declaration which, at that time,
it was impossible for the authorities of South
Carolina to have known. But, wilbut following
this letter into all its details, we propose only tu
meet the chief points of the argument.
Some weeks ago, the State of South Carolina
declared her inteulion, in the exi ting condition
of public affairs, to secede from the United States.
She called a Convention of her people to put her
declaration in force. The Convention met aud
passed the Ordinance ofSeceesion. All this you
anticipated, and vour course of action was thor
oughly considered. In your annual Message you
declared you had no right, and would not attempt
to coerce a seceding State, but that you were
bound by ymir cousuuiiumal outb, uud would de
fend the property of the United States within the
borders of South Cured iu a, if an attempt was made
to take it by lorce.
Seeing very early that this question of property
was a difficult and delicate one, you manifested a
desire to settle it without collision. You did not
reinforce the garrison in the harbor of Charles
ton. You removed a distinguished and veteran
officer from the command of Fort Moultrie be
cause he attempted to increase his supply of am
munition. You refused to send additional troops
to the same garrison, when applied lor by the offi
cer appointed to succeed him. You accepted the
resignation of the oldest and most eminent mem
ber of your Cabinet, rather than allow the garri
son, to he strengthened. You compelled an offi
cer stationed at Fort Sumter to return immediate
ly to the Arsenal forty muskets, which he had ta
ken to arm his men. lou expressed, not to one,
but to many of the most distinguished of our pub
lic characters, whose testimony will be placed up
on the record, whenever it is necessary, your
anxiety for a. peaceful teiminatiou of this contro
versy, and your willingness not to disturb the
military status of the forts, if Commissioners
should be sent to the Government, whose commu
nications you promised to submit to Congress.
You received and acted od assurances from the
highest official authorities of South Carolina that
no attempt would be made to disturb your pos
session of the forts and property of the United
States if you would not disturb their existing
condition until the Commissioners had been sent,
aud the. attempt to negotiate had tailed. You
took from the members of the House of Repre
sentatives a written memorandum that no such
attempt should be made, “ provided that no rein
forcements shall be. sent into those forts aud their
relative military status shall remain asat present.”
And although you attach no force to the accep
tance of such a paper—although you “considered
it :'s u .thing more in effect thau the promise ot
highly honorable gentlemen,” as an obligation ou
one side without n corresponding obligation on
the other, it must be remembered (if we are right
fully informed ) that you were pledged, if you
ever did send reinforcements, to return it to those
from whom you have received it before you exe-
cut-cd your resolution.
You sent orders to your officers commanding
. them, strictly to follow a line of conduct iu con
formity with such an understanding. Besides all
this, you had received formal and official notice
trom the Governor of South Carolina that we had
been appointed Commissioners, and were on our
\/ay t.. Washington. You knew the implied con
dition under which wc came; our arrival was no
tified to you, and an hour appointed for an inter
| view. We arrived in Washington on Wednesday,
! it 3 o’clock, and you appointed au interview with
us at 1 the next day. Early on that duv . Thurs
day the news was received here of the movement
of Major Anderson. The news was communica
ted to you immediately, aud you postponed our
meeting until half past 2 o’clock on Friday, in or
dcr that you,might consult yonr Cabinet. On
Friday we saw you, and we called upon you then
to redeem your pledge. You could not deny it.
With the facts we have stated, aud in the face of
the crowning and conclusive fact that your Secre
tary at Wai had resigned his seat in the Cabinet
upon the publicly avowed ground that the action
j of Major Anderson had violated the pledged faith
; of the government, and that unless the pledge
was instantly redeemed, denial was impossible.
You do not deny it now, but you seek to escape !
from its obligations on the grounds : Ist, That we 1
terminated all negotiation by demanding, as a j
preliminary, the withdrawal of the Unitea States !
troops from the harbor of Charleston ; and 2d, !
That the authorities of South Carolina, instead of j
asking explanation, and giving you the opportu- !
xiity to vindicate yourself, took possession of other
property of the tailed States. We will examine !
both.
In the first place, we deny positively that we
have ever, in any way, made any such demand.
Our letter is in your possession; * it will stand bv
this on record. In it we inform you of the objects
of our mission. We say that it* would have been
our duty to hare assured you of our readiness to •
commence negotiations, with the most earnest !
desire to settle all questions between us amicably ’
and to our mutual advantage, but that events hud ‘
rendered that assurance impossible. We stated
the events, aud we said that, until some satisfac- j
tory explanation of these events was given us, we j
could not proceed, aud then, having made this I
request for explanation, we “And, in con |
elusion, we would urge upon you the immediate
withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of
Charleston. Under present circumstances, thev
are a standing menace which renders negotiation
impossible,” Ac. “Under present circumstances!”
What circumstances ? \N by, clearly the occupa
tion of Fort Sumter and the dismantling of Fort
Moultrie bv Major Anderson, in the face of your
pledges, aud without explanation or practical dis
avowal. And there is nothing in the letter which
would or could have prevented you from declining
to withdraw the troops and offering the restora
tion of the status to which you were pledged, if
i such had been your desire. If would havb been
wiser and better, in our opinion, to have with*
; drawn the troops; and this opinion we urged upon
you, but we demanded nothing but such an expla
nation of the evento of the last twenty-four hours
| us would restore our confidence in the spirit with
which the negotiations should be conducted.
In relation to this withdrawal o! the troops
] from the harbor, we are compelled, however, to
! notice one passage of your letter. Referring to
it you say, “Tms I cannot do. This I will not
do. Such an idea was never thought of by me in
I any possible contingency. No allusion to it had
ever beeu made in any communication between
1 myself aud any human being.”
* In reply to this statement we are compelled to
| say, thut your conversation with us left upon our
| minds the distinct impression that you did seri- i
ously contemplate the withdrawal of tbe troops
Tom Charleston harbor. And in snnportof this i
; impression we would add, that we have this posi- j
I live assurance of gentlemen of the highest possi- j
j ble publ'C reputation and the most unsullied inte- i
grity—men whose name and fame, secured by !
long service and patriotic achievement, place
ihvr testimony beyond cavil, —that such sugges
tions had been made to and urged upon you bv
them, aud had formed the subject of more than j
one earnest discussion with you. And it was this .
knowledge that induced us to urge upon you a I
policy waich had, to recommend it, its own wis- f
dom and the weight of such authority.
A? to the second point, that the authorities of
South Carolina, instead of asking explanations
aud giving you the opportunity to vindicate your- j
seif, took possession of other property of ihe’ Uni- j
ud States, we would observe, nr&t, that even iF:
this were so, it does not avail you for defeLoe, for |
the opportunity for decision was afforded you be
fore these facts occurred. We arrived iu* Wash- j
ingtou on Wednesday. The news from Major j
Andvrson reached here on Thursday, and was lm- j
mediately communicated to you. All that day
men of the highest consideration—men who had ,
striven successfully to lift you to your great of- I
flee—who had been your tried and true frieuds
through the troubles of your Adminiairation,
sought you, and entreated jwi to act, to a.
once.
They told jfcu that every hour your
position. only asked you t.. give tne assu
rance that if the facts were so—that if the Coni- ;
mander had acted without aud against your or
ders, aud iu violation cf your pled jes—that you
would restore the status von had pledged your
honor to maintain. You refused io decide. Your
Secretary of War—your immediate aud proper
adviser in this whole matter—waited anxiously
for your decision until he felt that delay was be
coming dishonor.
More than twelve hours passed, aud two Cabi
net meetings had adjourned, before you knew
what the authorities of South Carolina had done,
and your prompt decision at any moment of that
time would have avoided the subsequent compli
cations. But if you had known the acts of the
authorities of South Carolina, should that have
prevented your keeping your faith? What was
the condition of things ? * For the last sixty days
you have had in Charleston harbor not lorce
enough to hold the forts against an equal enemy.
