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CjjnratU &
lilllt rV-SIXTII OOMUESS-24 Se*’n.
IN SENATE Jan. 1
and all the lobbies were at an early hoar fall of ]
tidies. A Urge crowd was also outside the doors ,
izing the President to deliver up all dock-vards,
forts, and public property in anv State to the Le
gi*latore and people in Convention assembled,
whenever said State or States may declare their
determination to resume sovereign power and the
rights heretofore vested in the General Govern
ment. on receiving indemnity for the same. Laid
Mr. Maker having the floor proceeded to ad
dress the Senate. He expressed the great re
sponsibility which he felt in speaking in such a
presence: complimented the Senator of Louisiana ■
tor bis recent speech as being the best be had j
heard on the {lending questions, hut still be de- j
predated his argument to prove that the Govern- i
ment wa* of no avail and that the Union was ac- (
toallr dissolved. He hoped his own purpose was
higher. He hoped to contribnU his poor argil- .
roenl to sustain the Oorerninent under which he
iiced Slid uoder which he hoped to die.
He desired to show that this Government was a ;
suh-t uiti.il power, sovereign in it* sphere—a |
Union and not a mere compact of sovereign j
.States That it has tiie right *f sell-protection,
and ID its constitution and perpetuity is equally
eatable of exercise against domestic treason as ,
against a foreign foe.
‘\r. Bak* r said that though agreeing m some
Doi tits with the distinguished -tod able Senator!
sy,, m | oniisnua /Mr. Benjamin )he could not, upon 1
the wboh* help fueling the same sentiment ex
uresMNi hr Or. Johnson, he believed, when shown
:i certain well written book which lie did not ap- |
prove ° the fcltbw ha* done well wliat no one J
ought to have done at all.” His /the speaker's)
object was to disprove the idea that the Constitu
tion was a compact between sovereign States.
The proposition of the Senator from Louisiana j
Mr. Benjamin) appeared to be that there was no |
Government of the United States at- all; that it
w:i no reality. But he would endeavor to prove
that the Government did exist in reality. He did ,
not believe that the Constitution of the United
States was a compact between States liable, to he
broken up at anytime by the withdrawal of the ■
States, lie read from a letter from Madison, tend
ing to show that be did not regard the Union as a ,
constitutional compact of States, and believed i
that this position was maintained by Jackson and j
others.
He reviewed the position of Mr. Webster, as j
stated by Mr. Benjamin, in the Rhode Island case,
but would have expected that Senator to quote
from the debate on secession, which had rendered
the name of Mr. Webster immortal. He read !
from that debate, showing that it was contended j
by Mr. W. that the Union, in his opinion, was a |
government constituted by the people and not the i
Stab's. He then referred to the speech alluded to j
bv Mr. Benjamin, made by John Qnincy Adams, j
supporting secession, but read the conclusion
of that speech unnintiiated, proving that Mr. ,
Adams said that secession was too absurd for •
consideration, and that nullificatiou was but little |
’V/quoted also from Andrew Jackson, whose |
memory, he trusted, the Senator from Louisiana J
would revere, and he argued that States were not j
j nureigiis. Andrew Jackson, during an attempt
made by South Carolina to secede, was a Preri- j
m tins instance if such were the piesent case. |
He thought that one of the great mistakes of the
Senator from Louisiana was that the Union was a j
n ;gji. lit denied this. The States were not sov-
Tfie Federal Government was not sovereign.
The only sovereign.-, were the people. We are I
not sovereign here. Oregon ana South Carolina ;
w.ue not .-m erei’ ii. The whol idea of this sov- j
ereignty w % - a fallacy from beginning to end. ;
The Constitution was not qiade by sovereign
States, but by the people out Iks United States.
The Turks were wont to say that there was but i
one sovereign—the people. He would inquire of I
liic Senator from I/OUiA’ana if there was a comtti- ■
tutional right to secede ?
Mr. Benjamin said he had supposed that he had |
been explicit on that point, lie did believe that
there was a Constitutional right to secede.
Mr. Laker would ask the Senator to name the
place wnere he found that right in the Constitu-
Mr. Benjamin taid that in the Mb and 10th
amendments of the Constitution such right could
he found. Certain rights not delegated to the
Federal Government were reserved by the States.
Mr. linker denied that the States had made%Dy
reservation. There was no such thing.
Mr. Benjamin read from the first article of the
Constitution and the amendments, contending
that the light to withdraw by a Stale was recog
nised wbeu the compact had been violared.
A brief debate followed to the same effect be
tween Senators Baker and Benjamin.
Mr. Baker proceeding, demonstrated that there
was a right of rebellion, but argued that there
was no oppression or cause for rebellion or revo
lution in the case of South Carolma. The Sena
! *r from Louisiana hud presented a dreary cata
logue of wliat he (Mr. Benjamin) termed griev
ances of the South, but the only two alleged points
by tiie Senator were the Fugitive slave law and
the government of the Territories. He would
a,h the “Senator if there w ere any more alleged
Mr. Benjamin said that he enumeratd six in
his speech, and could u uue more if necessary.
Mr. Baker said that tv..ti the weary catalogue
t the Senator had been gone through with, and
tht two propositions which he mentioned had been
included, the whole question w as narrowed down,
in the Senator’s owu words—“a difference us to
J’oujditutional construction and the violation of
the Fugitive Slave law.” This was the difference
So far as the Fugitive Slave law’ was concerned,
he quoted Mr. Lincoln in his debate with Mr.
Douglas, to show that he.(Lincoln) was
had been, aud never would be in favor of the re
peal of the Fugitive Slave law.
He (Mr. Baker) would say the same thing here
—he was uot in favor of the repeal of the Fugi
tive Slave law. The North being opposed to
nullificatiou, he was in favor of repeahug all the
J’orsonal Liberty bills which were unconstitution
al, and which might be so determined by the Su
preme Court.. The Republican party would main
tain this position, aud m the execution of the
laws would act wisely and guard
well all the provisions of the institution. Refer
ring to the elected President,be said that Mr. Lin
coln would be inaugurated upon the 4th of March,
and enforce all laws, whether they be Revenue,
Territorial or Fugitive Slave laws;aud from what
lie knew of Mr. Liucoln’s integrity—and he hud
known him since he was a boy—he would enforce
all these laws, if he did so with the whole power
of the Government. The Republican party would
enforce the Fugitive Slave law. Was that sutis
isfuctory to the Senator from Lousiana?
Mr. licnjamin—lt is hot at all satisfactory— not
in the slightest degree.
Mr. Baker proceeded to state that slavery was
the creature of loeal law.
Mr. Benjamiu said that in the Committee of i
Tliirlecu the Republicans* voted down the proposi- I
turn that property could be held in slaves.
Mr. Baker quoted Clay aud Cass in support of !
the Republican theory that slavery was the crea- i
tine of local law, and quoted from the South Caro- j
linu Senators to show that in 1550 they desired no ;
extension o fed a very, but wished the policy of
“bauds off” adopted. He quoted Mr. Kheti, of
South Carolina, as declaring that the Fugitive
Slave la\C was unconstitutional, and paid an eulo
gy to Mr. Clay. Before concluding lie gave wav
until to morrow, resuming his speech at l P. M. t
with the understanding that Mr. Douglas is tolol-
Mr. Davis offered a resolution in effect that !
whereas, by the second and third article of the 1
Constitution, the militia is to be a security to the j
free States, and indirectly provided that a State j
may tu tune of peace keep troops and ships of j
w ar, and by the 17th clause, Ist article, the juris- |
diction of the Federal Goverumeut is limited—
rtf or* That upon application of !
the State, either through the Couveutiou of the
people or the Legislature, asking that Federal j
forces may be withdrawn, the President of the
United States shall order the withdrawal of the !
Federal garrisou, ami take ail needful security lor j
the safety of the public pioperty there remaining.
Resoli'id,rart/i* r, That whenever a State, in
Convention lawfully assembled, shall enact that j
the safety of the State requires that she should (
keep troops and ships of war, the President of
the United States is hereby directed to recognize
the power of the State to do so, aud by procla
mation give information to all of the parties cou- I
These resolutions were laid over, and the Sen- j
ate adjourned.
HOUSE.
Mr. Coburn, of Maine, in place of Governor
NVsshburne. appeared and qualified.
Mr. Stratum presented the memorial of the ■
citueus of Newark. New Jn ey, asking Congress *
lor the adoption of the several States, iu view of
the prescut political condition ot the country. He j
incited that it be referred to a Select Committee .
ot uve.
Mr John Cochrane ineffectually sought to j
amend the motion s as to instruct the Commit- j
tee to report specifically on the subject.
Mr. Adrian presented certain r*solutions in re- i
gurd to the pending national questions, as adopt- }
vd at a meeting held at Trenton, New Jersey, j
They were similarly referred.
Mr Clark, of Missouri, wished to know whether j
the Committee of Thirty-three were likely to re- j
port at au early day. or at all? It was important j
that this should be kuowu.
No respouse was made, but several gentlemen
called him to order.
The House took up the resolution offered by j
Mr. Davis of Indiauu. on Monday, instructing the
Committee on the Judiciary to inquire into and I
report to this House, at any* time, what legislation, j
.2’ any, has become necessary on the part of Con- [
g"ess m consequence of the secession of, aud po
sition assumed by, South Carolina.
The House refused to second the demand for |
Mr. Davis withdrew the resolution. Mr. Hind- *
man haviug proposed as a substitute a series of
resolutions against secession and looking to the j
~ employment of the army aud navy tor the protec- I
tion ot Government property aud to euforce the j
collection ot the revenue.
Me>>rs. Vallandigham and Sherman contended
that Mr. Divr had no right to withdraw the res
olution.
The Speaker decided that Mr. Davis had &uch a
right.
Mr. Sherman claimed the privilege of offering
Mr. Davis* original rt .solution us above given. j
Mr. Bocock raised a point of order that Mr.’
Sherman could not t ta r the resolution at this time. \
A long di>euion ensued on the point of order. j
The Chairman decided the resolution of Mr. j
Sherman to be out of order.
Mr Sherman took an appeal from that decision, j
Mr. Adram moved to lav the appeal on the j
table, which was decided in the negative—vena 7?, j
Mr. hill moved to reconsider tke vote just bad.
Mr. Anderson, of Missouri, said the resolution j
*only calculated to irritate the public mind J
;.nd hasten impending events He moved that j
the House go into Committee of the Whole.
The Chair ruled this motion out of order, while |
the motion to reconsider was pending.
A motion to adjourn was lost—yeas AT, nays i
Mt\ Howard, ot Michigan, said if Mr. Sherman
w ould withdraw his appeal he thought be could j
otter resolutions upou which thev could vote, j
which would give satisfaction.
iney were rea,* tor information, aud proposed
"* *> ,hc “>q'ry Whether officer* of tbe Gov-
rmnent are now treating with South Carolina *
id. \\ hether any odiceis had proposed arrange* •
meats with South t uroiiaa relative to the forts 1
Ac., iu Charleston harbor?
>d. Whether any demands had been made for
the reinforcementjof the forts, aud why they had
Ith. Where the ships of War of the United
States ware stationed aud their condition, and or
ders issued to the officers in command?
•*th. M hether any Government buildings had
been seized bv the people of Charleston, and the
particulars of the seizure?
6th. Whether any revenue cutter had been
seized, and whether steps taken for her recapture? ?
lie proposed*a Select Cos: imittee to investigate •
these matters, with power to send for persons and
papers, ana report at any time.
Mr. Sherman refused to withdraw his appeal,
and the vote beiug taken on the motion to recoil- ?
sider the vote bv which the motion to lay the ap
peal on the table was lout. It resulted yeas 7*\ ■
The question recurring on the motion to lav the ,
appeal on the table, resulted yeas >O, nays so
Abe appeal was not laid ou the table.
Mr. Valiaudinghatn moved that the House ad- ,
■jOwra. Lost - ayes 47, nay a 76. The yeas and
cays being ordered, the motic.u to adjourn was
i!ost by yeas 67, nays $7.
.M*”- Maynard moved that when the House ad- !
jo urn to-morrow it adjourn to meet on Monday !
next. I
Mr. Briggs moved to insert Saturday instead of j
Monday. Lost. The motion to adjourn from
Thursday to Monday was lost by yeas 01, nays ♦>.
The question recurring on the appeal, the yeas ,
and uavs were ordered.
Mr. Barksdale moved a call of tl* House, and ;
! the yeas and nays were ordered,
i A motion to adjourn wa lost. , ,
The motion for a cal! of the House was lost bv j
1 yeas 43, navs 103.
A motion - to adjourn was lost by yeas 69, nays ;
A cal! of the House was moved but lost. j
Mr • Vallandingham moved that the House ad-j
iourn, which was carried with the understanding i
| Ybat without further obstruction there should be
i a vo te on the appeal to-morrow at IP. M.
I IN SENATE Jan. 3.
The galleries and lobbies were again crow ded
i as on yesterday.
j >|r.* Bigler presented memorials, numerously
signed by citizens of Philadelphia, asking the
; Senate to pass Mr. Crittenden’s resolutions,
i Also the proceedings of the public meeting held
at Harrisburg. He said that meetings had been j
held at several other places in Pennsylvania, all :
breathing a spirit of loyal devotion to the whole
! country; all expressing & desire to have Mr.
j Crittenden’s resolutions passed. If Congress
would only give the people an opportunity they
j would embrace it eagerly, and their friends at the
! South would discover that the people were pre
-1 pared to meet their complaints in a spirit of con
cilation and kindness.
Mr. Crittenden theo offered the following :
Wherea*, The Union of these States is in dan
i ger, and it is difficult, if not impossible for Con
gress to concur by a requisite majority so as to
enable it to take such measures and to rocom
j mend to the adoption by the States of such amend
i merits to the Constitution as are necessary to
avert the danger ; and
Whereas, In so great au emergency, the opinion
! and judgment of the people ought to be heard ;
j therefore
i Resoltsd, Thai provision be made by law, with
j out delay, for taking the sense of the people, and
I submitting to them the following resolutions
these resolutions, embracing his plan of com pro
j mise. have already been published) as a basis for
| a final settlement by the States of the dispute that
! now distracts the country and threatens the ex
| isteoce of the Union.
i Mr. C. also offered a lengthy series of resolu-
I tious for the amending the Constitution. (They
j are, in effect, with slight additions, the same as
i introduced recently by Mr. Douglas.]
Mr. Crittenden briefly addressed the Senate,
i saying that he did not believe that the American
1 people were unequal to the occasion of saving
I the country, and he appealed to the great source
of all power—the people. If all others fail, let the
j means of consulting the people he adopted.
I Mr. Baker resumed his speech. He could not
) resume without thanking the Senate and the Sen
j ator from Illinois (Mr. Douglas; for allowing him
to resume his remarks to-day. He desired to un
derstand the ground, the reason, the proof of
complaint from the South, and he was willing to
j show that, in respect to their complaints, he was
; true and loyal to the Constitution.
i The attacks on the Republican party and the
people of the North, he thought, were unjust. He
; bad endeavored to demonstrate yesterday that
j all the leading men of the South, the people of
! the North, and iu fact all of the parties of the
North, as well as the fathers of the Republic, bad
always regarded slavery us the mere creature of
| local law, and could not by virtue ot that local
I law go into the Territories. He quoted General
j Cass to sustain this position, made in a speech at
j Detroit iu 1854.
i it may be said that this was the opinion of a
Northern man, but he would quote from the opiu
ious of the Senator from Virginia (Mr. Hunter, ‘
j expressed in the Breckinridge State Convention,
| held nt Charlottesville, Ya., last summer. He
j presented this to show that Southern men held
that Congress could restrict slavery from the Ter
I ritories.
j Mr. Hunter asked if the Senator quoted the ex
; tract from his speech to prove the usserlion just
i made ?
i Mr. Baker said that he could not say that he
; had, but the Senator would admit the statement
! that Southern men had, at some time in their
i lives, recognized the Missouri Compromise—the
j restriction of slavery by the Constitution,
j Mr. Hunter denied that he ever had admitted
! any such thing.
! Mr. Benjamin denied that he bad ever admit
ted dtLMs time aud at any place, within his
i any such thiDg.
proceeded to discus.-> the relations of
the Constitution to the Missouri Compromise. The
RepubF ms had no desire to interfere with slave
ry where it existed. They had no such power,
□or did they claim it. Congress had never inter
j sered iu any manner.
i Mr. Benjamin said Congress did uot interfere,
hut the States did.
Mr. Baker inquired of the Senator from Louis
iana i Mr. Benjamin) how he would frame a bill to
allow Illinois to interfere with slavery iu Virgin
ia V
Mr. Benjamin would answer the Senator, not
how he could frame such a bill, but would tell him
how the States had interferd. John Brywn, with
a baud of men, entered a peaceful village in Vir
ginia iu the dead of night, inciting servile insur
rection among the slaves, seizing Government
property and murdering peaceable citizens. Mas
sachu.-etts had endorsed that action by the elec
tion of Andrews as a Governor, as he upheld that
invasion and had endorsed that murder. This is
the way a State interfered.
Mr. Baker did not desire to defend Massachu
setts. She was represented on this floor by able
men, in his opinion, who could-defend her. There
were bad men North, who would steal uegroes
South, as well as horses iu the North—who would
burn houses iu the North, uud bouses iu the South.
The Senator from Louisiana (Mr. Benjanyn) had
said that the free States were encircling the slave
States, and gradually hemming them in and press
ing slavery out. Did the Senator think that a
cuuse tor dissolution ?
Mr. Beojatniu said that did thiuk that it was
a cause for dissolution.
Mr. Baker said that at some day not far dlstaut
slavery would be lost in the superior blaze of free
dom. He theu proceeded to defend the liberty of
speech aud the press, aud said that the South
could not expect the North to Restrict for them
what they could not restrict for yiemselves.
He would uot restrict them tcunvert civil war,
or maintain slavery. Come vAal or come woe,
slavery shall never be exteuded'by the powers of
the Government of the United States, lie would
not yield oue iuch to secession, but there were
things which he would concede. Clay had said,
and he said, that he would not yield word or iuch
to secession. He would tigree to make all tho
Territories States now, aud let people decide the
question of slavery for themselves; or do any
thing so as not to protect slavery in the name of
freedom. Did it not look a little as though the
South hud got up rebellion because they had lost
all of the unices ?
[Here Mr. Mason’s chair broke dowu and left
him on the floor, causing confusion and laughter. |
Mr. Baker—The instauce before me is uot the
only case in which a fall follows a dissolution.—
Renewed laughter.] Referring to secession again,
> ho said that they (the Republicans) did not intend
’ to recognize the independence of South Carolina,
j lie quoted General Jackson, when South Carolina
i revolted in 1832, and his mode of collecting the
revenue.
Mr. Baker concluded his speech with a glowing
i eulogy on the Union, quoting those words uttered
I by Mr. Webster in 1850, in his great speech on
secession, which ended with “Liberty and Union,
now and forever, one aud inseparable.” [Ap
plause and hisses.]
At 2f, I*. M. Mr. Douglas commenced. Mr.
Douglas asked for the reading of the report of the
Committee of Thirteen.
It was read.
Mr. Douglas said that no act of his public life
had given him more pain than the report of the
j Committee of Tbirteeu, stating that they could
not agree on anv plau for restoring peace and
harmony to the country. To discover the source
| of the troubles now existing, it would be found
I necessary to look behind the scene, and there it
, would be fouud that tlie interference with slavery
i by Congress had ever produced dissension, aud
j non-interference had beeu followed by peace.
; The rejection of the proposition of an equitable
! right in the common Territories opened the flood
! gates of sectional agitatiou in 1848, and which was
; only settled by the Compromise measures of 1850.
J Had the Missouri Compromise been carried out in
! good faith this question would have been settled.
I When this question of slavery in the Territories
[ was settled, all other poiuts could be soon settled,
and the public mind quieted. The abolition of
! slavery in the District of Columbia aud the Fugi-
I uve Slave law question could be easily settled.
. Therefore, if this Territorial question were set
t4d, we would find but little difficulty in settling
the others. In 1850 Henrv Clay came from his re
tirement with the single idea of carrying out the
Missouri Compromise liue for the settlement of
this quotum, as in 1820. lie was an humble fob !
i >\w : ol the lamented statesman in that work, j
They found no difficulty’ with the Southern men, ;
but the North were against them, aud there was,
therefore, a minority ou the question of extending j
the Missouri hue ot 18-'*. This proposition was
not abandoued from choice, but from au inability !
to carry it-out. They came to the conclusion that i
thev must abandon it.
| He said tbe Compromise of 1820 restored peace j
; ou tbe basis of au equitable partition of the Terri- |
i tories. The Compromise of 1 ***so did the same on |
, the basis of leaving the question to tbe people un- |
’ der tbe restrictions of tbe Constitution. This ac
j comphahed its purpose uutil organizations were
• formed to violate tfie provisions of that Compro
mise. When they c&uie to orgacize the Territo
; nes iu 1854 the question arose how it was to be
j done. They thought the only way was to do it
upou the principles of the Compromise of 1850,
| aud the kuusas aud Nebraska bill was framed
I upon that basis.
j U* l reviewed the terms of the bill of 1854 to
show that this was the case. The hue and cry
j that they were repealing the Compromise of 1820
| from men woo had opposed the extension of
! the Missouri line in ISSO. He divided the history
|of slavery agitation into three periods. The first
; extended from the foundation of the Government
| dowu to 1820, when the principle of non-mterfer
euce with slavery in the Territories was the rule,
aud heuce the result. The second period was
! from 1820 to 1850, when the rule of an equitable
partition was established and acted upou. The
i third period was from 1854 to 1850, when tbe old
rule of uou interference was adopted.
The result of the late Presidential election had
brought the people of the South to the firm cou
viction that it was the determination of tbe do
minant party at the North to invade their hearth
stones aud destroy their institutions. Asa re
medy. madly, as he thought, they were rushing
into revolution. ’ t
| Mr. Douglas then defended the Northern Demo-
from the charges of Mr. Wade, and said
::.ut Senator, while not blaming Southern people
j for the steps they were taking, threatened them
i with war and coercion instead of holding out to
I iheui peace and security. In his opinion it was
as important to relieve the apprehensions of the
j Southern people it unfouuded as thev were real,
j providing those people intended to act upon these
j apprehension* and take a step which forever
would divide this Union.
j He asked the Senator from Ohio (Mr. Wade)
the following questions :
Ist. Is it not the policy of the Republican party
, to confine slavery within the present limits by the
j action of the Federal Government ?
-d. Is it not the policy of ibe party to exclude
j slavery from the Territories we now possess or
I may hereafter acquire ?
• and. Whether or uot that party is in favor of re
turning fugitive slaves ; and iu short, whether or
j not it is the policy of that party to exert all the
I power of the Federal Government, uuderthe Con
>tituiion according to their interpretation, to re- I
.-train and cripple the institution of slavery, with I
a view to its ultimate extinction in States, old as j
well as new, North and South
Mr. Wade said that an answer to these ques
■ ions could be found in his speech.
Mr. Douglas said he did not expect an unequivo
cal answer He could uot get an auswer from the
Senator, and would refer to the seutiments of
their Dresulent elect. He then read from* the
speech of Mr. Lincoln made in accepting the uomi
uationfor Senator in IS7S, remarking that though
I now we were told that the object of the Republi
can party is to prevent the further extension of
>1 a very, the sentiments of their successful candi
, date were that slavery should be put in the course
I ot ultimate extinction.
• Hut he thought that when Mr. Lincoln came
* t oi tii from the retirement of a country village, to
a>-ame the responsible duties of President, he
would bury the partisan iu the patriot, and eveu
repudiate the extreme sentiincuts of his partv. i
He entertained hopes of this, for he bad not des- j
paired of the Republic. There was a deepseated ,
and w ide-spread apprehension of the Republicans i
in the South. If the Republicans did not intend
to do w hat the South feared they would do, wby <
object t>> amending the Constitution as to put |
it out of their power to do so ? No man would |
go farther than bimseli to sunpress insurrection j
and repel invasion and put down rebellion, and ;
execute the laws by all the means in his posses j
sion.
He denied the right of South Carolina to so
cede, bat she had done it. He denied her right |
to expel the Federal officers from her borders, out j
she had done it. lie would go as far as any man ;
to enforce the Constitution aud the laws; but .
how would we enforce the laws in a country of
which we h*d not posseaston ? An i were we pre
pared for war? Not prepared with soldiers, and
munitions, and navies and provisions to engage ,
in a war ; but were we prepared in our hearts for .
a war with our brethren ?
He would use lawful mean* to enforce the j
i laws. He woultHiot meditate war, nor tolerate |
i the least idea of it until every effort that coaid
| justlv be entertained had been tried and failed,
i and all hope of the Union had gone; then, and .
j not till then, would he deliberate upon and deter- j
> mine what course his duty required him to pur- j
i sue. He was for peace inorderto save the Union. ;
| War is disunion, certain, inevitable, irresistible;;
i and it cannot be construed otherwise. The peo- i
I pie of the West acknowledge no such doctrine. ;
i Their rights, their interest, their satety, and their
existence forbids it. The Northwestern country
was ceded with the understanding that they •
should have property in the Union, nor would;
thev give it up. They hud settled on their lands i
with that understanding, and they would not sub- !
mit to be surrounded with a Chinese wall, and ;
! shut out from right of way to the sea in their iso
lated region.