Two of them were empty ; one of those, too, the
most important in the harbor. It could have been
taken any time. You ought to know better thau
any man that it would have beea taken but for
j the efforts of those who put their trust in vour
! honor.
j Believing that they were* threatened by Fort
j Sumpter especially, the people were with difficul
j ty restrained from securing, without blood, the
possession of this important fortress. After many
! and reiterated assurances given on your behalf',
1 which we cannot believe unauthorized, thev de
j termined to forbear, and in good faith sent on
their Commissioners to negotiate with you. They
: meant you no harm ; wished you no ill. They
; thought of you kindly ; believed you true; and
; were wfiling, as far as was consistent with duty,
to spare you unnecessary and hostile collision.—
Scarcely had their Commissioners left, than Major
Anderson waged war. No other words wifi de
scribe his action.
It was not a peaceful change from one fori to
another ; it was a hostile act iu the highest sense,
and only justified in the presence ot u superior
enemy and in imminent peril. He abandoned his
position, spiked bis guns, burned his gun-car
riages, made preparations for the destruction oi I
his post, and withdrew under cover of the night j
to a safer position. This was war. No man could ■
have believed (without your assurance ) that any
officer could have taken such a step, “not only j
without orders, but against orders.” What the |
State did was in simple self-defence; for this act,
with all its attending circumstances, was as much
war as firing a volley ; and, war being thus be
gun. until those commencing it explained their
action aud disavowed their intention, there was
no room for delay, u.id even at this moment,
while we are writing, it is more than probable
trom the tenor of your letter, that re-iuforcements
are burying into the conflict, so that when the
tirstgun shall be tired, there wifi have been on
vour part one continuous consistent series of
actionscommeucrtig in a demonstration essentially
war-like, regular re-inforccmeuts,
and terminating in defeat or victory. And uli
this without the slightest provocation ; for, among
the many things which you have said, there is
one thing you cannot say- -you have waited
anxiously for news from the seat of war, in hopes
that delay would furnish some excuse for this
precipitation.
Bui this “tangible evidence of a design to pro
ceed to a hostile act on the part of the authorities
of South Carolina” which is the onlv injustitieatiou
,of Major Anderson, you are forced to admit “has
! not yet been alleged.” But you have decided. You
I have resolved to hold by force what you have ob
tained through our misplaced confidence, aud bv
refusing to disavow the action of Major Anderson
have converted bis violation of orders into a legiti
mate act of your Executive authority.
Be the issue what it may, of this we are assured
that if Fort Moultrie has been recorded in history
as u memorial of Carolina gallantry, Fort ,Sumter
will leave upon the succeeding page an imperish
able testimony of Carolina faith.
By your course you have probably rendered
civil war inevitable. Be it so. If you choose to
force this issue upon us the State of South Caroli
na will acoept it, and relying upon Him who is
the God of Justice as well as the God of Hosts,
will endeavor to perform the great dutv which*
lies before her, hopefully, bravely aud thorough
ly.
Our mission being one for negotiation and
peace, and your note leaving us without hope of a
withdrawal of the troops from Fort Sumter, or of
the restoration of the statu quo existing at the
time.of oQr arrival, and intimating, as we think,
your determination to reinforce the garrison iu
the harbor of Charleston, we respectfully inform
you that we purpose returning to Charleston to
morrow afternoon.
We have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully
your obedient servants,
R. W. Barn well, i
J. 11. Adams, - Commissioners
Jas. L. Orr, )
To His Excellency, the I’resident of the United
States. -
Tho following was the endorsement ou the pa
per:
Executive Mansion, 4 o’clock.
This paper just presented to the President, is
of such a character that lie declines to receive it.
Addekss to the People.—The follow iug address
to the pccplo of the United States, a movement
of Senator Bigler and John Cochrane, of New
York, has been signed by Mr. Crittenden and
many other members of Congress. The proposi
tions are those introduced into the Senate by Mr.
Crittenden. The object is to get Mia approval of
the people in order that tiie proposed amendments
may be passed, by u vote of two thirds, as amend
ments to the Constitution :
“Your country is in imminent peril. The Fede
ral Union is iu process of disruption. Without
your aid Congress can do liti-.o .0 avert the im
pending calamity. The fccuut© Committee of
Thirteen have reported their inability to agree
upon any basis oi adjustment between the North
and South. The House ‘Committee of Thirty
Three have arrived at 110 satisfactory conclusion.
Meanwhile, the work of dissolution is moving
forward with frightful strides, and mutual exas
peration and discord is inflaming the whole land.
The remedy is in your hands. You have the power
to arrest the movements which are. certain to in
volve the whole nation in a deadly internecine
strife, and to restore peace to our distracted coun
try. The undersigned, representing all sections
of our common couutry, in view ot these unhappy
surroundings, have deemed it our duty io ;•> > :il
to y(ii.
“We have reason to believe that the f< ]lowing
proposed amendments to the Constitution, if
passed by a two-thirds vote of Congress and rati
fied by three-fourths of the States, would have,
the effect to allay promptly and permanently tho
sectional strife about slavery, and re-establish re
lations of peace and good will between the States
and the people. We therefore earnestly and nr
gently recommend that, with 11s little delay as
possible, you express your judgment on the pro
posed amendments. You cau best tell how this
can be done, whether by public meetings, conven
tions of delegations, or through the ballot-box.
If action be had at all, to be effective it must come
promptly, in such form as to indicate unmis
takably your wifi on the subject, so that your rep
resentatives in Congress may govern their actions
accordingly. Meanwhile we shull endeavor so
maintain the Government and preserve the public
peace.”
Memorials are pouring into Congress from the
Northern States, signed By men cl all political
parties, praying Congress to submit Mr. Critten
den’s resolutions ns an amendment to the Consti
tution. Senator Bigler presented a large number
this morning, and expressed the opinion that
Pennsylvania would sanction the measure; that
his State would concede anything for peace, ex
cept the Union ; that she would never yield. There
is a rapidly growing sentiment throughout, the
North favorable to Mr. Crittenden’s plan of ad
justment, and letters are pouring in urging the
Republicans to accept it.
Letter From Senator Bayard.— Senator Bay
ard, of Delaware, has written a letter, in which ho
hopes, if u separation must take place, which he
thinks likely, that it will be peaceable. Os coer
cion, he says:
it is but vuin to moot the question whether c<>
eroion Would be within the powers oft ho General
Government, and could be beneficially used to
achieve its object if a single State seceded from
the Union without cause. No such statoof things
exists ; though it is true that one State has al
ready withdrawn from the Union on what she
deems sufficient cause. But public opinion in
nearly every Southern State is almost unanimous,
that grave cause of complaint exists, aud that re
sistance iu some mode is requisite ; and iu live or
more States, it is also unanimous, or greatly pre
! ponderant, that the on.v mode of redress is by
j withdrawing from the rV■■.’oral Union : Should
they do so, though the act of severance may hr
| separate, combined action will immediately l\;d
----| low, and any attempt by the Federal Government
to restrain or coerce their action by force, will
I but increase the combined resistance. This seems
j to me so evident that I should seriously distrust
j that man’s attachment to the Union, or hold in
light estimation his capacity and judgment, who,
j on the occurrence of events which are now nearly
j certain, should advise the use of force by the
General Government as a meuns o! preserving
Union.
Gov. Banks and the Crisis.— The two branches
I of the Massachusetts Legislature assembled a)
I the State-House Thursday, to hear Gov. Banks’
valedictory address. The assessed value of pro
perty of the State is £897,'•><),000. The enrolled
militia numbers 155,889 men. A considerable
space is devoted to the Personal Liberty law, and
its removal from the statute books. Gov. Banks
: concludes his address as follows :
There can be no peaceable secession of States ;
whether the Government is u compact between
States or a union of the people, it is nevertheless
a Government, and cannot be dissolved at ihe
bidding of any disaffected State. It has pledged
its faith to the people of every land, and that
pledge of faith cannot bo broken. It has been
sanctified by the sacrifice of tho best blood ot the
people, aud that sacrifice has made it a nation in
dissoluble and eternal. Neither can that portion
ot the continent now occupied by the American
States, be portioned out to hostile nations. By
war aud by purchase every part of tho country
has acquired indefeasible and perpetual rights m
every other part. The interior will never allow
the keys of the continent qn the Ocean uiui the j
Gulf shores to pass into the hands of an enemy,
nor can the maritime cities or States exist inde
pendent of the good will and support of the plan
tation and farming communities of the interior ;
aud though we should assent to an unnatur! ami
treasonable separation, the generations that sue
ceed us would contend, for centuries, to recover
their rights, until conquest or annihilation ended
the struggle. But no such result can fellow as
the destruction of the American Government.