Mr. Douglas referred to Florida, Texas and
Louisiana, the territory of which was purchased
at the expense of millions to the United States,
and yet, after this had been expended for them
they proposed to withdraw. We could purchase
Cuba, pay thirty millions for her, admit her as a
State, and yet, according to the argument of the
right of secession, she could withdraw and go back
to Spain and get the money from us. Spain could
then sell her again. [Laughter.] We obtaimffi
Texas at an expense of millions, and she proposed
to withdraw.
Mr. Hemphill said we acquired California by
the war with which we obtained Texas, and a de
duction should be allowed.
Mr. Douglas said we did not buy the gold of
California. The citizens of California dug and
sold it to us, and no such allowance as the Sena
tor suggested should be made. Government, he
proceeded to say, meant coercion. Government
compelled a man to perform a doty which he
failed to execute without it. But the Government
must coerce within the laws and Constitution.—
Nor does this apply to a State in which no one
recognizes the United States, aud where a Gov
ernment exists <l* facto.
Mr. Douglas then proceeded at some length io
an earnest manner to advocate first the restora
tion of the Missouri lioe to the Pacific, and ma
king it a part of the Constitution ; and the sever
al propositions contained in his resolutions and
those of Mr. Crittenden. These he believed ought
to settle the questions agitating the country, aud
should be acceptable to the Republicans. If not,
what did they propose to do? They had offered
to amend the Constitution of the United States so
as to make it unlawful for them to interfere with
slaverv in the States. But they had done nothing
regarding it in the dockyards, arsenals and Ter
ritories—the issues for the South. The Senator
from Connecticut (Mr. Dixon) had made a pa
triotic speech, but no one else on the other side
had shown any willingness to do anything. The
Senator from Oregon (Mr. Baker; had made a
proposition evading the issue. The issue, he
would say, could uo longer be evaded. It was
war or compromise. Ho aid not think it humbling
himself to say that he preferred compromise or
war.
It seemed a party policy of the Republicans to
do uothiug on this question ; but let them accept
his or the proposition of Mr. Crittenden and we
would have peace, and he had uo doubt but that
the people would ratify it—even the people of
Massachusetts ; aud yet they, by doing so, would
not say that they hated slavery leas. Let them
be submitted to the people. If they are accepted,
no harm is done ; but if they reject them, war is
inevitable. To him a war between eighteen States
mid fifteen sister States was a fearful and revolt
ing spectacle, and for wbat purpose is it to be
waged? Not to save the Union. He had too
much respect for the Republicans to believe that
that was their object. They could not subjugate
ten millions of people; b it tho war must end,
and it would eud in a treaty of peace and an eter
ual separation. Mr. D. described the horrors of
civil war and its consequences on this country.
lie had yet hope for the country, yet he would
confess that the indications at present were more
of bloodshed. Every man here must see it, must
hear it, must breathe it in the atmosphere. They
could not be blind to it. He trusted that we would
never have war for a platform. It were better
that every public man should suffer political mar
tyrdom than that the Government should be dis
solved. We all bad children. Could we not leave
them a country? He closed iu au eloquent appeal
for the Union, followed by applause iu the galle
ries.
Mr. Toombs obtained the fioor for Monday uext
at 1 o’clock, to which time the resolution was
postponed.
Mr. Wilson obtained the floor ou the resolution
for Tuesday next.
At 5.30 F. M. the Senate adjourned to Saturday.
Mr. Sbermau by the request of his friend, with
drew the appeal he yesterday made from the de
cision of the Speaker,who had overruled Mr. Sher
man’s point that the latter could, in the present
state of business, introduce a resolution referring
the South Caroliua secession question to the Con
vention on Judiciary.
Mr. Bingham from the Judiciary Committee, re
ported back the bill further to provide for the col
lection of duties on imports; with amendments,
aud moved that it be recommended to the Judici
ary Committee. [This bill is understood to be
identical with the Force Bill of 1832.]
Mr. Brunch approved the motion. It would
give the Chairman of the Committee the privil
ege of calling up the bill sit any tune. He would
move the previous question now, and let them
Lave a vote at once, or else give time for its prop
er consideration and discussion. He would, how
ever, have no objection that it should go to the
Committee of the Whole. At any rate he wished
the opportunity to defeud the Constitution, which
was sought to be violated by the bill.
Meeting in Baltimore. —A very large Union
meeting was held at Baltimore ou Thursday even
ing. Among the most distinguished speakers
was lion. lieverdy Johnson. He made a legal ar
gument of great length against the right of seces
sion. lie also thought it necessary that time
should be tiad to afford an opportunity to the
Northern States to make the concessions which
will guarantee to all the States their rights. The
North was the aggressor And to blame, aud the
South v> as not blameless. But the time would
come when all the difficulties could he healed,
and peace and prosperity be restored. Mr. John
son spoke at length. Throughout he was fre
quently interrupted by applause, and once or
twice by coufusiou ou the floor.
The following resolutions wore adopted:
Resolved , That the unity 6f government which
constitutes us one people is justly dear to us, for
it is a main pillar in the edifice of our real inde
pendence, the support of our tranquility at
home, our peace abroad, of our safety, of our
prosperity, of that very liberty which we so high
ly prize.
Resolved, That notwithstanding much pains has
been taken to weaken in our minds the conviction
of the immense value of our national Union to
our collective and individual happiness, we still
cherish a cordial, habitual aud immovable attach
meurto it; that we accustom ourselves to think
and speak of it as tiie palladium of our political
safety and prosperity ; that we will watch for its
preservation with jealous anxiety ; that we will
discountenance whatever may suggest even a
suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned;
and that we will indignantly frown upon every
attempt to alienate any portion of our country
from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which
link together the various parts.
Resolved, That to the efficacy and permuueuce
of our Union, a government for the whole is indis
pensable, and that no alliances, however strict,
between the parts can be an adequate substitute.
Resolved , That the Government of the Union,
the offspring of our own choice, uuiufluenced aud
unawed, adopted upon full investigation aud ma
ture deliberation; completely free iuits principles;
iu the distribution of its powers, uniting security
w ith energy, and containing within itself a pro
vision for its owu amendment, has a just claim to
our coutideuce aud our support, aud that respect
for its authority, compliance with its laws, acqui
escence in its measures, are duties enjoined by
the fundamental maxims of true liberty.
Resolved , That the preceding resolutions—taken
from the Farewell Address of the Father of his
Country—contain a declaration of principles aud
duties bv w hich wo mean to abide, for weal or for
woo ; whilst, at the same time, we claim that ev
ery privilege and right guaranteed to us and to
our sister States by the Constitution can, and
shall be, maintained under aud according to its
provisions • aud that we will never desecrate the
lame of NVashiugton by the destruction of the
Constitution and the Union, which are the true
monuments of his glory.
Resolved , That various Northern States have
passed laws usually called “Personal Liberty
laws,” which we believe to be iu violation of the
! Constitution of the United States; of the acts of
i Congress passed pursuant thereto, and of the sa
| cred obligations which those States owe to our
i common country ; and that we appeal to the Con
| stitutional duty, the patriotism, the honor, the
I justice, aud the brotherhood ot the people of those
| States respectively, to repeal those laws, and by
j every way and means iu their power, to put down
j tbe aggressions of their people on peculiar institu
tions ot the Southern States, as the only way to
i remove the well-founded discontent aud com
plaints of their brethren of the Southern States.
| aud which, if uot removed, may prove fatal to our
Union, as well as to all those vital interests which
ought to bind us together as one people.
Resolved, That the present condition of our
country demauds of all who love her a spirit of
fairness, of candor, of conciliation, of concession,
aud of self-sacrifice; aud that we hail with
thanktul aud hopeful hearts the patriotic efforts
now being made in Congress for the settlement,
as we trust forever, of the dangerous questions at
issue, on some Constitotional, Just and equitable
principle ; and that such of our statesmeu and
States, whether of the North or of the South, as
may contribute most to this holy end, will chal
lenge the highest place in the affections of our
country ; and those who may refuse to lend their
aid to this holy purpose may justlv expect, as
they will be sure to receive’, the condemnation
and reprobation ot the present, as well as of fu
ture ages.
Ex-Senator Dickimion on Coercion.
The Hon. Dauiel S. Dickinson, of New York
at the Tammany Hall eighth of January celebra
tion, made an eloquent speech, in the course of
which he said:
This Union so beneficently founded, can only
be maintained upoD the great principle of just
tice aud equality. Can it be maintained by force?
Can members of the confederacy be coerced into
fidelity ? It is one thing to enforce the constitu
tion, and maintain the laws; it is another to co
erce a State. Let him who thinks that a State
can be coerced, coerce the sun to shine by legal
enactment. [Cheers ] Coerce the rains of hear
en to fall on tfie just and th; UDjust alike, coerce
the stars to tremble, coerce the tides to ebb and
tlow, then go and coerce a free State into fidelity.
[Cheers.'Our Southern brethren possess an institu
tion sensitive as to property, sensitive sociblly sen
sitive in every regard whatsoever. It has been
warred upon; it has been menaced until they have
been goaded beyond endurance. We are the
stronger party in America. We poss ess no snch
institution.
We can afford, and the constitution demands
of us, that we extend to them the hand ot kind
ness, of fraternity, and fellowship, and that we
redress our own wrong-doing, ana place them on
the great principles of equality where the consti
tution placed them. r Loud cheers.] That is the
way to maintain the Union, and it cannot be done
! n any other manner or spirit. [Cbeers.l Let us
i iassure ourselves, not by figures of speech, not bv
| rhetoric, to show them that we intend, whatever
j may huve been our shortcomings before, to up
! hold the constitution and the Union in its true
spirit of equality. [Loud cheers. A voice—for
ever. Certainly forever.
I am for fighting the good battle of the Union,
with the eoustituiion for my sword and the con
stitution for my shield. Let the South and the
I North have one great battle, but let the question !
be which shall elevate the principles of the con- j
stitution the highest. Let us go hand in hand |
together, and fight tbe battles of the constitution,
but no battles of blood. There is imminent dan- I
ger, my brethren; some say there cannot be, but
there is.
Slavery is Kansas. —A case came up before
! Judge Pettit, yesterday, in the District Court for
j the Territorv.Vhich involved the constitutionality j
i of the anti-slavery bill passed by the Legislature ■
I last winter. A negro woman, named Fanny, j
| claimed by Horace Haley as a slave, left hia cus
r tody some time ago, and went to live at the house
of F. R. Foard. Haley petitioned to recover pos
! session of the ‘.property” and Foard demurred, •
J on the ground that Fanny was not a slave, as
stated in the petition. The case was urgued bv
; Lecompte. Matthias and Bmus, lor the plaintiff;
j and J. C. Douglas, Esq., for the defendant. Judge
‘ Pettit overruled the demurrer, and decided that
, the law prohibiting slavery in Kansas wag not
j constitutional—ZfWcentcortA Tim**, Jam. 1.
From the Charleston Mercury, Jan . IDA.
Statement of Meurt. Allies and Kcitt, of
xvhat Transpired Between the Presi
dent and the Sooth Carolina Delega
tion.
In compliance with the request of the Conven- j
tion *ve beg leave to make the following state
meet:
On Saturday, the bth of December, several of j
the South Carolina delegation, including our- I
selves, waited upon the President. At this time, !
there was a growing belief that reinforcements .
were on the eve of being sent to the forts in J
i Charleston harbor. It was known that the sub- |
; ject was frequently and earnestly discussed in the j
i Cabinet. It was rumored that General Cass aud 1
i Mr. Holt were urgent that reinforcements should
I be sent. Upon our being announced, the Presi
j dent, who was then in Cabinet Council, came out
! to us iu the ante-room. Wo at once entered into
j a conversation upon the topic, which was so close
• l y occupying his thoughts, as well as ours. The
j President seemed much disturbed and moved.
| He told us that he had a painful interview with
i the wife of Major Anderson, who had come on
j from New York to see him. She had manifested
great anxiety and distress at the situation of her
husband, whom she seemed to consider in momen- j
tary danger of attack from an excited and lawless
mob. The President professed to feel a deep re- |
sponsibility resting upon him to protect the lives •
of Major Anderson and his command. We told ;
him that the news that reinforcements were on j
their way to Charleston, would he the surest I
means of provoking what Mrs. Anderson appre- i
hended, and what ne so much deprecated. We I
said, further, that we did not believe that Major |
Anderson was in any danger of such an attack ; ;
that the general # sentiment of the State was agaiust !
any such proceeding. That, prior to the action
of the State Convention, then only ten days off',
we felt satisfied that there would be no attempt to
molest the forts in any way. That, after the Con
vention met —while we coaid not possibly under
take to say what that body would see fit to do—
we yet hoped aud believed that uothiug would bo
dn’e until we had first endeavored, by duly ac
credited Commissioners, to negotiate for a peace
ful settlement of all matters, including the delive
ry of the forts, between South Carolina and the
Federal Government. At the same time, we
again reiterated our solemn belief that any chauge
iu the then existing condition of things in Charles
ton harbor, would, iu the excited state of feeliug
at home, inevitably precipitate a collision. The
impression made upon us was, that tue President
was wavering, ana hud not decided w’hat course
he would pursue. He said he was glad to have
had this conversation with us, but would prefer
that we should give hiui a written memorandum
of the substance of what we had said. This we
did on Monday, the Ith. It was in these words ;
7 o His Hsceliency James Bushanan ,
President of the United States :
111 compliance with our statement to you yester
day, we now express to you our strong convictions
that neither the constituted authorities, nor any
body of the people of the State of South Carolina,
will either attack or molest the United States
forts iu the harbor of Charleston, previously to
the action of the Convention, aud we hope and
believe not until an offer has been made through
an accredited representative, to negotiate for au
amicable arrangement of all matters between the
State and Federal Government, provided that no
reinforcements shall be sent into those forts, and
their relative military status shali remain as at
piesent.
John McQueen,
W'm. Poucuxr Miles,
M. L. Bonham,
W. W. Boyce,
Lawrence M. Keitt.
Washington, 9th Dec., 1800.
The President did not like the word “provided,”
because it looked us if w F e were binding him while
avowing that we had no authority to commit the
Convention. We told him that we did not so un
derstand. We were expressing our convictions
and belief, predicated upon the maintenance of a
certain condition of things, which maintenance
was absolutely and entirely iu his power. If he
maintained such condition, then we believed that
collision would be avoided until the attempt at a
peaceable negotiation had failed. If be did uot,
then we solemnly assured him that we believed
collision must inevitably, and at once, be precip
tated. lie seemed satisfied, aud said it was uot
his intention to send reinforcements, or make
any change. We explained to him what we meant
by the words “relative military status, ” as ap
plied to the forts; mentioned the diilercuco be
tween Maj. Anderson’s occupying his theu posi
tion at Fort Moultrie, and throwing himself into
Fort Sumter. We stated that the latter step
would be equivalent tc reinforcing the garrison,
and would just as certainly as the sending of
fresh troops lead to the result which we both de
sired to avoid. When we rose to go, the Presi
dent said, in substance, “After all, this is a mut
ter of honor among gentlemen. I do uot know
that any paper or writing is necessary. We un
derstand each other.” One of tho delegation,
just before leaving the room, remarked ; “Mr.
President, you have determined to let things re
maius as they are, and uot to send reinforcements;
but, suppose that you were hereafter to change
your policy for any reason—what then? That
Would put us, who are willing to use our personal
influence to prevent any attack upon tho forts be
fore Commissioners are sent on to Washington,
in rather an embarrassing position.” “Teen,”
said the President, “I would first return you this
paper.” We do not pretend to give the exact
words on their side, but we are sure we give the
sense of both.
The above is a full and stact account of what
passed between the President and the delegation.
The President, in his letter to our Commissioners,
tries to give the impression that our “ under
standing” or “ agreement” was uot a “ pledge.”
We confess we are not sufficiently versea in the
wiles of diplomacy to feel the force of this “ dis
tinction without.*difference.” Nor can we un
derstand how, in “ a matter of honor among gen
tlemen,” in which “ uo paper or writing is ne
cessary,” the very party who was willing to put it
on that high footing cau honorably descend to
mere verbal criticism, to purge, himself of what
all gentlemen and men of nonor must consider a
breach of faith. The very fact that we (tho re
presentatives from South Carolina,) were not au
thorized to commit or “ pledge” tho State, were
not treatiug with the President as accredited
ministers with full pow'ers, but as gentlemen as
suming to a certain extent, the delicate task of
undertaking to foreshadow the course aud policy
ot the State, should hare made tho President the
more ready to strengthen our bauds to bring
about and carry out that course and jiolicv which
he professed to have as much at heart as wo had.
While we were not authorized to say that the
Convention would not order the occupation of the
forts immediately after secession, and prior to the
seuding on of Commissioners, tho President, as
Commander-in Chief of the Army and Navy of
the United States, could most positively say, that
so long as South Carolina abstained from attack
ing aud seizing the forts, he would not send rein
forcements to them, or allow their relative milita
ry status to be changed. We were acting in the
capacity of gentlemen holding certain prominent
positions, aud anxious to exert such iuuueuce as
we might possess to effect a peaceful solution of
pending political difficulties, and prevent, if possi
ble, the horrors of war. The President was act
ing in a double capacity; not only as a gentle
man, whose influence in carrying out his share of
the understanding or agreement, was potential,
but as the head of the army, and, therefore, hav
ing the absolute control of the whole mat
ter of reinforcing or transferring tho garrison at
Charleston. But we have dwelt long enough up
oq this jioiut. Suffice it to say, that considering
the President as bouud iu honor, if not by treaty
stipulation, not to make any chauge in the forts,
or to send reinforcements to them, unless they
were attacked, we of .the delegation who were
elected to the Convention felt equally bound iu
honoi to do everything on our part to prevent any
premature collision. This Convention can bear
us witness as to whether or not we endeavored
honorably to carry out our share of the agreement.
The published debates at the very commence
ment of the session, contain the evidence of our
good faith. We trusted the President. We be
lieved his wishes concurred with his policy, and
that both were directed to avoid any inauguration
of hostilities. We were confirmed iu our confi
dence, and reassured iu our belief, by a significant
event which took place subsequent to our inter
view. He allowed his premier Cabinet officer, an
old and tried friend, to resign, rather than yield
to his solicitations for the reiuforccment of the
garrisoivat Charleston. Wc urged this as a con
vincing proof of his firmness and sincerity. But
how have we been deceived ! The news of Major
Anddtaon’s coup produced a sudden and unex
pected chauge in the President’s policy. While
declaring that his withdrawal from Fort Moultrie
to Fort Sumter was “without orders, aud contrary
to orders,” he yet refused for 12 hours to take any
action in the matter. For twelve hours, there
fore, without any excuse, he refused to redeem his
plighted word. No subsequent acts on the part of
our State—no after reasons—can wipe away the
stain which he suffered to rest upon his “honor as
a gentleman,” while those hours, big with porten
toifs events, rolled slowly by. His Secretary of
War, impatient of a delay, every moment of which
lie felt touched his own liotior, resigned. He did
so solely on the ground that the faith of the Gov
ern ment—solemnly pledged—was broken, if it
failed promptly to undo what had been done con
trary to its wishes—against its settled policy—
and in violation of its distinct agreement.
The President accepted his resignation without
commeut. lid did not attempt to disabuse the
mind of his Secretary, as to what was the true
position of the Government. Wbat a spectacle
does the President's vacillating and disingenuous
course present ? He allows one Secretary to re
resign rather tbau abandou a policy which he has
agreed upou. Scarcely Lave a few short weeks
elapsed, and he accepts the resiguatiou of another
rather than to adhere to that very policy. He
makes au agreement with gentlemen which’, while
be admits that they have faithfully kept it on their
part, he himself evades and repudiates. And this
he goes rather than redress a wrong—correct an
error—which he himself considers an error—com
: mined by a subordinate, without his orders, and
contrary to his wishes. It was at leustdue to Mr.
Floyd, who, ns one of his Cabinet, had officially
and personally stood by his Admnistration from
its very commencement —through good report,
and through evil report—to have explained to him
that he was, in the President’s opinion, laboring
under a misapprehension. At least, to have said
to him “you are mistaken about this matter —do
uot leave me on a false issue.” But no ;he coldly,
ungraciously, yet promptly, receives the resigna
tion without a syllable of remonstrance, and Uius
tactile, but unequivocally, accepts without shame
the issue preseuted, He does not deny that the !
faith of his government is pledged, but he deliber
ately refuses to redeem it.
WM. PORCHER MILES,
LAURENCE M. KEITT.
The “Southern Confederacy. —Among the ru
mors from Washington may be placed this one,
furnished by the correspondent of tho Baltimore
Sun :
The leaders of the Southern movement are con
! suiting as to the hest mode of consolidating their
interests into a confederacy under a Provisional
Government. The plan is to make Senator Hun
ter, of Virginia, Provisional President, and Jef
ferson Davis commander-in-chief of the army of
defence. Mr. Hunter now possesses in a more
eminent degree the philosophical characteristics
of Jefferson"than any other statesman now living.
Colonel Davis is a graduate of West Point, was
distinguished for gallantry at Buena Vista, and
served as Secretary of War under President
Pierce, and is not second to Gen. Scott in militarv
seience or courage.
Proposal for Privateerino— The anticipa
tions oft war with the Secessionists are so fully
realized in many minds, that we are informed of
grand propositions, on the part of certain boat
Builders aud ship captains in this city, to inaugu
rate privateering expeditions, so soon as hostili
ties shall commence. It was reliably rumored
yesterday afternoon, that most of the coasting ves
sels now leaving this city, are armed with cannon
and ammunition. Such tidings smack of war.—
Philadelphia Prm.
Counting the Presidential Vote.— The second
Wednesday in February is the day fixed by law
j for counting the electoral vote in’ Congregs, and
declaring the election of President and vica-Presi
j dent ot the United States. It is asserted by
j some of the Black Republican Washington cor
j respondents that a plan is under consideration to
defeat, if it may be, the action of tbe law by the
| refusal of tbe Senate to meet the House of R’epre
; sentatives, aud participate in counting and de-
I daring the vote. Another scheme, said to be
t meditated by Southern men, is to prevent the
counting of votes for President by leaving the
| Senate without a quorum.
Death of a Relative of Gin. Jackson.— James
iT. J. McCullough died lately in Louisiana. He
was born at the Hermitage, in Tennessee. His
father was cousin to General Andrew Jackson,
and his mother was the niece of Mrs. Rachael
Jackson, wife of the General. With him has de
parted the last known blood relation of the old
patriot, statesman, and soldier, in tbe United
States.
Correspondence of the Baltimore American.
Letter from Charleston.
Republic of South Carolina, )
Charleston, Jan. 7tb, IS6I. )
The city of Charleston continues greatly excited
upon the question of war or peace. In anticipa
tion of the former, preparations are being made
on an extensive scale. The streets of the city
swarm with soldiers, and the process of enlistment j
into service is conducted with activity. Upon j
many of the street corners, in the bar-rooms and
other places of public resort, posters are stuck up I
inviting the services of “able-bodied men” to en- j
list into the “Army of the Republic of South Ca- i
rolina,” and offering as an inducement thereto the
liberal sum of “$lO per month, with rations and a
bonus of $2.”
In addition to tbe ten thousand men to be raised
by the ordinance of the State Legislature, the
Convention, as you are aware, has, by resolution,
directed the Governor to raise-for instantaueous
service two additional regiments of six hundred
men each. These latter will be officered by ap
pointment of the Governor, and will no doubt
embrace the best military skill of the State, though
1 this is by uo means certaiu. Many of the Gov
, ernor's appointments have already created some
j little dissatisfaction, and publi(Bconfidence is some
what shaken. However this may be; we are nev
; ertheless progressing quite as rapidly and as safe
| ly in all things looking towards defence as could
: expected, or as is desirable iu the present un
certain state of affairs.
j Each day brings with it stirring news of prepa
ration all over the State. Every train that ar
| rives is thronged with armed bauds of soldiers
j ready to proffer their services to the Common
| wealth. In various localities about the city tem
porary barracks have been erected, and here the
military are quartered until ordered to some point
of defence. At present two or three large com
panies are encamped on the race-course, and sev
eral ethers are located in other places. There is
scarcely an hour in the day, when abroad on tho
streets, that you do uot meet with at least one,
perhaps more, well-disciplined companies ot sol
diers undergoing exercise. The Citadel Green is
a favorite resort of the military, aud the space af
forded for extensive maucouvering is highly: use
ful—a regiment of recruits can be drilled ou it
withojt inconvenience, aud it is therefore con
stantly occupied for this purpose. On several oc
casions I have witnessed the movements of dra
goon companies and of artillery.
Thh Citadel and the Arsenal. —The Citadel it
self is a large, strong and handsome work. It
has beeu so often sketched iu the illustrated pa-/
pers that no description of it is necessary. How
ever, it may be as well to say that it is the senior
department of the extensive militarv school which
has been under the fostering care ot the State for
many years. Its graduates are all men in high
position, many of them hold commissions iu the
army of the Republic. The course of instruction
and discipline is of the most rigid character, and
I believe the cadets are raukoa next to those es
West Point. At present there are about 350 stu
dents attached to the institution here, while 150
more, belonging to the junior class, are under
going instruction at Columbia. Os the force in
Charleston, some hundred or so are on active duty
at Morris Island, and about one hundred are sta
tioned on Sullivan’s Island. All of them are
young men inured to hardship—the very flower of
tbe State, high-mettled, impulsive aud eager for a
tight. lam told that the services rendered by
them in tho erection of fortifications have been
very valuable.