The contest will be too terrible, the sacrifice too
momentous; the difficulties, in our path are too
slight, the capacity ot our people is too manifest,
and the future too brilliant to justify forebodings
or to excite permanent fear- The life of every
man is strengthened by trial, an I the strength or
every Government must be tested by revolt and
revolution. I doubt not that the Providence of
God, that has hitherto protected niil preserve
us now and forever.
• The Force Bill.— Mr. Bingham’s bill, reported
I by him from the House Judiciary Committee on
| Thursday last, provides that whenever, by rea
j son of unlawful obstructions, combinations, or as
; semblages of persona, it shall become impractica
ble, in the judgment of the President, to execute
the revenue laws and collect the duties on imports
in the ordinary way, it shall be lawful for him to
direct the Custom House for such district to be
established aud kept in any secure place, within
some port or harbor of said district, either on land
or on board any vessel, and in that case it shall be
the duty of the’ Collector to reside at such
and there detain all vessels ana cargoes arriving
within the district, until the duties imposed on
the cargoes by law, shall be paid in cash, anything
in the laws of the United States to the contrary
notwithstanding ; and in such cases.t shall be un
lawful to take the vessel or cargo from the custody
of the proper officers of the customs, unless by a
process from some court of the United States, and
m case any attempt shall be made to take such
vessel or cargo by any force or combination, or
assemblages of persons too g r eat to be overcome
by the officers of the customs, it shall and may bd
lawful for the President, or such person or per
sons as he shall have empowered for the tmrpoae,
to employ such part of the land or naval forces, or
militia of the United States, as may be deemed
necessary for the purpose of preventing the re
moval of such vessel or cargo, and protecting tire
officers of the customs in retaining the custody
thereof.
South Carolina Commissioners. — Honorable
James L. Orr has been appointed Commissioner
to Georgia, and Hon. John McQueen to Texas, by
the South Carolina Convention.
(Lbronklr & fmtinri.
0
AUGUSTA, GA,.
WEDNESDAY MORNING, JAVJ 0, 1861.
OCT TERMS.—Single copies, 3“ I**? ;
uiree copies $5; six copies .$lO , 1” copies sls.
Invariably in advauce. No name R be enter
ed on our subscription books unit ■ the money
accompanies the order. The note- of all specie
paying banks taken at par. \fe employ no
travelling agents.
WS ATiWAYS stop the Chrom cle & Senti
nel af the euu of the year, or the Ame for which
it is paid, of which each subscribe will receive
due notice by letter, so that if yc a wish to con
tinue it, it would be well to renewrour subscrip
tion at least two weeks before th* time expires.
WE CANNOT change the address of a sub
scriber-unless he gives us his fwtner as well as
his present address.
Ou Venerable Selv .
| To-day the Daily Chronicle a- Kntinel enters
| upon the twenty-Jifth of its age, fend the W eekly
! Chronicle upon its se vtnty-fifth Older than
| the Constitution, our weekly journal has grown
i up with it through two generation-, and now bids
! fair to out-last it. Is it any wondtfcthat we should
wish u> see perpetuated the government under
i which we bate lived and flourished V
We are thankful to our many frieuds for the
; unvarying support we have received from them,
1 and though with the weight of th ee fourths ot a
century upon us they cunuot expect much aupple
; ness, yet we make our best bow tc them, and wish
them a “Happy New’ Year.”
In conformity to the custom of making a holi
day of New Year’s day, we &hal issue no paper
; to-morrow.
yat.
Richmond County*
\Yo subjoiA the official vote erf Richmond coun
ty on Tuesday last: _
I 111 | I F
1 : ; : U %
Del gates.
Oeo. V.. Ci uwford.... 1111 jST V 72 1268
Jehu Dllm*2v 1062 3d 33 8 37 1206
I. P. G ovin* Idl'd 36 33 8 69 1241
Oh as, .T. Jenkins 4, >6 43-40 77> 88 Td4
John]*. King 406 43 j 36 74 86 647
Alex. O. Walker 40*-. 41 40 74 83 651
Just. Inf. Court.
Jos. B. Bishop 772 si 34 80 146 1133
John I>. Smith.. I*2oo 80j 53 S3 151 1657
li. G. Bassford 1450 Soi >3 81 152 1316
.1 as. McNair 1352 M >4 82 152 1721
Thos. F. Gieenwood . .1418 Bli 55 80 150 1684
Geo. T. Jackson* 867 0 0 0 0 867
lienj. H. Warren 50 0 o 0 O 50
Rece’r. Tax Belarus.
John A. Bolder I*2-17 77 49 71 97 1541
Jos. I!. Burch 114 3 U * &.> 198
John il. Mead 106 0 4 0 1 111
Tax Collector.
J as. Bru.idou 146 1 8 55 29 239
J as. T. Barton 304 ‘2® 1 0 28 353
Chas. G. Butler ‘2.', 2 1 0 13 342
Henry P- Walker. .. 80 4{ 0 20 39 184
Robt. Y. Bugg 173 {> 3 6 o- 23L
Wni. ii. Chavous. . 109 ( 43 3 8 163
I>. A. Phil pot 124 ( 16 0 1 141
M. W. Woodruff 99 t u 0 0 99
*Not a oandidatc.
WiLicics County.—Ther votJat the late election
in \Y ilkes county stood, for tie Secession ticket
1). J. J. Robertson 343; HonllU Toombs 339. For
co-operation, B. Wallace 43?; R. Bradford 48.
Executive Depautmejtts 01 South Carolina.—
Gov. Ficit;-. has appointed Hho following heads
of Departments :
Secretary of State.—A. G.JMagrath.
“ “War—l>. F. jlmison.
“ “ Treasury.—C|G. Meuminger.
“ “ Inter!(*.—A. Garlinoton.
Postmaster GeneraC W. A . Harlkb.
Ambrosial Oji diould lird a place in every
home, where it may bo ever ready to relieve sul*
feriug* humanity. Bead th- evidence in our
special notices.
A correspondent of the Nd'v York 77 mm w rites
from Washington * —lt is understood that Gov.
Brown, vf Georgia* bus solicited from the Secre
tary of War, and obtaiued a year's leave of ab
sence for Col. Hardee, late. Commandant at West
Point, to go to Europe to purchase guns and mu
nitions of war for the State (f Georgia. I receive
this information from excellent authority, which
there is no reason to question.
Jmrouy of Specie.—The ;ar£e influx of specie
to Now York has done muqii to relieve the panic
there. The papers of that city inform us that on
Saturday week California 1 seut * 1,000,000, the
next day the Europft brought from Eng
lain , the Etna came on Tuesday with $380,000, on
•\\ ednesday the Atlantic brt ught -30,000, and on
Thursday came the Persia with U',100,000, to
which the Quaker C*.ty, lrom Havana, added
$107,718, and the Borassia,rfrom Hamburg, §17,-
500, making the receipts of that Jay $3,225,218, or
$5,945,21 > for u week;.
Amoug the bogus telegraphic dispatches, which,
as we warned our readers Some days ago, would
flood the Staoe on the-eve of election, w as one, we
understand, announcing th?.fc the Senate Commit
tee of thirteen had adjouned sine die. This, of
course, was not true, thejCommittee adjourned
subject, to be called togethr at anytime by its
Chairman.
The 1 Crayon*.—The January number of this ex
cellent Art Journal has bim received. We have
often, spoken in commend*don of the Crayon , and
we st e no reason as vet 1. j changing our opinion.
It ia edited with decided ability and boldness, and
its influence mu- t be in tie,highest degree bene
ficial it* A rfc and Artists iiithe United States. We
wish it abundant succeai. Terms three dollars
per annum. Address J. If rand, or W. Hollings
woktij, Sew York.