The Arsenal, about the occupation of which so
much has beeu said, is very valuable pluuder to
South Carolina. Its stores of ammunition, arms,
Ac., though greatly exaggerated in magnitude,
are, nevertheless, very large. It did contain at
the time of the surrender some 25,000 or 30,000
stand of arms, with large quantities of cartridges,
minie balls, Ac. From these stores several coin
tiauies of South Carolina volunteers have already
►een supplied with arms. Many ot the boxes of
iMinie rifles and muskets have been opened aud
Distributed, so that those companies are we.l
armed for service.
1 have heard that no hard words or ill feeling
of any kind attended the surrender of the Arsenal.
Everything was done in a perfectly friendly way.
The South Caroliua authorities notified the Com
mander of the Arsenal that they wanted the prop
erty, aud it was given up without a word. The
Deputy of the Republic and the Commander of
the Arsenal took a friendly drink, aud the next
day the Stars and Stripes were hauled down from
the Arseual Flag staff’with a salute of thirty two
guns. A salute was also fired when the Palmetto
flag was immediately afterwards ruu up.
At this time the Arsenal is in the possession of
a large force of South Carolina troops, highly
drilled and under strict discipline.
A Moke Moderate Policy.— Yet, with all our
preparation for war and its contingencies, it is not
believed the President will carry out Ins coercive
line of policy. State after State will secede, until
six or eight baud together in a Confederacy that
they say will hold within its grasp the very bread
and sustenance of tbe working-men, tbe toiling
millions of Europe. That, as a Confederacy, with
Cotton for King, England and France will recog
nize its independence at once. Capable ofsustuiuiug
itself, capable of presenting to tho world a com
pletc Government at the outset, they think there
will be no nation to fail in recognizing the inde
pendence of the States, jointly or confederated.
Tho true policy to be preserved, and one that
will uo doubt be adopted by our legislature and
our Government, will be to keep down the fretful
ebullition of popular desire, to cool public ardor,
and, above all things, to evade the contingency of
war. Let the United States troops remain in pos
session of the fort in our harbor; muke no at
tempt to take it ; suffer them to hol<J any similar
posts they may choese to occupy oh the coast;
yet bold as many of them as* we cau ourselves
without coming into actual conflict. Leave all to
circumstances, aud those who thus advise thiuk
that the South will attain its ends. This I be
lieve will be the policy of South Carolina. Rash
ness or haste w'ill be deadly to our hopes of a
peaceful revolution. The first drop of blood shed
will arouse the military spirit of the North, and
civil war will result. Southerners—at least the
well informed of them—acknowledge the courage
and prowess of the people of the States opposed
to them in matters political, aud dread the conse
quences of provoking them by hostile acts. They
know full well that if the feelings of their antago
nists are fully excited, there is certaiu danger of
a bloody couflict, and it must therefore be their
object to keep from open hostility.
Co-Operation now Desired. —Apart from this,
South Carolina is unprepared for war, and totally
unable and unwilling to fight the battles of the
South by,, herself. She must have co-operation
with other States. This is a fact recognized by
every one except the unthinking, heated masses,
who conceive that South Carolina can stand
against the world and defy it. Were this not the
case they do not hesitate to say Sumter would
long since have been garrisoned by the troops of
tho Republic, aud instead of tbe Stars and the
Stripes at tho stuff’ head we should now see the
Palmetto flag floating in triumph. The feeling of
hatred to the Yankee Abolitionists at tbe North is
iutense aud elicits expressions of supreme con
tempt from the depths of every Southern heart,
yet it is acknowledged that they possess courage
aud w'hen aroused will fight to the bitter end.
The policy, or at least part of the policy of
South Carolina is, after staving off* war by non
action, to hold back cotton—omnipotent cotton
reduce the supplies in manufacturing countries—
step the thousands and tens-of thousands of man
ufactories in tho North and in Europe—until, by
absolute force of circumstances, people will be
driven to acknowledge the independence of the
Confederacy. After this is done, they declare
that Uncle Sam, Uncle Buck or Uucle Abe, as the
case may be, will be forced to release hold upon
all fortifications, and the same will pass imme
diately into possession of the South. Ilow they
will raise the sinews of war without selling their
cotton is not thought of.
Expenses of the War. —The Governor of the
Republic, in a Message to-day, informs the Legis
lature that, under the resolutions of the Conven
tion, he has proceeded to raise two regiments of
enlisted men—oue for service twleve mouths, the
other for six months ; that be has commissioned
the officers from First Lieut, down to Third Lieut,
and iD oue iustauce has commissifined a Captain
to raise immediately an artillery company. He
thinks it may not be necessary to enlist men for
the second regiment.
He had also, by authority of the Convention,
made a call for volunteer companies to be formed
mto regiments and will, when necessary, appoint
the field officers. The only officer yet appointed
in this volunteer forca is Col. Maxcy Gregg, whom
the Governor calls a “brave and able officer to
commaud it.” A portion of this regiment is now
in actual positiou on Sullivan’s Island, and other
companies for it are rapidly arriving from tbe
country. This regimeut is to serve for six months.
The Governor thus rehearses the expenses for
military defence at which the State will he put:
To raise and equip a regiment for twelve
months, $200,000
The regiment of Col. Gregg, alieady
raised for 6 months 100,000
The regiment now raising for G months 100,00”
The Coast Police, with three vessels of
war ordered by the Legislature, 150,000
The act already passed by the Legisla
ture to raise an armed military
force, under which eulistmeuts
are going ou, 500,000
Provisions for purchase of arms, Ac., al
ready passed, amount to, 400,000
Making a grand total of war expenses
thus far only, $1,450,000
Fourteen hundred aud fifty thousand dollars ex
pense of war for a State with uot a dollar in the
treasury and nothing hut the Bauk of the State to
draw upon.
A Commissioner to Europe. —A letter in the
New York Herald alleges that the State of Geor
gia has appointed a commissioner to proceed
abroad to obtain from foreign powers the recogni
tion of the seceding States as governments defacto.
He will also be charged'with the duty of negotia
ting a basis of credit and exchange, bv which the
cotton crop can be hypothecated in Europe and
moved for joint account. But the most important
duty of the commissioner will be in regard to the
question of revenue. If the federal government
shall make rraugements to collect the revenue
off Southern seaports, it is arranged that the cot
ton States will pronounce for free trade and di
rect taxation. They will proceed to raise the
revenue for the South by direct taxation, giving
notice to foreign governments that Southern
ports are open to the importantation of their mer
chandise free of duty, and that the imposition
of duties by the United States government is un
lawful,and unauthorized. The question would,
therefore, become a foreign Otie, aud England
aud France will be left to decide between a North
ern alliance and tree trade with the South.
Mr. Seward to Speak. —The fate of all the plans
of compromise and concession will be decided on
Saturday, when Mr. Seward has the floor on the
President Message. He has authorized the official
announcement of tbe fact that he has accepted the
appointment of Secretary of State under Mr. Lin
coln, and his speech may be expected uot only to
foreshadow the present purposes of his party, but
the policy of the incoming Administration on the
freat questions that now agitate the country.—
hat he will endeavor to restore peace and harmo
nv to the nation is very generally expected; but
if he should fail to meet the hopeful expectations
of the friends of the Union, all thought of relief
from Congress may be at once abandoned. If Mr.
Seward sustains and upholds the views of Hale,
Sumner A Cos., it will be a dark day for the coun
try. The taking of such a position would rally
around him the eDtire Republican party, whilst a
spirit of conciliation aDd compromise would leave
only the extremists standing alone ia their vindic
tiveness.
Mr. Seward always keeps his own counsel ag to
his intentions. No one, perhaps, with the excep- ;
tion of his colleague, Preston King, will know ,
anything definite as to the positions he will take
until he gives utterance to them on the floor of
the Seoate. That he desires the preservation !
of the Union no one for a moment doubts. That
he has an ambition to become President of the
United States, to succeed Mr. Lincoln, is general
ly admitted. The hope therefore is that he will
make the most of his present power and position
not only to restore peace and prosperity to the
country, but to regain a national character and
reputation for himself. The hand that will guide j
tbe ship of State to a peaceful haven, and success
folly weather the storm that now threatens its
wreck, will be well spoken of in history, even
through his unskilfal seamanship at the commence j
ment of the vovage should have endangered her
safety. * “
Oxtgenated Bitters. —To such of our readers |
as are troubled with the debility incident to the I
approach of warm weather, we cordially recom
mend the use of the Oxygenated Bitters, as an in
vigorating tonic—safe, efficacious, and highly pal
atable when diluted according to directions, con
taining no alcohol in its composition, and possess
ing more real merit than any preparation of the
kind we have ever known. Many leading physi
cians use it in their practice, and have spoken of I
it in the strongest terms of praise ever their own
signatures. Its reputation as a cure for dyspepsia
is universal.— Ogdentburgh Republican.
This peculiar and excellent remedy is worthy of
all tbe numerous tributes which has been paia to ;
ita rare qualities as a healing medium.
Message ot'tlie President.
The following is the message of President Bu- |
ehauan sent in to Cougress on Wednesday lMt:
To the Semite and House of Representatives :
At the openiug of your present session, I called !
your attention to the dangers which threatened !
the existence of the Union. I expressed my opin- I
ion freely concerning the original causes of these j
dangers, and recommended such measures as Ii
believed would have the effect of tranquillizing (
the country, and saving it trom the neril in which j
it had been needlessly and most unfortunately in j
volved. Those opinions and recommendations I j
do not propose now to repeat. My own convic
tions upon the whole subject remain unchanged. [
The fact that a great calamity was impending ]
over the nation was even at that time acktiowl- !
edged by every intelligent citizen. It had already j
made itself felt throughout the length and breadt h j
ot the land. The necessary consequences of the
alarm thus produced were most deplorable. The
imports fell off with a rapidity never known be
; fore, except in time of war, iu the history of our
j foreign commerce ; the Treasury was uneipected
j ly left without the means which it had reasonably
j counted upon to meet the public engagements*; j
i trade was paralyzed ; manufactures were stopped
the best public securities suddenly sunk iu the
j market; every species of property depreciated
j more or less ; and thousands of poor men, who
| depended upou their daily labor for their daily
bread, were turned out ot employment,
j I deeply regret that lam not able to give you
! any information upon the state of the Union
which is more satisfactory than what 1 was then
obliged to commuuicute. On the contrary, mat
ters ure still worse at present than they then were,
j When Congress met, a strong hope pervaded the
whole public mind that some amicable adjust
ment of the subject would speedily be made by
the Representatives of the States and o the peo
ple which might restore peace between the con
flicting sectious of the country. That hope has
been diminished by every hour of delay; and as
the prospect of a bloodless settlement fades away,
the public distress becomes more and more ag
gravated. As evidence of this, it is only necessa
ry to say that the Treasury uotes authorized by
the act of 17th (seventeenth) December last were
and vertised according to the law, ana that no re
sponsible bidder offered to take any considerable
sum at par at a lower rate of interest than twelve
percent. From these facts it appears that, in a
Government organized like ours, domestic strife,
or even a well-grounded fear of civil hostilities, is
more destructive to our public aud pri.ate inter
ests than the most formidable foreign war.
In my annual message I expressed the couvic
tiou, which l hare long deliberately held, aud
which recent reflection has only tended to deepen
and confirm, that no State has a right, by its own
act, to secede from the Union, or throw off its
Federal obligations at present. I also declared
my opinion to be, that even if that light existed,
and suould be exercised by any State of the Con
federacy, the Executive department of this Gov
ernment had uo authority, under the Constitu
tion, to recognize its validity by acknowledging
the independence of such State. This left me no
alternative, as the Chief Executive officer under
the Constitution of the United States, but to col
lect the public revenue and to protect the public
property, so far as this might be practicable, un
der existing laws. This is still my purpose. My
province is to execute, and not to make the laws.
It belongs to Cougress exclusively lo repeal, to
modify, or to enlarge theft provisions, to meet
exigencies as they may occur. I possess no dis
pensing power. 1 certainly had uo i :ght to make
aggressive wai upou any State; aud J am perfect
ly satisfied that the Constitution has visely with
held that power even from Congress. But the
right aud duty to use military force defensively
against those who resist the Federal officers in
the execution of their legal functions and against
those who assail the property of the Federal Go
vernment, is clear and undeniable.