The Home Journal, puctished at New York, by
Morris & Willis, has just commenced anew vol
ume, in a neat and bcaujtiful dress. It is, as ev
erybody knows, one of tfak best, if not the best lit
erary weekly in this couitry. The first number
of tbo new year contains he opening chapters of
a tale called “The Uegeiy’ > Son,” by Marian M.
Pclu!\. All the other .eeuliar features which
have made this journal fiinous, are retained, and
other novelties are promised. T. * i:.s two dollars
a year. Address ne abow.
—
I*or Cuarlbstonv—Tht Edgetiela liitles, num
boring >3 men, under coicmaud of Capt. C. Ad
ams, left Hamburg for on Sunday
night.
Funeiuj. of Kelly Lew.—On Sunday after
noon la::t_„ Kelly Low, the colored preacher, late
of the Sj ringficld (African) Church, who died on
Thu* was buried onithe south side of said
Church, agreeably to permUsionuf the City Coun
cil, grain*-:i at their regular meeting on Friday.
The pro*jer siou, composed of neat, orderly, well
dressed colored males and females, was a very
large otfiu, numbering between 1,000 and 1,200-
There Avert* also about 40 vehicles with their occu
pants 4, in the line. The services at the (Tuirch
wer * interesting, anil impressive quite n number
ofv/rhiliu people being present to witness the cere
monies. Key. \V. J. II .un preached the funeral
sermon. It was a tilting evidence of the respect
and esteem entertained for the deceased, not otilv
by Ilia mombors of his congregation and the ct I
ored coininnnity genmlly, but by his white
friend)., among whom he was held in high I'egurd.
Sinwi. Frederick ll ekler, a native of Hwifz
1-rlandiTibout >years Id, in the employ of Mr
. Kleisuh, confectioner, while nrto'dented yoster
day, committed suieidt by taking Morphine in
large ipiantities. An inguest was held this morn
ing l)> Coroner linker, Verdict in acrordunee
with -above tacts. -1 h-ys!< 1 , , , s f.
I l*ttnsoXAt..--\Vo were gratified on Tuesday hv a
call from our old friuiul K. 1,. Snow, the well
I known and deservedly popular Agent of the
i Charleston Count r, the New Vork Albion, and
| numers,us other iicwapn,ninguziues, reviews,
| Ac-. Tlx sight of his pleaauut face in these gloomy
times ‘‘fortifies like a cordial.” Ue has got rather
u chilling (though spotless) uaine, but lie has n
warm heart, which mikes ample amends, lie
has tnjops of friends m all portions of the .South
ern iinsl Northern Slate , who are alwiiis equally
glint with ourselves to Welcome Inin
Mr. Use* is necouiptniied by Mr K I’ I.ymaf,
wild is ulsts Agent for the two pupi ls above mini
ed. Wo .• rebuilt com iieiitl these two g, utlemeti
to tjio good graces of tfce puhtic.
New tiei e. We advertise Iti-dut anew sttlool
glue, which hoi tbe un .led in .tei v home In.
ia rtporUJ to h. tin- identical glue with w blch the
man glued tus dog n g.-ther utter he t tt>,, <1,,--
not the man 1 had spin himself m two hullAn
running agabest a sharp post while in pur uni ,u a
rabbit. It is related ot tins uiifortiinnle dug lii.n
lie was stuck together with two legs up amt iiow n
and remains and .... lor the rest ol Ins life, albeit he
was a more ,tumble and aflei tlmu 1., foe tins
slight ae.-nieuk, berm. while lie was limning
two legs the other two were testing, and In- had
only to flop uwr on tin, rested legs and go ahead
afreah. This only show s that cure should he tu
ken in sticking tilings together, when you have u
good giue ?o v\t*rk with.
Aurora, Ao r . 0 6 .
lb lOD Food! Jlioon Foot.’ Are you despair
ing? Have you tried other remedies and tailed ‘
lto you classify Ilr. Bronson's Itlood Fond with
other patient medicine*? Listen’
It would be iuipoNSible to U*t vou know of the
Blood Food wititoul resorting to mhv.timn.
Sow iht ‘juiick tt resort to the game u.tLv I t.Tuc
quaint vow with their jmtent lic : .. , a , H . s ti , Jt
tiinko this preparation the same stvl- \*i tide at
all as theirs. Dr. Bronson ia uit vhor in our
medical oollcgca, and a very cclebrm i lecturer
on physiology , and his preparations— not patent
mediciene* are the r#uit of uu old physician’s
great experience and knowledge. Then do not
despair. Though you have tried other remedies
:tDd failed, try this and you will surely be cured.
Consumptive! you inay be cured by this. Un
fortunate 1 whose over-taxed system has brought
ou some disease, numbers suffering as
you are, find relief and restoration to perfect
health from the Blood Food. Dyspeptic,’ try it.
All suffering from Liver Complaint, mule or fe
male weakness, or any complaint caused bv pov
erty or deficiency of blood, feed vour blood with
the Blood Food and be well.
Mothers! Mothers ’ * If you value your own
comfort and the heaitn of your children, keep Dr.
• Baton s Infantile Cordial always in the house. It
; is ate, free from paragon*’ and all opiates, and is
a certain remedy for Diarrhea, Summer Com
plaint, and all diseases attending teething, and a
>rreat assistance in softening the gums. See ad
vertisement.
Much has been said of the Eastern Esculapius’
labors for the sick; not oue half has yet been
told of the indomitable perseverance of this singu
lar man. Imbued with tho conviction that Scro
fula is the parent of disease, he has been years
engaged in searching the boundaries of the earth,
for its antidote. With vast labor has he canvass
ed the products of sea and land, through both
continents until he has discovered that combina
tion of remedials which expurges this human rot
and corruption from the system. This new in
vention we now offer in our columns under the
name of Ayer’s Sarsaparilla, although its virtues
arsfrom substances fur more active and effectual
than Sarsaparilla.— Mercantile Journal.
Northern Diauuiouistsi
The Republican party arc consoling themselves j
for the probable loss of the Southern States, by
the anticipation that they will be remunerated by
the acquisition of Mexico, which at present lies
ready for the possession of any power strong
enough to afford her a stable government, and
able to repress the intestine commotions which
have for so many years made her a mockery and
a bye-word among the natious. If a Southern
Confederacy is formed, strong enough to contest
the possession of this brilliant prize with the
North, we think their hopes will prove fallacious
—North and South will again meet on the battle
fields of Mexico, not as frieuds, us they once were,
but in hostile ranks. With the necessity of self
preservation and expansion pressing upon us, we
cannot suffer Mexico to be occupied by a power
hostile to our institutions, and ease of access and
I contiguity will give us an advautage over any
competitor.
This idea of anew Union, including Mexico,
may tend to increase the abstinacy of the Repub
I cans, and may be the secret of their unwilling’
! ness to make concessions to preserve the present
j Union. But what sort of a Union will that be
1 which they propose *? Cut asunder by a belt of
j slave States five hundred miles or more in width,
I there can be no communication by land between
| its severed parts, except through an inimical
! country.
The uequsition of Cuba and Mexico, have been |
favorite projects of some Southern statesmen for |
years, llow can it be expected that these additions
of Territory can be made and the South prevent 1
herself from being cooped up within her present \
limits, unless her States co operate to prevent it V j
Seperate secession, or the splitting up of the I
South into several Conledcrace s will utterly do ,
away with any prospect for the acquisition of
Territory for years, perhaps forever, while the
United South, with the advantages we have men
tioned, will have more than equal chance with
any competitor. In the scramble for Territory,
let us be able to grasp with a strong hand.
Senator Wade may be considered the expouent
of the ideas of the Republican party on this sub
ject, and we quote from a recent speech of his :
Well, sir, if it shall be so; if that “glorious
Union,” as we all call it, under which the Govern
ment has so long lived and prospered, is now
about to come to a final end, as perhaps it may, I
have been looking around to see what policy we
should adopt; anu through that gloom which has
been mentioned ou the oilier side, if you will have
it so, l still see a glorious future for those who
Maud bv the old flag of the nation. There lie the
fair fields of Mexico all before us. The people
there are prejudiced against you. They fear you
I intend to overrun and enslave them. You are a
i slavery propajanda, and you are lillibusters.
1 That lias raised a violent antagonism between you
| and thorn. But, sir, it wo were once released from
’ all obligation to this lustitulion, iu six months
they would invito us 1o take a -protectorate over
them. They owe England a large debt, and she |
has been coaxing and inviting us to take the pro- |
tectorate of that nation. Tnev will aid us in it; j
and 1 say 10 the commercial men of the North, if
you go along with me, and adopt this policy,if we
‘must come to this, you will be seven-fold indemni
fied by the trade and commerce of that country
for what you lose by the secession. Talk about
eating ice and granite in the North ! Why, sir,.
Great Britain now carries on a commerce with
Mexico to the amount of nearly a hundred million
dollars. How much of it do we get? Only about
eight million. Why so? Because, by our treat
ment. of Mexico, we have led them to fear and
b) hate us ; and they have been compelled, byour
illiberal policy, to place themselves under the
shadow’ of a stronger nation for their own pro
tection.
The Senator from Illinois [Mr. Douglas] and
my colleague [Mr. Pugb] have said that we Black
Republicans were advocatesof negro equality, and
that we wanted to build up a black government.
Sir, it will be one of the most blessed ideas of the
times, if it shall come to this, that we will make
inducements lor every free black among us to find
his home in a more congenial climate in Central
America or in Lower .Mexico, and we will be
divested of every one of them ; and then, endowed
with the splendid domain that we shall get w r e
) will adopt a homestead policy, and we will invito
the poor, the destitue, iiitlnstrious white man from
every clime under heaven, to come in there and
make his fortune. So, sir, wo will build up a
nation, renovated by this process, of white labor
ing men. You may build yours up on compulsory
servile labor, and the two will flourish side by
side ; and we shall very soon see whether your
principles, of that state of society, or ours, is the
most prosperous or vigorous. I might ruv, sir,
that, divested of this institution, who doubts that
the provinces ot Canada would knock at our doors
in a day ? Therefore, my friends, we have all the
elements for building up an empire—a Republic,
founded on the great principle* of the Declaration
of Independence, that shall be more magnificent,
more-powerful, and more just than this world has
ever seen at any other period. I do not know that
J should have a single second for this policy ; but
it is a policy that occurs to me, ur.d it reconciles
me in some measure to the threatened loss or
secession of these .States.
Fort Pulaski Occupied by State Troops.
At an early hour yesterday morning detach
ments of men from the Chatham Artillery, Capt.
.1. S. Claghorn, Savannah Volunteer Guards,
Capt. John Screven, and Oglethorpe Light In
fantry, Capt. F. S. Bartow—fifty from each com
pany—left the city bv order of his Excellency,
Gov. Brown, for the purpose of taking possession
of Fort Pulaski, on Cockspur Island, about thir
teen miles from the city.
Adjutant-General Wayne and Col. A. R. Lawton
accompanied the troops to the Fort: —Savannah
Sett's, 4///.
The Republican says : From persons who came
up the river last night, we learn that the troops
despatched by steamer yesterday, arrived safely
at their destination, and immediately went to work
to prepare quarters and put the fortification iu a
complete state of defence. They me a working
as well as a fighting body, and should trouble
come they will give a good account of themselves.
Orders were seut up last night lor reinforce
ments, to be composed of further detachments
from the Oglethorp. sand the Guards. They will
be sent down early this morning.
Capture of die liovemie ( utter Dobbin*
Reports were current on the street Yesterday, to
the . licet that a party of sixty, some a;:} thirty,
dropped down the river in a steam tug Wednes
day night, to where the revenue cutter Dobbin
was at anchor, and after taking possession of the
craft towed her to~ Cockspur, where she i9 now
detained.
The cutter was in command of Lieut.
who, with hie crew, was on board at the time. All
information, however, with reference to particu
lars, is so indefinite that we would not venture to
rely upon them.
Further. —Col. Lawton, now in command of the
garrison at. Fort Pulaski, hearing of the capture
of the cutter, immediately despatched n detach
, ment 10 take her in charge. The affair was
promptly communicated to the Governor, now in
the city, when he issued orders for her immediate
‘ restoration to the officers of the Government. All
| correct. —Savannah Republican, 4 th.
Gciiciui Order*, No. 1— Executive De
partment.
Adjc tant General’s Office, j
Millkdoevillb G Dec. 26th, 1860, s
i 1. The following Act, “to organise the office of
Adjutant and Inspector General of the State ot
| Georgia,” is published for the government of all
j concerned ; *
AN ACT
To organise the office of Adjutant and luspec
j tor General of the State of Georgia.”
Section 1. Be u enacted, Ac., that the Coinman
! der-in-Cliief, with the advice and consent of two
thirds of the Senate, shall appoint an officer to be
| called Adjutant and Inspector General, with the
• lank of Colonel. The Adjutant and Inspector
General shall reside and keep hit office at the seat
ol Government. He shall obey all orders given
him by tin* Commander-in-Chits in relation to tin
duties of his office ; and kep a fair record of all
orders and communications which ho shall re
ceive from time totime. He shall require annual re
turns from tin* Major and Brigadier Generals from
winch he shall make out a general return of the
whole strength ol the militia and forces of the
State. He shall provide accurate abstracts of
annual returns for divisions, brigades, regiments
and companies, both ol the militia and volunteers,’
which forms, when made out, shall exhibit the
strength of arms and accoutrements, equipments
and munitions of such divisions, brigades, regi
ments and companies, and a description ot the
corps composing the .same; and shall* transmit
these abstracts for annual returns to all officers;
who are required to fill them at such times as
may be designated iu general orders. All mili
t wrv orders and commissions shall pass through
*the office ot the Adjutant and Inspector General.
He shall lav before the Governor every communi
cation be may receive on military affairs requiring j
executiveaetion. He shall attend all public reviews !
when the Uoifimander in-Chief shall review any :
portion of the forces, or the whole of them. He j
ahull, whenever required by the Commander-in- ;
Chief, inspect the arsenals and armories of the !
State, which shall be under his charge ; and all
applications for the distribution of arms shall be !
made to him. He shall also act as Inspector j
General ol the Stale; and shall, whenever or- I
dered lv the I'omittauder in Chief, inspect any
portion of tin* military forces of the State.”
See. 2 And Uit further enntted. That the Ad
jutant and Inspector General shall hold his office
during good beha\ tor, subject to removal, on nd
dto.*s of the Governor, by two thirds of the Sen
ate, and shall receive an annual salary of $3,000.
Assented to Dee 12, lSjiO.
11 I’msunni to tho provisions ot the preceding
act, and to carry out the intentions of the Legis- j
laturo in creating the office of Adjutant and In- J
apect-u* General, namely, the introduction of a j
more perfect system in the management of the
troops of the State, and more rigid accountability j
for mid can* of its military property, the Com
mand. 1 111 Chief directs tin- Major Generals com 1
mantling divisions to report, forthwith , to the j
Adjutant General, the names and address ('post 1
office’ of the Brigadier Generals, Field,Staff, and
Company officers, both of volunteer and militia,
commissioned in their divisions, and the strength I
of urnis, accoutrements, equipments, and muni- >
tioifh of their divisions, with the description of
the corps composing the same.
111. The Major-Generals will also take immedi
ate steps to have nil vacancies in the grades of
commissioned officers tilled by elections ns re
quired by law ; and the Major Generalsand Briga
dier Generals will see to it, further, that all per
sons liable to do military duty, within the limits
of their commands, are duly enrolled.
IV. Should there be vacancies in the grades of
Major-General or Brigadier General in any of the
military divisions or districts, the senior officer
present in tin* division or district will notify the |
fact to this office, that the Comrnander-in-Chief
mar forthwith order elections to. fill such vacan-
V. Blank forms for company, regimental or
battalion, brigade and division returns, required
by this order, will be furnished on application to
this office.
By order of the Commander iu Chief.
Henry C'. Wayne,
Adjutant and Inspector General.