But the dangerous aud hostile altitude of the
States towards each other has already far trans
cended and cast in the shade the ordinary Execu
tive duties already provided for by law, and lias
assumed such vast and alurming proportions as
to place the subject entirely above aud beyond
Executive control. The fact cannot be disguised,
that we are in the midst of a great revolution. In
all its various bearings, therefore, 1 commend the
question to Congress, as the only human tribunal,
under Providence, possessing the power to meet
the existing emergency. To them exclusively
belongs the power to declare war or to authorize
the employment of military force in all cases con
templated by the Constitution ; and they alone
possess the power to remove grievances which
might lead to war, and to secure peace aud Union
to this distracted country. On them, and on
them alone, rests the responsibil ty.
The Union is a sacred trust left by our revolu
tionary lathers to their descendants, aud never
did any other people inherit so rich a legacy. It
has rendered us prosperous in peace and tri
umphant iu war. The national Hag has floated
in glory over every sea. Under its shadow Ame
rican citizens have found protection and respect
in all lauds beneath the sun. It we descend to
considerations of purely material interest, when,
in the history of all time, has a Confederacy been
bound together by such strong ties of mutual in
terest ? Each portion of it is dependent on all,
and all on each portion, for prosperity and do
mestic security. Free trade throughout the
whole supplies the wants of one portion from tho
productions of another, and scatters wealth every
where. The great planting and farming States
require the aid of the commercial aud navigating
to send their productions to domestic and foreign
markets, and to furnish the naval power to ren
der their transportation secure against all hostile
attacks.
Should the Ufcion perish in the midst of the
present excitement, we have already had a sad
foretaste of the universal suffering which would
result from its destruction. The calamity would
be severe iu every portion of the Union, and would
be quite as great, to say the least, in the Southern
as iu the Northern States.
The greatest aggravation of the evil, and that
which would place ns in the most unfavorable
light both before the world and posterity, is, 1 am
firmly convinced, that the secession movement
has been chiefly based u'pon a misapprehension at
the South of the seutiments of u majority in sev
eral of the Northern States.
Let the question oe transferred from political as
semblies totbe ballot-box, and the people them
selves would speedily redress the serious
ces which the South have suffered. But,in heaven’s
name, let the trial he made before we plunge into
armed conflict upon the mere assumption that
there is no other alternative. Time is a great con
servative power. Let us pause at this momentu
ous point and afford the people, both North aud
South, an opportunity for reflection. Would that
South Carolina had been convinced of this truth
before her precipitate action. I, therefore appeal
through you to the people of the country to de
clare in their might that the Union must and shall
be preserved by all constitutional means. I most
earnestly recommend that you devote yourselves
exclusively to the question how this can be accoai
plished iu peace. All other questions when com
pared with this 9 sink into insignificance. The pres
ent is no time for palliations. Action, prompt, ac
tion, is required. A delay in Congress to pre
scribe or to recommend a diftiuct and practical
proposition for conciliation onjy dvive us to a point
from which it will be almost impossible to recede.
A common ground on which conciliation and
harmony can be produced is surely not unattain
able. The proposition to coil promise by letting
the North have exclusive control of the Territory
above a certain line, aiufto gjve Southern institu
tions protection below that fine, ought to receive
universal approbation. In it.-'df, indeed, it may
not be entirely satisfactory; I hut when the alter
native is between a reasonable concession on both
sides and a destruction of thfe Uniou, it is an im
putation upon the patriotism of Congress to as
sert that its members will hesitate for a moment.
Even now the danger is upon us. In several of
the States which have not yet seceded, the forts,
arsenals aud magazines of the United States have
been seized.
This is by far the most serious step which has
been taken since the commkcement of the trou
bles. This public property has long been left
without garrisons and troops for its protection,
because no person doubted Its security under the
flag of the country in any State of the Union.
Besides, our small araiy has.scarcely been suffi
cient to guard ou,r remote frontiers against Indian
incursions The seizure of this property, from
all appearances, has been purely aggressive and
not in resistance to any attempt to coerce a State
or States to remain in the Union.
At the beginning of thes< unhappy troubles, I
determined that no act of mine should increase
the excitement in either section of the country.
If tho political conflict were to end in a civil war,
it was my.determined purpose not to commence
it, nor oven to furnish an excuse for it by any act
of this Government. My opinion remains un
changed, that, justice as Well as sound policy re
quires us still to seek a peaceful solution of the
questions at issue between the North aud the
South- Entertaining this conviction, I refrained
even from sending reinforcements to Maj. Ander
son, who commanded the forts in Charleston har
bor, until an absolute necessity for doing so should
make itself apparent, lest it might unjustly be re
garded as a menace of military coercion, and thus
furnish, if not a provocation, at least a pretext for
an outbreak on the part ot South Carolina. No
necessity for these reinforcements seemed to ex
ist. I was assured by distinguished and upright
gentlemen of South Carolina that no attack upon
Major Anderson was int’ nded, but that, on the
contrary, it was the desire of the State authori
ties, as much as it. was my own, to avoid the fatal
consequences which muse eventually follow a mil
itary collision.
And here I deem it proper to submit for your
information copies of a communication dated 28th
Dec. 1860, addressed to im by It. W. Barnwell, J.
11. Adams, and James L.Orr, “commissioners’’
from So. Ca., aud the accompanying documents
aud copies of my answer thereto, dated 21st De
cember.
In further explaijatirn <f Major Anderson’s re
moval from Ft Moultrie t Ft. Sumter, it is proper
to state that after my answer to the So. Ca. Com
missioners, rhe War Department received a letter
from that gallant officer, cated on the 27th Dec.,
1860, the day alter this tntveißent, from which the
following is an extract.
“I will add, as my opinion, that many things
convinced me that the aathoriiies of the’State de
signed to proceed to a ho,tile act, ("evidently re
ferring to the orders, datfd Dec. 11, of liie late
Sec'v or War.) Under 1 113 impression, 1 could
not hesitate that it was nr.- solemn duty to move
my command from a fort which I probably oould
not have held longer that 4s or 60 hours to this
one, where my power of-esistance is increased
to a very great degree.”
It will be recollected ttat the concluding part
of these orders was in tot following terms :
“The smallness of yfeir force will not permit i
you, perhaps to occupy Pore than one of the oth
er forts, but an attack or attempt to take posses
sion of either one of thei will be regarded as •an
act of hostility, and yon may then put your com
mand into either of theta which you may deem
most proper to increase its power'of resistance.
You are also authorised to take similar defensive
steps whenever you haV’ tangible evidence of a
design to proceed to a hostile act.”
It is said that serioti apprehensions are, to
some extent, entertaipec—in which Ido not share
—that the peace of this-'Distriat may be disturbed
before the 4th of Mardk next. In any event, it
w ill become my duty to preserve it, and this duty
shall be performed.
In conclusion, it nity be permitted me to re
mark, I have often warded mv countrvmen of the
dangers which now s.rround us. This may be
the last time I shall refrr to the subject officially.
I feel that my duty ha3 oeen faithfully, though it
may be imperfectly, performed ; aod whatever the
result may be, X shall ferry to my grave the con
ciousness that I at hast meant well for my
country. James Buchanan.
Washington, Jan. 811881,
-The enclosures wet, the correspondence be
tween the Commissioners and the'President, with
the exception of the fiial reply to the Commis
sioners already published.!
Another FortCaptuied.—The Palmetto Flag
\\ AVISO OVEB a Conswtictt Fortress ! Treason
I rs Connecticut I—Out citizens were surprised
j yesterday morning, by discovering an immense
; i'aimett# flag waving pom the walls of Fort Hale,
! near the mouth of out harbor. The dag bore the
secession emblems—a palmetto tree and a lone
j star—and was hoisted on a fifty feet stafi', so that
! “f was visible for somt miles around. The Gov- !
ernment sometime go removed all the troops |
from Fort Hale, and tie harbor and city has since i
then been entirely defenceless, so that the traitors j
had easy work in setting the fort. Intense ex- j
citement was createdi-jy the appearance of the |
treasonable^emblem, and it was universally de- 1
cfared that it mast ca.,e down. Fortunately Fort !
Wooster, on Beacon Bill, commands Fort Hale,
[ and it can be easily demolished, should the garri- j
i son (which rumor says is composed of Southern j
1 students,) attempt am resistance. In the lan- |
guage of the New York Express, “ Woe ! woe ! j
alas ‘ alas !”—Sew Raven Journal <£- Courier.
The President has made a formal order, direct- i
1 ing the heads of the Vtrious Departments to with
draw all their advertising patronage from the
“Constitution” newspaper. The immediate cause
of this act is supposed to be the censures of that
journal in regard to the sending of troops to
Charleston.
Cjjtonitle ft jStrttintl.
AUGUSTA, GA..
WEDNESDAY .MORNING, MAW 16, 1861.
CUR TERMS.—Single copies, $2 per annum;
three copies $5 ; six copies $10; ten copies sls.
Invariably in advance. No name will be enter
ed on our subscription books unless the money
accompanies the order. The uotes of all specie
paying banks taken at par. We employ no
travelling agents.
WE ALWAYS stop the Chroniclb k Sknti
xul at the end of the year, or the time for which
it is paid, of which each subscriber will receive
due notice by letter, so that if you wish to con
tinue it, it would be well to renew your subscrip
tion at least two weeks before the time expires.
WE CANNOT change the address of a sub
scriber unless he gives us his former as well as
his present address.
Tho Latest News.
In these stirring times every man, woman and
child wants to know the latest news, aud there is
uo better way to get it than to subscribe for the
Daily Chronicle a- Sentinel —six dollars a year, or
one dollar for two months. Every man, who has
an opportunity to receive it daily, should take a
good daily paper. The Chronicle and Sentinel fur
nishes the very latest news, and is acknowledged
on all hands to be one of the best Commercial and
news'papers in the South —to say nothing of its
politics. We ure highly gratified at the unprece
dented increase ot Weekly subscribers and return
our thanks therefor.
♦ipßiNO Bank Scuool.—'Tho fifth term of this
excellent School for young Ladies, located at
Kingston, Ga, commences on the first of Februa
ry next, as will be seen by the advertisement.—
The Principal is Rev. C. W. Howard, than whom
a more competent teacher cannot bo found in
Georgia. Parents who commit their daughters to
his charge, may be assured that every attention
will be paid lo their moral and intellectual ad
vancement.
Election ok Judges. —From the returns re
coived at the Executive Department, says the
Milledgeville Recorder, it appears that Judge I. L.
Harris is elected Judge of the Ocmulgee Circuit
by a small majority. In the Flint Circuit John J.
Floyd of Newton, is doubtless elected. Also Daw
son A. Walker for the Cherokee Circuit.
Honors to Mississippi. —One hundred guns
were fired in this city Thursday in honor of the
passage of the ordnauccof secession by tho Miss
ippi State Convention.
One Hundred Guns for Florida.—A detach
ment of that patriotic corps, the Washington Ar
tillery, fired one hundred guns on Friday to com
memorate the secession of Florida.
At a later hour in the day, the secession of Ala
bama was also honored by the tiring of one hun
dred guns.
We lewi n that anew military company is about
to be organized in this city, which has boon sug
gested by Prof, Spikliehs. It is to be a company
with the peculiar Zouave drill, and all who wish
to join are desired to moet atSPAHTii’s on Monday
evening next, at 8 o’clock.
Now* from tile State Cnpital.
We have made arrangements for securing the
services of a competent Reporter at Milledgeville
during the Convention. We learn from that city
that the Adjutant General is busy arranging to
accept Ibe services of ten thousand volunteers.
The Central Railroad A Dunking Company, through
its distinguished President, It. R. Ccvleii, Esq.,
has offered to take SIOO,OOO of State Bonds at
par, aud other Banks, we hear, will do likewise.
Iu Baldwin county, voting 625, there are now
seven or eight military organizations, with 300
enrolled, while previous to the November elec
tion there were only two companies, with au ag
gregate of 60 men. We are glad to hear that our
friend, O. P. Fannin, Esq., of Floyd, is a candidate
for Secretary of the Convention. He is capable,
faithful aud true, and wilh doubtless be elected.
So mote it be.
By the way, what is the mutter with our colem
poraries of the Union and Recorder that they do
not give the news at the Capital? A friend in
forms us that Tomlinson Fort, Esq., waß some
time since, appointed by his Excellency, Govornor
Brown, as Compiler of the laws of 1860—a vory
excellent appointment—and yet the Milledgeville
papers make no mention of it. Wo congratulate
our friebd on his promotion, and tho Stute that
such an efficient appointee has got the position.
Editors Gone to the Wars. —We learn from
the Montgomery Advertiser, that G. 11. Shorter,
one of the Editors of that paper, has deserted the
sanctum, become a votury of Mars, and gone to
Pensacola. The Local of the Mail has also “been
and gone” and done the same patriotic thing ;
and two knights of the quill in Tuskegee have
followed suit. This.is all right enough. We
i don’t see why u mail who can transfix an antago
nist with a pointed paragraph, can’t “ pink him’
with a bayonet as well.