N. B.—Every newspaper in the State is request
ed to publish the above once, and forward a copy
of the paper containing the order, and their ac
count lor publishing, to the Adjutant General's
Office, Milledgevilie.
The Palmer Journal tell.* a story of a box pf
sausages and a coffin with a baby’s corpse
changing places and being wrongly delivered, in
Ware, by the carelessness of the stage-driver
from Palmer* The Ware butcher was shocked to
tind in his box a dead instead of meat for
the liviug ; and the friends of the child sorrow
fully deposited the “ victuals” in a vault at the
Catholic cemetery, where they remained until the
mistake was discovered.
Mississippi Bonds. —The New Orleans Delta
says a letter writer who holds some of the repu
diated bonds of Mississippi writes to a corres
pondent in that State, and urges him to go on for
separate independence. He says in the Union
the foreign bond holders have no means of en
forcing payment from Mississippi by those argu
ments which one independent State presents
sometimes with great effect to auother. Iu the
Union they cannot get at her, but the moment
she declares her independence this matter is
placed m a very different position, and sale may
be made to do justice to her creditors.
The Democratic ol Illinois
have called a State Convention, to be held on the
lfith of January, to confer as to the existing na
tional crisis and adopt a line of polioy re.ative
thereto.
FaUEsless Leaders aul misul Follower*. I
Tbe most formidable obstacle to the peaceable i
settlement of the difficulties of the country is that j
the Northern people do not understand the feel-1
mg of the people of the South. Blinded and mis
led by their leaders, who attempt to persuade
them that secession is a humbug, that the threats ‘
of the South will not be carried into effect—they
and their newspapers support and encourage their
Representatives in Congress in throwing every
impediment in the way of a just and peaceable
adjustment.
If the conductors of the Northern press did
their duty, they wo/ld labor to let their readers
know what they themselves know perfectly that
the South is a unit as to the necessity of resist
auce to the principles aud platform upon which ‘
Lincoln was elected—ami that though Southern
men may differ as to the time and mode of resist
ance, all are agreed that it is necessary. To this
all parties are committed—Breckinridge, Douglas
and Bell men- and among the two latter classes
are to be found the most decided and even ultra
seoessiomats. They feel that they strove in the
iato Presidential canvass to elect men whose elec
tion would have quieted all the pestilent agifca
: tion which endangered tbe country. They offered
j to the North conservative and national candidates,
I without any odor of sectionalism about them—
i the North contemptuously rejected them. Having
| made the last effort, our skirts are clear.
; The North had better not flatter itself that the
I cause of secession, immediate or ultimate, is n
! humbug, or that it is losing ground. The Cotton
j States are not alone now in the movement. Cou
j N jrgiuia and Kentucky and all the bor
| der States are partaking of the agitation, and
j they will not be satisfied now with any adjust
| meut which will not fully satisfy their sister slave
| States. The leaders of the Republican party all
j know’ when They attempt to deceive their
tollowers with the idea that secession is a hum
bug aud tbe Union in no danger they ought to be
hung as traitors—a fate to which the Northern
people may some day consign them, when they
discover to what a depth of ruin their favored
demagogues have plunged them.
Ratification.
•It is probable that wo shall not be able to as
certain, precisely, the state of patties in the Con
vention, until its assembly. 80 various are the
shades of opinion among the people that no one
can exactly define what is meant by secession , and
the signification of co-operation is almost equally
dubious. In the the towns and on the seaboard
these terms mean oue tiling- in the mountains,
another.
The many different significations attached to
these party names, each having its Representa
tives in the Convention, make it imperative on
that body to submit the result of its action to the
people for ratification, ns has heretoforebeen done
by State Conventions in Georgia. Besides, it is
impossible, from this election to ascertain the
sentiments of the majority of the people, and if
their will is not to be entirely Ignored—if the
bidding of a small knot of precipitating dema
gogues, in and out of the Convention, is not to be
the Supreme Law of the land, if Republican in
stitutions are uot entirely extinct, the decision of
the people ought to be fully, fairly and explicitly
obtained in approval or disapproval of the action
ot this, the most vitally important Convention
ever held in Georgia.
It is of no consequence, so far as the ratification
is concerned, which party has the majority in the
Convention, no body of men,chosen asjthey were,
can always represent a majority of the people
Aside from the notorious inequality in representa
tion among the counties some of thorn in the late
canvass, hud tickets only on one side, some only
on the other, and it is impossible therefore to as
certain the popular opinion bv the result of the
Election. In all counties where only one ticket
was run, there vas doubtless a respectable minor
ity unrepresented on the other side of the ques
tion, whose opinions cannot be made known, ex
cept by a general and direct vote for or against
ratification. k
\Yc trust the precedents of former Conventions,
and the principles of our form of government, if
we have one, will be followed, and that the people
will not be committed to any course which does
not unquestionably meet their approval.
[communicated, j
Itcfcifctance aiul ttiibinl*ftloi).
As one of the vanquished in the recent political
contest in the county of Kichmond, 1 have a word
to say to those w ho, with me, have failed iu the
defence of whut we thought the better cause. We
may still hold, as a matter of private judgment,
that we were right; but practically, if the State
should, in the Convention, aiopt the schemes we
have opposed, it will be our duty to be submission
men ; not in the opprobious souse in which it has
pleased our opponents to designate us, but in that
true and honorable sense which marks us as law
abiding men, submitting to the w ill of the people,
when so expressed as to become the will of the
Sovereign State to which we owe allegiance. In
the case supposed—whatever revolutionary disor
ganizes may say —we must submit. Let not. the
voice of any among us be heard threatening resist
ance to the State ; let none of us tiling of uplift
ing our arms against her. Without noisy pro
fessions of love for our country, or premature
demonstrations of valor, let us manifest the first
by a respectful submission to her will, the latter,
by meeting sternly but quietly all dangers which
may threaten, whether from within or without.
Let us show’ that decorum, gravity and modera-
tion in popular assemblies, and decency at tbe
polls, are not incompatible with the truest pa
triotism and highest courage. .Such exhortutious
as these might, in better days, have seemed need
less ; but, alas! it is not so in our’s, Let recent
scenes in public meetings and at the polls bear
witness to the mournful truth.
Os the mi repressed, most disgraceful, though
uot immediately dangerous disorders at the polls
I shall say nothing The local press on both
! sidv?, considerate of our reputation, has remained
j silent. Approving their course, I shall follow their
; example. But there are some other things in rela
tion to which the press has not shown the same
discretion. Os them 1 might cite several, but one
j will suffice for my present purpose; which is only
: to call attention to the dangerously anti social
t and destructive tendency of things, which allowed
to run the natural course, must subvert all law
| and social older, w bother we remain in. or go out
| of the Union. Without further preface, I proceed
! to the incident to which I have above alluded,
! and which I select in preference to others on ac
count of the high respectability of the principal
1 actor. A few’ days siuce, a worthy and honorable
gentleman, and a gallant -oldier who, for good
service in the field, received from Georgia, his
native State, the appropriate gift of a sword of
; truest mettle and highest finish,) in a public
| speech, referring to the stirring issues of ttye day
declared, iu substance, that ”if Georgia should
! conclude to submit, lie was ready to join in revo
; lution against such a course—that his right arm
; was ready to be applied in such a cause.’”
These remarks, when first made, produced pro
found regret that such a man should have been,
by what was then thought* momentary excite
ment, betrayed into such expressions, and it was
hoped he Would improve the first appropriate oc
casion to retract, or greatly modify them. Unfor
tunately, however, he subsequently in a different
place, repeated (as reported in the Constitution
alist of 25th ult.,) the same declaration, and as
that paper states, “the sentiment was received
| with much satisfaction.” This greater publicity
given to what they considered a most injudicious
speech only increased the regret of all the friends
I of peace and social order; but it was still hoped
that when it was brought before him in print, in
a public journal, lie would be struck with its im
propriety, and in some way or other qualify what
he had suid. lie has uot thought proper to do
, so ; and the printed words stand forth as the pub
lished expression of his “sentiments,” and are
therefore open to public comment. In these days
| of multitudinous extravagances it may not per
■ haps be worth while to notice the opinion of any
I one man Jiowever distinguished, especially when
that opi/ion is in relation to things with which 110
: is not by his profession or position required tube
specially familiar. Rut this “sentiment” of the
distinguished soldier in relation to a great civic
, question “was received with great satisfaction by
an enthusiastic crowd,” and may, therefore, be
fairly considered as taking its place among things
I of public interest, and permitting, nay, challeng
ing, the free but friendly and candid criticismo?