We believe none of the editorial corps in this
city have as yet gone to tl 1 - wurs—though we no
tice that the Local’ of tae Constitutionalist has
been up to the Sand Hills to take a look at Uncle
Sam’s boys, the shooting-irons, ammunition, and
“ sich.”
A dispatch from Washington, dated Jan. 4th,
says ; “ It is known here that the War Depart
ment issued an order to garrison the Georgia forts
with Federal troops. This fact was telegraphed
by a loading man here to the Governor of Geor
gia, who immediately seized them to prevent their
guns being turned against his people.”
Greensboro Female Collhgb. —Tho next ses
sion of this excellent institution opens on the first
Monday in February next. Rev. R. A. Houston
lias been appointed Principal. Competent Teach
ers are engaged in tiie several departments, and
the College possesses every facility for imparting
a moral and intellectual education to young ladies
wlio may become students. See advertisement.
Occupation of the Chattahoochee Arsenal.—
A private letter received yesterday from Bain
bvidgo, says the Savannah Republican of the 10th,
informs us of the occupation of the Chattahoo
chee Arsenal, situated in Gadsden county, Florida,
at the junction of the Flint and Chattahoochee
rivers, by the “Quincy Guards.” Tho Arsenal
contains 500,000 rounds of musket cartridges, 300,-
000 rifle cartridges, aud 50,000 lbs. of gunpowder.
There are no arms, except such as are necessary
to defend the property against ordinary contin
gencies.
Alabama — Ratification by the People. —The
Montgomery correspondent cf tho Columbus
Sun says “ From what I can gather in my in
tercourse with the members of the Convention,
an ordinance for separate State secession cannot
be adopted without a proviso submitting it to a
vote of the people for ratification. In this I may
be mistaken. I think lam not.”
It is understood that the promiuent members
ol the Diplomatic corps have addressed the Go
vernnient with reference to the commercial inter
ests of their respective countries in view of the
present political troubles, and what degree of
protection may be expected, or something ta this
effect. The government, however, has not yet
replied.
■nl’B-'a—i
Andbrson’s Men. —The Savannah Republican, ot
iho loth, says : “A gentleman just returned from
Charleston, states that but nine of Major Ander
son’s men were captured, while procuring fuel for
the fort, fact was reported to the Governor,
who promptly ordered their discharge, with
the liberty of retucpiDg to the fort.”
Texas. —A State Convention will be held at the
City of Austin on the 4th Monday in January,
1861. Ad election for Delegates to the Conven
tion was held on the Bth inst.
Abolitionist Mobbed in Massachusbtts. —The
Springfield (Mass.) Republican says that Cbarles N
C. Burleigh, a rabid Abolitionist, delivered a po
litical address at a school-house in West Farms,
M estfield, Thursday evening, and uttered senti
ments so offensive that a mob gathered and broke
up the meeting, and celebrated their triumph by
making a bonfire of the school-house and its con
tents.
More Recruits for Charleston. — A company
of Minute Men from Hamburg, and a similar corps
from Edgefield, left for Charleston yesterday morn
ing. We learn that several persons from this
city also departed for Charleston at the same
time.
Cotton .Ship Burned. —Particulars have reached
Mobile of the burning of the ship Birmingham,
in Mobile Bay, on Sunday morning last, with 802
bales of cotton on board.
Flat, op Truce. —The Charleston Courier of
yesterday, the 12th inst., says : —The Secretary of
State, Hon. A. G. Magrath, and the Secretary of
War, Hon. D. F. Jamison, under a flag of truce,
visited Fort Sumter Friday afternoon. It has
been deemed advisable to withhold for the present
the object and result of their interview with Maj.
Anderson.
In order to quiet all fears on the subject, we
would state that Governor Brown does not design
to take the Augusta Arseoal previous to the seces
sion of Georgia, unless he has good reason to fear
foul play on the part of the troops, such as de
struction of guns, ammunition, Ac., in their
charge. Whenever it becomes necessary, the
Augusta Volunteers will take the Arsenal before
breakfast, and, knowing this, it is useless to take
it yet awhile, as no harm can be done any way.
Cotton Convention. —We learn from the In
ternational Cotton Plant, published at Macon,
that there will be held at Atlanta, on the 13th of
February, a convention of those interested in the
development of the cotton spinning industry of
the South. The object of the convention, as we
: understand it, is to organise an association of all
I the friends of this interest in order to secure con
( cert of action. This proposed concert of action
looks to a grand enterprise. It is nothing less
j than the introduction of Southern Spun Cotton
Yarns into the markets of France, Spain, Belgium,
j Switzerland, Germany and Russia.
Active Business. —Twenty-six vessels cleared
| at the Mobile Custom House on Monday last, for
i Europe and domestic ports, with an aggregate of
62,004 bales of cotton—the value of which, taking
SSO per bale as the average, amounts to $3,130,-
200. The cause of this rush was the anticipated
secession of Alabama,
Sensation Dispatches. —The unscrupulous
means and trickery resorted to, during the late
canvass, to hurry the people of Georgia into rev
olution, before they had time for reflection, stands
without a paralell, so far as onr experience ex
tends.
That such means should be resorted to by some
who have indulged freely in it, has surprised no
one,—but that a gentleman, occupying the posi
tion that T. R. R. Cobb, Esq., did occupy before
the people of Georgia, should embark in suoh
trickery aud deception, we must confess has as
tonished us not a little. Mr. Cobh has just en
tered the political arena, and from the progress he
has made he bids fair to ont-Hered Herod, but we
presume be has come to the conclusion that the
“end justifies the means” and nobly has he done
his work, for he has practiced a great fraud upon
the people, at least upon the people of Haber
sham County.
Whatever may be the result of the late electi£i
for Delegates to the Convention, we shall be slow
to believe that a majority of the people of Geor
gia are deliberately in favor of immediate seces
sion. They have been deceived, and their pas
sions have been inflamed Rud misled, by such dis
patches as the following sent from Athens on the
2d ‘day of January, the day of the election , iu
whiph there ia not one word of truth, except,
perhaps, its date. It is manufactured out of whole
cloth—gotten up expressly for the occasion—but
we will not detain the reader longer. Here is the
dispatch ;
The news from’Charleston this morning is, that
the Federal troops are bombarding the city from
Fort Sumter.
T. R. R. Conn.
Athens, Jan.'2, 1860.
T. It. H. Cobb, Kno,, and SeUNatlon
I>in|>nl<li<'f>.
We give place to-day to a note'from T. R. R.
Cobb, Esq., in which be attempts to justify his
course in reference to a despatch that appeared in
our issue of the 9th inst. Mr. Cobb admits that he
published tho “item*’ contained in our article, but
takes exceptions to its being a despatch, becanse
there is no Railroad from Atheus to Clarkesville.
We opine that despatches are frequently sent
where there are neither Railroads nor Telegraph
wires. The Clarkesville Herald, of the 4th inst',
contained the despatch, but did not state at what
time it received it; and, as that is a weekly pa
per, it could not have appeared in it beloro the
4th. Wo learn, by a private letter from Haber
sham, that it did not reach Clarkesville until the
next day. That, however, is not germain to the
question. Tho question is, did Mr. Cobb send it,
or give currency to it anywhere, so as to affect
the votes of the people? He admits that he did; and
further declares, he would have sent it to every
votor in Georgia, if he had had the means to do
so. That admission is sufficient forour purpose.
But as to the genuineness of the item, Mr. Cobb
says the information was brought by several pas
sengers on tho cars that, morning from Augusta ;
that he had othor confirmatory evidence, and by
the “telegram from Col. Toombs.” That tho pas
sengers communicated it tohim, wo do notdoubt;
but that a man of Mr. Uobb’s astuteness should
have been humbugged so easily, is a matter of as
tonishment, to us at least; and that Capt. Toombs’
telegram should hav confirmed it in his mind, is
still more astonishing; for if Capt. Toombs has
sent a dispatch from Washington to Georgia that
was entirely true,ice have not seen it, and Mr. Conn
if he has seen his dispatches, does, or ought,
to know it. Therefore, hjs confirmation ought
not to have amounted to much. If there ever
was such a rumor in this city, we have not
heard it; and, it’ there had been, how an}’ intel
ligent, thinking man, who was not excited out
of his propriety, could have believed for ouc
moment that the Federal troops were bombarding
Charleston, is to us astonishing. It certainly
makes a largo draft on our credulity.
We should have paid our respects to Mr. Cobh
at an earlier dato, but we were ignorant of his
course until we found it in the Clarksville Herald.
Wo received a commuication from a highly es
teemed friend in Athens, stating tho facts fully,
(which will bo found in another column,) but it
was mislaid before wo road it aud was not found
until last evening. We are clearly of the opin
ion that Georgia has been carried for secession by
the grossest frauds, iu the way of these sensation
despatches, that were ever practiced on a confi
ding people; and we embrace the present mo
ment to warn them not to be deceived during tho
session of the Convention by similar tricks.
We wish to do Mr. Cobb justico, and therefore
will sum up his disclaimer in a few words.
He sent no despatch, because there is do railroad
to Habersham county. Therefore, when there
are no Railroads, there can be no despatches, ac
cording to Mr. Cobb.
He sent no despatch, but he sent an item —a
different name for the same thing.
Hil authority for the bogus item, thus endorsed
by him', was a rumor brought by passengers on
the cars, corroborated by Capt. Toombs, and by
another bogus despatch reported to be sent by
Gov. Pickhns to somebody in Augusta.
How the news of the taking of Fort I’uluaki
helps Mr. Cobb’s cause we are unable to perceive.
Athbns, Jail. 9, 1861.
Rd. Chron. dh Sent.: —Gkntlkmb.n: I do not
feel called upon to notice most ot the charges
made against me by political opponents, but your
paper of this morning contains one in reference
to all alleged despatch of mine to Habersham
county, which, I think, deserves a denial.
1 never sent any despatch whatever to that
county, and a moment’s reflection could have sat
isfied you of its impossibility, on the day of the
election. Sixty miles without a Rail Road is a
barrier to such an attempt.
I did publish the item contained in your paper
in my own county, and in Jackson county, on
that day. Tho information was brought by seve
ral passongers on the cars that morning from Au
gusta. It was communicated to me with others
by a distinguished clergyman of our town, ns re
ported and believed in Augusta. It was confirmed
as 1 heard from another quarter, by a despatch
from Gov. Pickens to a citizen of Augusta—altfo
by the telegram from Gol. Toombs, aud the news
of the taking of FortPnlaski.
Under these circumstances, I believed and pub
lished it, and would have sent it to every voter in
Georgia if the means had been in my power. It
proved to be a mistake, and I was then glad that
it had been published only at three precincts in
the State.
I ask the insertion of this note in vour paper.
Thos. R. R. Corb.
Hon. JoMhua Hill.
We regret exceedingly to see an attempt made
by a small portion of the press of Georgia, to ex
cite indignation and ill-feeling against the Hon.
Joshua Hill, the able and patriotic Representa
tive from the Seventh District..
This attempt, made as it is, by a certain set,
when we look at the time, the place and the man
ner, we can regard only.as the offspring of parti
san malignity, as unjust as it is impotent, as
harmless in reality as it is puerile iu design. The
onslaught is made on Mr. Hill because on the
31st of December last, in tho House of Represen
tatives, he voted to lay on the table the following
resolution, offered by the lion. Roger A. Pryor
of Virginia, to wit; “
“ Resolved , That any attempt to preserve the
Union between the Stales in tne Confederacy, by
force, would he impracticable and destructive to
Republican Liberty.”
On account of this vote of Mr. Hii.l, certain pa
pers, under certain and woll known personal in
fluences, choose to charge him with being in favor
of coercion, aud speak of “ enemies in the camp.”
N#w the real reason why these persons display
hostility to Mr. Hill, in our judgment, arises from
the fact that they are wholly incapuhle of feeling
a patriotic emotion, being consumed by the fierce
fires of partisanship. They can not rise to that
vast table land of honest devotion to country,
which Joshua Hill occupies, being held down by
the miserable, the unworthy, the despicable feel
ings of party hate.
We do not know what particular reasons may
have influnced Mr. Hill to give the vote which
has produced this particular and well marked hos
tility, but wo dare swear that there was none,
which was not well grounded in honest fealty to
Georgia, to the Houtb, and to the ifnion of our
fathers.
We do not seek to assume the championship of
such a inan,<or well we know he needs no such
championship. He is such a man that Georgia,
the seventh district, in fact that any people, may
woll be proud of. He iH one of the few left in our
public councils, who, unawed by power, un
moved by faction, uncorrupted by plunder, dan do
hie whole duty , ae his own, conseience commands
him. A native of the chivalrous land of South
Carolina, long an honored and respected adopted
private oitizen of Georgia, there breathes not
within the limits of the State, ("and how can there
b a anywhere else t) a purer patriot, a braver or
more honorable man, a more spotless aod more
upright and loyal citizen, in all the relations which
man can bear to man, than Joshua Hill, the Rep
resentative of the Seventh Congressional District
of Georgia. He is just the man that any indiviu
al, who knows Ipm, would willingly and cheerful
ly intrust with bis life, his fortune, aye, hie honor.