; which I propose to subject it.
Secessionists of all grades—whether immediate
or prospective—separate or co-opreation secess
ionists—secessionists from choice, under any cir
cumstances, and secessionists with regret, oil ac
count of existing or threatened evils, fund who
does not belong to one of those classes?) —all
these agree in founding and defending the right of
secession on the ground of the absolute, uncon
trollable sovereignly of the State, and the unqual
itied obedience due to her by her citizens, when
she exercisesjthat sovereignty, as she proposes to
do in the approaching Convention. They all bold
! that her will, as expressed by that imposing as
sembly, must be their ultimate rule of actiou ;
that neither the great government of this Union,
nor all the powers of earth combined can, within
her territorial limits, rightfully obstruct her sov
ereign action; that armed opposition by her own
citizens,to her high behests, whether'eommanding
“Resistance” or “Submission” would be revolt, j
nay treason, against the sovereign State.
According to this theory, now undisputed
among us, her power is as great and all-pervading
as that of the strongest human government that
ever existed, or that, by any possibility, can exist.
Self-poised in her inherent sovereignty, she
is about to exercise her transcendent power in
deciding whether she will, now, secede from our
once glorious Confederacy, and, at once, all un
prepared ns she may be, resort to armed “ re
sistance” out of the tJnion ; or, on the other hand,
in conjunction with her co-States of the South,
try to maintain her rights within it, retreating
from it only when, in her judgment, all peaceful
means of redress have been tred in vain. The
latter course, thought by many to be alike wise,
honorable and dignified, the gentleman to whom
I lmve referred, and those with whom he acts, call
“ submission.” Against this it is that he “is
ready to uplift his right arm arid join in revolu
tion which means, and can only mean, civil war
with all its untold horrors. This he has, once
and again, publicly proclaimed to admiring
crowds, and down to this moment he and they
stand unreproved. Well may weak and timid
meu and helpless women and children tremble in
the wild storm that rages around them ; for socie
ty is threatened with the direst calarnites which
can befall it. In such a time should be heard the
clear and firm voice of every lover of his country,
fearlessly proclaiming that come what may from
without, within the limits of the State her sove
reignty must be respected and social order main
tained. Georgian.
Mh. Stephens, op Georgia.— The report that
Mr. Lincoln intended to call Mr. Stephens, of Ge
orgia, to his Cabinet, is promptly and emphati
cally contradicted by the New \ ork j ribune.
That journal says ; “The statement is doubtless
made on mere rumor. Without professing to hare
anv special information on the subject, it seems
to us altogether improbable. Mr. Stephens.is a
conditional secessionist, and from what we know
of Mr. Lincoln’s opinions ot the right and pro
priety of anr State setting the laws of the Federal
Government at defiance, it seems altogether un
likely that be would call one to his Council who
holds to views even bordering upon the extreme
Upon that subject.”
It was scarcely necessary, says the Richmond
Dispatch to deny a rumor which assigned a con
servative statesman like A. H. Stephens to a seat
in Lincoln’s Cabinet. One of the first public men
in sagacity, farsightedness and comprehensiveness
of intellectual grasp, aud as pure and patriotic as
he is wise and intelligent, Mr. Stephens will nev
er be called to his counsels by such a man as Lin
coln. “Birds of a feather flock together,” and
e%!es, like the Georgia statesman, do not sail in
the same squadron with vultures and mousing
owls.
The Department of the Interior gives public
warning against receiving or pun ha-ing any of
the stolen Indian Bonds and coupons, as the claim
of the United States thereto will be prosecuted to
the utmost extent.
( LtflUilA ITELTIfc.
Snow.—The Rome (Ga.) Courier says on
Sunday night snow fell at that place to the depth
of three inches.
, The Proprietors of the Cartersville Express have
just commenced the publication of a semi-weekly
edition of that Journal.
Snow Storm in Whitfied]County.—Oue of our
subscribers, writing us from Anderson, Whitfield
County, Ga., under date of Dec., 31, 1860, gives
us the the foliowng intelligence. “It might be in
teresting to some of your readers in the lower re
gions to know that we have had the severest snow
storm that has ever visited this section of the
s tate within the reccollection of that antiquated
.itul 1 expectable personage, the ‘oldest inhabitant.’
<-sterd:iy morning when I woke up it was snow
ing, and continued to snow without cessation till
uttei bed time i a3 t night. This morning the
ground is covered to the depth of at leant eight
inches, according t 0 the fuirest measurement I
could make, though i n many places it is drifted up
to twice that depth.”
Ocmulgeb Circuit -The Macon Telegraph says
that Hon. N. U. foster is probably elected Judge
ot tins Circuit, over Hon. lvorson L. Harris, the
present incumbent
The Macon Telegraph understands that Hon. J.
M. Smith is elected Judge of the Flint District
over Judge C.ibauiss, the present incumbent.
William A. Choice, who was parilouod by tbo
Legislature, lias been seut to tbe State Lunatic
Asylum, says tlie Federal Union.
Heavy,,Rain.—From Friday noon to Sunday
night it rained utmost constantly. The Rivera
are high at this time (Monday noon) but not yet
out the hanks. Tho stage from Jacbsonvillo did
not get in on Sunday uiiht, probably oj occaunt
of high water - Home Courier 1 st.
Wan Vessel 1 ; Afloat.—A scliooner which ar
rived here Saturday, from Havana, reports having
passed two vessels of war cruising on the coast,
on the night of the 4th instant. No particulars
and rumor doubtful.—Ate. Hep.
,Tile Slaver Brio “ Bonkta.”—This vessel
winch, our readers will recollect-, was captured off
the C oast of Africa with a cargo of slaves, and
taken into Charleston a few weeks ago, was
brought into this port Saturday last, bv Lieut,
r oster, and delivered up to tbe IL S. Deputy Mar
shal.— Sar. R p. % 7 th.
„ Accident.- A friend informs us that Mr. J.
1.. \\ Ilhams was accidentally shot by C. 11. Jones
(both ot the Vniton Dragoons,) in Atlanta, on the
cd inst., while practising pistol shooting. Mr.
Ilhams is supposed to be seriously, if not fatally
injured. - Grirnn Buily Oeorjir.n.
On Sunday last the corpse of ('apt. Tillman,
commander ol a military company ut Lake City,
Florida, was brought on the steamer Everglade,
trom Florida, en route for Augnsta. We learn
that Capt. Tillman was shot while at the dinner
table in Lake City, by a man named O’ X 1 el, and
died soon after. We have been unable to learn
any particulars concerning the sad affair.
Sarantrah Sews, lei inst.
CitATn.ut County.—We bad a wot and stormy
day lor our election yesterday, and the probabili
ty is that the same uuprooitfous state ot the ele
ments extended throughout the State. Tho vote
here, in consequence, was small, amounting onlv
to 1,61)7. Frauds S. Bartow, John W. Anderson,
and Augustus S. Jones were chosen delegates to
the Convention, without opposition. \Vm. 11.
CUyler, Noah B. Knapp, George I*. Harrison,
John John Williamson were elected
Justices of the Inferior Court. Barnard E. Bee
Tax Receiver; and A. F. Bennett, Collector— also
without opposition. The vote tor Solicitor stands:
Tupper, 1,413; Smith, 19 'l—Snv’t.Jiep., Thurs
day.
We understand, upon competent authority,
that tire hundred esses of muskets, from the
Watervliet Arsenal, opposite Troy, have been
shipped to this city, and put on board the steam
er Florida, for Savannah. -A. 1. Post.
Distinct Shook of Earthquake at Atlanta.