If we only had enough of such pure men, this day
our Republic, and our rights, and liberties and
honor would be secure. No foul slanderous breath
can stain his fair escutcheon, no living human be
ing dare charge him to hie face with dieloyalty to
his State, or disregard of tho interests of his sec
tion. Let what may come, let war destroy this
fairest laod of heaven, let the marble of the Cap
itol crumble to dust, let hate and malice and all
the wildest passions of the human heart do their
worst, never can the soul of Joshua Hill be sul
lied with one bar sinister. He is emphatically one
of that noblest work of God an Honest Man.
Better Late than Never.
The Tennesse Whigs always held that Andy
Johnson, was no better than he ought to be, with
his “White basis” and his Homestead policy. But
the Democrats, under the party lash, threw up
their caps for him, aDd would elect him Governor,
and then Senator. Now they are burning him in
effigy all over the State, as a Coercioniat, and little
better than a Blaek Republican. And so of Gov.
Letcher, of Virginia. The Whigs attempted to
defeat him with the noble and true patriot, Wh.
Leetwich Goggin, calling the attention of slave
holders to the Rceener pamphlet and maßy other
things which showed Letcher in a had light, but
Democracy would elect him Governor of tho Old
Dominion. Now he is called a half Republican
by the very men who elected him.
Commercial Preparations for Civil War.—
Several of the Marine Insurance Companies of
New York city, says the Commercial , have already
adopted the “War Clause” in their policies, viz :
“ Warranted fret from seizure or detention aris
ing from the acts of any seceding or revolting
The subject will come before the Board of Un
derwriters to-morrow, when they will probably
agree upon this clause ; if bo, all the companies
will unite in the same restriction. We learn also
that the companies have generally advanced their
rates one hundred per cent, on risks from this
port to Charleston. To porta in the Gulf of Mexi
co, the same advance will probably be demanded.
TLo Policy of Georgia.
It can no longer be denied that we are in the
midst of a revolution. What is to be the end, no
man knows, but it becomes us to prepare for the
worst. Many intelligent and patriotic citizens
have wilfully shut their eyes to the facts, and
would not believe till the events had actually oc
curred, that any thing serious would happen.
i'ihw all must see and know that war is almost in
evitable. Long ago we warned the country that
Lincoln’s election meant disunion. Men would
not heed the warning-now they see that revolu
ion is actually begun. We had hoped that dis
union might not mean war—we still hope, that if
reason and common sense can be hoard-can con
°( Ti es . tlnie! ’ °f thia great country—war, the
bim i C t ‘ ty,lult oan befa ” a P°ple. niay
e avoided. We have believed, and still briievj
.. 1 . e .. i . ° r tl,at 's the Federal Admiuistra
ion, holding possession of the actual government,
r.Tfn rs” 8 ““*■ ” th. seceding
Mates ol the South. But, uufortunatelv, men
are not always governed by their interests. Pas
sion controls the North at this moment, just as
much as .1 controls the South, and these infatua
ed men may not. in their wild frenzy, listen to in
terest, or to duty. Disunion may not meau WRr
but we feel confident that separate secession’ is
war inevitable.
A large number of patriotic citizens, North and
South, have asked that time might be granted the
fanatics to retrace their steps. Little disposition
o. that kind, to be sure, hus been manifested by
the Republioan loaders, and the South, (at least a
few of the Southern States,) has determined that
no longer delay should be granted. Separate se
cession has already been ordained by four States
and this action, hasty and unwise, and disrespect
ful to our Northern friends, as they construe it,
has aroused passion, and the present prospect is
that we shall have no bitterer enemies at the
North than among the late adherents of Douglas,
Breckinridge and Bell. While we prepare for
other facts, let us not fail to take this one into se
rious consideration-that almost the unanimous
North regards it the imperative, and first and
greatest duty of tho Executive, to enforce the
laws, and to orotect the Federal property, aud to
collect tho revenues in the seceded States. Such
being the case, may we not well pause and con
sider our action thoroughly? We have always
observed that when two Yeally brave men have a
difficulty, they are both more wary, more cautious,
more prudent, as to actual collision, than two
reckless bravadoes. And why? Because each
desires to avoid collision, so long as it may be
honorably avoided. Just so now, with the North
and South. They are of the same stock—they
are equally brave, and it is the madness of despe
ration which could induce either to underrate the
powers, the fortitude, and especially the courage
of the other. f
Notwithstanding the late election iu Georgia
has been held in the midst of great excitement,
and the voters have bcon aroused by facts and by
rumors well calculated to precipitate the calmest
into unseemly action, we must still express our
confidence that the Convention will act with de
liberation and with prudence. In the midst of all
the wild storm, which threatens disruption, and
which threatens all the dearest rights and inter
ests of the citizen, Georgia, wo sincerely trust,
will be found equal to the labor cast upon her.—
Proud as Lucifer, stern and inflexible as a granite
peak amid the snows, conscious of her own inhe
rent power, and of the loyalty aud the resources
of her people, we hope she may take her own ac
tion as justice dictates, regardless of the action of
other Stutcs, aud of the Government. We have
great confidence in the Convention, from the
large number of our best citizens, who are elect
ed. In that Couventiou, the State will have the
services of some of the best men of the Republic.
There ure Gov. Crawfoud, (who will doubtless he
President,) Stepuhns, Johnson, Toombs, Hull,
Hill, Warner, Running, Judge Stephens, Thos.
R. It. Cobb, Simmons, Bartow, Nisbet, Trippe,
Kenan, Saffold, and many others, in whom we
have the greatest confidence to do what Georgia
ought to do. Wc hope that confidence may not
be misplaced.
But what ought this State to do V Well it ough t
to do that which will produco the greatest unani
mity amoug our people. , There is no doubt that
the action of Georgia will decide the whole con
test. Upon her, rests the issue of poaco or war.
Separate secession is war. Delay and consulta
tion with her sisters may put away this dread al
ternative. As the Secessionists have got a ma
jority in the Convention, it well becomes them,
in their chivalrous magnanimity, to seok the cor
dial co-operation of their fellows who are in op
position. They can well atl’ord to do this now,
especially since it has became plain within a few
days that they need no longer four submission, on
the part of any Southern State. We know very
well that co-operation, and every other proposi
tion lookiug to delay, was regarded and opposed
by the Secusaionists, ns only another mime for
unconditional Unionism. We told them that they
falsely judged our people; and now surfely aIF
must see that the hobgoblin of submission r,o
longer stands in the way, and the most ardent
secessionist may well stop to reflect calmly and
dispassionately upon what is best to be done.
As the noble old Commonwealth of Virginia,
that blessed mother of Washington, and Jeffer
son, aud Madison, and Henry Clay, has declared
emphatically against coercion, and her daughter,
Kentucky, true to the instincts of the mother, will
never consent to loss than a clear Constitutional
acknowledgement of the right and duty of the
Government to protect slavery while the Territo
rial Constitution continues, what has any Georgi
an to fear, in the way of submission, by waiting
to consult with tboHo grand old States? Has it
not now become manifest to every reading man in
the State, contrary to the fears and belief of many
two fnontliß ago, that every Southern .State will
oppose coercion , and that every one will dissolve
its connection with the Uniou, upon failure of the
North to accede to tho demands which Kentucky
and Missouri aro now prepared to make. What,
then, do you fear? What obstacle now stands in
the way to prevent tiiisgreat Empire State of ours
from co-operating, oil the sth of February, with
all her Southern sisters, in making a demand of
the North, which, if refused, will certainly carry
every Southern State into anew Confederacy?
What obstacle, we repeat, stands in the way ol
such a course, and especially when the Secession
ists have control pf the matter, and have been
placed iu a position where magnanimity and con
ciliation will he so pleasant to show, and so pleas -
ant to accept ? We do most earnestly hope that,
the Convention, now that all the dangers the Se
cessionists feared “are in the deep bosom of thr j
ocean buried,” will agree upon a course of cor
duot which shall receive tho cordial and heart/ t lt
assent of every citizen of Georgia. But c/ ,rrie
what may, whatever Georgia, in her supreme wis
dom, in her popular Convention, may deter, mine
on, must and shall be maintained. Knowin g this,
will not the majority cheerfully agree upj jn f| iu t
which shall have tho hearty sanction of al l ?
ALABAMA SECEDES FROM THE ITNION.
Montgomerv, Fla., Jan. 11.— The Ordinance of
Secession was passed by the Conventi on to-day at
30 minutes past 2 o’clock, P. M. Tbs announce
ment of its passage created grout en thusiasm, and
was followed by the firing of cannon, ringing of
hells, and general demonstratiojis of popular
gratification at the result.
ALABAMA STATE CONVENTION.
Montgomery, Ala., Jan. 11.— The following j 9
the Ordinance of Secession, as passed by tho Con-,
vention to-day:
Ae OimiNANCK to dissolve Union existing between
of Alabama and the other Stat
unifetTiiuder the compact styled the Uu'.ted’
State* of America :
Whkheas, Tho election of Abraham Lince’ n and
Hunnibal Hamlin to the offices ol Presidv
Vice President of tho United States 0 f .4 merino
by a sectional party, avowedly hostile to the do
mestic institutions, and to the p (y Mli Becur j tv
of the people of the Stato of Albania, following
upon the heels of many and da ugerous lnfractioD
ot the Constitution ol the Utf.tcd States hv many
of the States and people of the Northern section
of the Union, is a political wrong of so insulting
and menacing a charade-.- as to justify the people
of Alabama in the adopt., 0 n of prompt'and decided
measures for their fr.ture peace and security
therefore—
Section 1, Be it declared and ordained by the
Peopie of thestiuo of Alabama, in Convention as
sembled, 1 hat'the State of Alabama now with
drawn from, .nd is hereby withdrawn from the
Union known as the United States of America
and is, and of right ought to be, a Sovereign and
Independent State.
Sec. 2 And be it further declared and ordained
by the I -zonle of the State of Alabama, in Convciw
tion assembled. That all powers oyer the Territo
ry of s*id State, and over the people thereof, del
egated to the Government of the United States o f
America, be, and they are hereby, withdraw n
from said Government, and are hereby resum- ed
and vested in the People of the State of Alaba,,a.
Sec. 8. And as it is the desire and purpose of
the People of Alabama to meet the Slavehol ding
States of the South who approve of such purpose
in order to frame and revise a permanent farm of
Government, upon the principles of the govern
ment of the United States.
Sac. 4, Be it also resolved’ by the Peopia ol Ala- *
bama, in Convention asaemblad, That tho people”
of the States of Delaware, Murvlantl, Virginia
North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Georgia’
Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, A rkamsaa,\Tennes
see, Kentucky and Missouri, be, and they are
hereby united to meet the people of the State of
Alabama, by their delegates, on the 4th day of
February next, at Montgomery, in the State of
Alabama, for the purpose of consultation with
each other as to the most eflectual mode of secur
ing concerted aud harmonious action, in whatever
measures may be deemed most desirable for the
common peace and security.
Sec. 5, And he it further resolved That the
President of this Convention, be, and he is here
by instructed to transmit, forthwith, a copy 0 f the
foregoing preamble, Ordinance, auS resolutions
to the Governors of the several States numed
Sec fi The sain resolutions done by the pec,p” , e
of the State of Alabama, in Convention aa-*
bled, at Montgomery, this eleventh day of Jar
ry, eighteen hundred and sixty-one.
The foregoing preamble, Ordinance, aaa;r eso , u .
tions, were adopted by the following xw*. Ayes
61, nans 89.
After the adoption of the ordin'.DK&iha wtia
opened to visitors.
A splendid flag, presented W the ladies* of Ala
bama, was conveyed to the President’s skand, and
formally presented to the Convention, through
Hon. W. L. Yancey, who delivered a. handsome
and patriotic addresa on the occasion.
He was followed by Mr. Smith, of Tuscaloosa
who, in the course of his remarks, feelingly re
ferred to the stars and stripes, and invoked a
blessing on the new flag.
Alphens Baker, of Eufaula, returned the thanks
of the Convention to the ladies in eloquent terms
The ordinance will he ratified on Monday next
when, it is believed, many other delegates will
sign it.
An immense mass meeting is now in session in
front of the Capitol, Distinguished co-operation
delegates ore pledging their constiruenss as a unit
to sustain the secession flag presented bv the la
dies to the Convention and now waviug'over “h*
Capitol, amidst the ringing of hells, firing of can
non, and immense enthusiasm.