Precisely a! M minutes to fi o’clock, yesterday af
ternoon, a shock of an Earthquake was distinctly
felt In Atlanta. Us range appeared to be East
and West nr nearly so; and its continuance about
ten seconds. The skv was clear and cloudless at
the time, and the sun unusually brilliant, it was
particularly noticed by those residing in solid
stone buildings, such as our banks here. The
types rattled in the case in our job office. It was
not followed by the second slight shock usual in
tropical countries; nor have we heard the usual
rumbling noise. It was simply a momentary
shock, but very distinctly felt .—lntelUr, ncer, 4 th.
At. ASI API A ITEMS.
The Clayton (Ala.) Banner, conies to us this
week clothed in deep mourning, on account of
the deatfi of J. G. McMurray, Ksq , Associate
Editor of that paper Mr. McMurray was a young
man of great ability and highly esteemed by his
friends. He came to his death by a pistol shot,
received in a tencounter, on tile morning of the
22d inst.
HOW PTANIIS THE LEGISLATURE?— As this body
has been instructed by Gov. Moure to convene in
this city on the 14th of January, it would not be
out of place lo state, ns near as we have been able
to ascertain, the political complexion of each
branch of the Assembly.
Tlie Senate stands twenty fur co-operation;
ten for immediate secession aiid three doubtful.
The House stands fifty-six for co operation;
thirty-nine for immediate secession and iivedoubt
ful.
Total seventy-six for co-operation; forty-nine
for secession and eight doubtful.
It is remarkable that many of tho secessionist!
in the Legislature, such as those from Madison,
Lauderdale, and other counties, represent a coa
st itueucy tliut is overwhelmingly in favor of cuu
feronce and co-operation.
On a joint, voto, giving the eight doubtful to
immediate secessionists, there would still be a
majority of niueteen in favor of ce-operatioo.
(Montgomery Confederation.
Horrible Tragedy at Wetdupka, Ala.— We
loam thut ,i roan named Peter Schwine, a butcher,
long a resident of Wetumpka, shot Ins wife and a
negro woman, witli a double barrel shot gun, on
.Sunday. No cause for this horrible tragedy is as
signed, as far as we have been able to learn, but
many suppose him to be laboring under a fit of
insanity. Neither of his victims were expected to
live at last accounts. Schwine made his escape.
Montgomery Mad. ‘
Alabama.—There seems to be no arriving at.
the true result of the late election for delegates iu
this State. The papers at tho capital are wide
apart in their estimates. Tho Advertiser gives
all the counties except two and states the result.
Separate State Secessiouists 57, Co-operationists
41. On the other huud, the Confederation of the
same day gives all the counties with the follow
ing resnlt : Co-operationists 53, Separate Stats
Secessionists, 47.
The latter journal lias the follow ing estimate of
the popular vote of the State, by Districts :
Sep. Secession. Cos operation.
Ist District 2,506
2d “ 6,000
3d “ 2,200
4th “ 200
sth “ 6,000
6th “ 8,000
7th “ 1,000
10,000 17,009
TENNESSEE ITEMS.
Union Meetino in Tennessee. —An immense and
enthusiastic Union meeting was held at Memphis,
Tenn., on Saturday. It was addressed by lion.
Neill S. Brown and others. Resolutions were
passed opposing separate Shite secession, against
coercion, and favoring a Convention of the South
ern States to demand their rights, and it refused,
to take immediate action.
Ueai iebt Hales of Cotton Ever Made in Mem
phis.—The sales of cottou in this city yesterday
surpassed those of anyone day’s sale ever made
in Memphis, amounting to 6669 bales, and at in
creased prices. This is, indeed, encourageing,
considering the depressed state of business
throughout the country, and speaks well for our
locality’ and the enterprise of our businoss men.—
Memphis Enq. Ist.
Melancholy Accident.—We regret to learn
that Walter Morns son of K. J. Morris, Esq., o
the firm of Morris & Stratlon, wholesale grocers
in this city, accidentally shot and killed himself in
Summer couuty yesterday morning, lie was out
hunting at the time, and as he was alnne., it is not.
known how the accident happened. When found
he was quite dead, with the top of his head blown
off. His gun was laying near him with both bar
rels discharged. He was about seventeen years
of age, and was the onlv eon of his parents, with
whryn the community deeply sympathise in their
sad bereavement. —Xashville Patriot 2d.
Florida Affairs. —We are indebted to the offi
cers of the steamer Everglade, for the Fcrnandina
Floridian of the 2d. We learn from it that the
entire vote of the city, 228, was cast for Joseph
Fiuegan and Gen. Cooper, “the straightout, imme
diate, anti eomiTOmise, now and forever seces
sion candidates.”
Gov. Ferry had passed through eu route for Ins
home in Alabama, having purchased iu his late
trip to the north 1,000 Maynard ltifies, and 3,000
Miuie Muskets, for the use of tbe Htate.
We learn from the passengers by the steamer
that a plan is on foot to take possession of Fort
Clinch, in tie vicinity of Fernandina, and arm it
with guns from the fort at Ht. Augunstine Sav.
EepvSlican, 4 th.
Removal of Jewish Disabilities.— ln reply to
a petition of 250 Hebrew congregations, a declara
tion has been published by the i'russinn Govern
ment, intimating its intention, for the future, to
avail itself of the ser-'ices of Jews in the various
departments of the State. This is carrying out
the spirit of the law enacted in 1848, which has
hitherto, been almost a dead letter.
Tnß Michigan Legislature. — The Michigan
Legislature met on tbe id. The retiring Govern
or delivered his auiiuul message to both Houses,
(lo takes strong ground against tho right of aeces
sion ■ charges the President of tbe Lntted Htatet
with misTepresentating the principles of the Re
publican party, and attributes tbe present sec
tionai excitement to misrepresentation by thi
Northern Democrats press, as to the intention!
and designs of that party. In relation to the Peri
sonat Liberty laws of this State, he says if they
are unconstitutional and in conflict with the Fugi
tive Slave Law, they should be repealed ; but
-ays these laws are right, and speak the sent!
meats of the people ; are in strict accordance
with the Constitution, aud ought not to be re
pealed. Let them stand. This is no time fortim
id and vascillating counsel, v. bile the cry of trea
son is ringing in our ears.
Feioiitfcl Tornado. —The Northern portion of|
Utah Territory has recently been visited with a
terrific hurricane, destroying a large amount of
property, unroofing houses, and carrying before!
it everything movable. The principal dwelling
in the villages of FarmingtOD and Ogden wer
blown down, and vast numbers of sheep, mulet
and other live Block were killed. Fences ani
hay stacks were swept away, and the amount o
loss must be very considerable. The tornado last
ed for 48 hours.
Conservative Feelino in Pennsylvania.—A
large public meeting, presided over by the Hon.
Frederick Watts, was held at Carlisle, Pennsylva
nia, on the 22d ultimo, and strong conservative
sentiments enunciated. Resolutions were unani
mously adopted reoognizing as binding upon all
the Constitution as interpreted h.V the Supreme
Court; recoguizing as a constitutional right the
existence ot slavery in the South ; declaring the
surrender of fugitive slaves to be a duty under an
inviolable contract; and denying that secession is
either a natural right or a constitutional remedy.
Carolina Delegates to a Southern Conoress.
—The Convention has chosen the following dele
gation to represent the State iu a Southern Con
gress, should such a body be called together :
ilon. R. If Rhett, Hon. W. P. Miles, Hon. R. W.
Barnwell, Hen. L. M. Keitt, Hon. James Chesnutg
lion. \V. W. Boyce, Hon. C. G. Memminger, Hem.
T. L. Wethers.
Gen. Wool on the Crisis.—The Troy (New
Yorkj Daily Times of the 81st ult. contains two
letters from General Wool, taking strong ground
in favor of the Union, and in favor of sustaining
Anderson in biß position at Fort Sumter, and
earnestly urging that a firm ground be adopted to
put down rebellion. He declares that if Fort
Sumter be surrendered, to the secessionists, iu
twenty days 200,000 men would be in readiness to.
take vengeance on all who would betray the.
Union into the hands of its enemies.