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Cjjrflrtidt &
Correspondence of the Chronicle <t Sentinel.
SOITHtHV CONGRESS.
Montgomery, Ala., Feb. 15, 1861.
Tbe Convention met to-day at 12 o’clock prayer
was offered br tbe Rev. Mr. Fellicier of the
Catholic Cburcfc.
Tbe procev-dings of tbe previous day were read
and confirmed.
Mr. Chilton offered the following :
Resolved, That a committee of six, consisting
of one deputy from each of tbe States of thia
Confederacy, to be designated by tbe deputies of
such States, respectively, be appointed to act in
conjunction with the committee appointed by the
public authorities of this city to make suitable
arrangements for the reception and inauguration
of tbe President elect of the Confederate States.
Adopted.
Mr. Brooke asked leave of absence for his col
league, Mr. Campbell. Leave was granted.
Mr. Stephens—l have a model for a seal, sent
to me by a citizen of Georgia, together with a
communication, which I ask to hare referred to
the flag committee. Granted.
Tbe President—The chair will state that he has
received a communication on the subject of the
hale of some vessels to tbe Provisional Govern
ment, which he a&ks may be received and referred
to the Committee on Naval Affairs. The commu
nication was accordingly referred, without being
read.
Mr. Memminger offered the following :
Resolved, That each of the standing committees
of Congress be authorized to cause to be printed
any matter that they may deem requisite for the
use of the committee. Adopted.
Mr. Shuter, Chairman of the Committee on En
grossments, reported as duly enrolled tbe resolu
tion of Congress accenting the appropriation of
five hundred thousand dollars made to the gov
ernment of the Confederate States of America, by
tbe State of Alabama ; also, the resolution that
the Judiciary Committee be authorized to have
such matter priuted as they may desire to lay be
fore Congress.
Mr. Fearn —I present a letter from Mr. John B.
Reed, a citizen ot Tuscaloosa, on the subject of a
projectile, which is deemed very valuable. It has
been before the public for some year or
more, and has received the endorsement of scien
tific gentlemen connected with the military insti
tution at West Point. I move that the letter be
rcK-rred without reading, to the Committee on
Military Affairs. The reference was made.
Mr. Fearn—There is present here this morning
one of the deputies from the .State of Texas. The
others are on their way, and are daily expected.
I beg to offer to tbe Congress an official copy of
the Ordinance of .Secession passed by the State
of Texas, and the credentials of the deputies. As
Mr. Gregg is present, I move that he be iuvited to
take a seat in the Convention.
Mr. Withers—ls lam not misinformed, the Or
dinance of Secession, passed by the Convention
ot the people of Texas, has to he submitted to the
vote of the people of that State for its ratification.
If this be true, I cannot see how Texas is, at this
time, out of the Union, or how Texas can, at pre
sent, he represented in this Congress.
The President —The Ordinance is here and can
be read for the information of Congress.
The Secretary then read the Ordinance to dissolve
the Union oetween the State of Texas and the
other States united under the compact styled
“the Constitution of the United States of Ame-
rica
Tbe Secretary also read the. credentials of the
deputies from Texas to this Congress. The depu
ties are. Messrs. Lewis T. Wigfall, Johu U. Reagau,
John Uempbiil, T. N. Waul, John Gregg, W. S.
Oldbam and Wm. B. Ochiltree. The credentials
were signed by 0. M. Roberts, President, and R.
T. Ilrownrigg, Secretary to the Convention.
The deputies were commissioned to represent
the State of Texas in the Congress to the extent
of the powers conferred upon them by the Con
vention of the people of Texas. The 2d section
of the Ordinance provides that the Ordinance
shall be submitted to the people of Texas for their
ratification or rejection, by the qualified voters, on
the 23d day of February, 1861, aud unless rejected
by a majority of the votes cast, shall take effect
and be in force on and after the 2d day of March,
1861.
Mr- Fearn moved that the communications fiom
Texas be referred to a special committee of three,
as it is apparent the appointments are uot perfect
ed. The motion was adopted.
The President appointed the following as the
Committee : Messrs. Fearn, Miles and Marshall.
Mr. Toombs moved that the deputy from Texas,
Mr. Gregg, who is now present, be iuvited to take
a seat in this Convention. Adopted.
The President then invited Dr. Gregg to accept
a i>eat iu the Convention.
Mr. Smith—A geutlenian from Mobile has
placed iu my hands a model or design for a na
tional flag, which I desire to have submitted to
the committee on the Hag. Adopted.
Mr. Walker—lt is important that the nreparu
tious for the inauguration be complete, i move,
therefore, that the roll of States do called, and
that each Slate select its member for the commit
tee for the reception and inauguration of the com
mittee. Adopted.
The roll of States was then called, and the fol
lowing committee was announced: Chilton, of
\la.; Anderson, of Fla.; Kenan, of Ga.; DeClouet
ot La.; Barry, of Miss.; and Khett, of S. C.
Mr. Keitt—lf in order, Mr. President, I move
that the inauguration of the President elect be
fixed for Monday, at one o’clock. Adopted.
Mr. Rhett then moved that Congress go into se
cret session. Adopted.
During the secret session to-day the following
resolution and act were adopted, and secresy re
moved :
A RESOLUTION.
To continue in office the Officers of the Customs.
Resolved, By the Confederate States of Ameri
ca, in Congress assembled, That until otherwise
provided, the several officers connected with the
collection of customs, duties and imposts in the
several States of this Confederacy, be and they
are hereby confirmed and continued as officers of
file Government of the Confederate States of
America, with their present salaries and emolu
ments, until the first day of April next; and that
the Secretary ot the Treasury be instructed to re
port to Congress a plan to go iuto effect at the
said date, whereby the expenses of collecting the
revenue, at each Custom House, shall be dimin
ished ut least fifty per cent.
AN ACT,
To continue in office the Officers connected with
the collection of the Customs in the Confeder
ate States of America.*
Suction 1. Be it enacted by the Confederate
States of America, in Congress assembled, That
the general officers who, ut the time of the adop
tion of the Constitution of the Provisional Gov
ernment of these States, held and exercised any
office connected with the collection of the cus
toms, duties and imposts in the several States of
this Confederacy, or as assistant Treasurers, en
trusted with keeping tbe moneys arising there
from, are hereby appointed to the several offices
which at the said date they respectively held ; and
they shall have the same powers, be subject to
the same duties, and he entitled to the same sala
raies, tees and emoluments, as are set forth aud
provided in and by the laws of the United States
of America, until the first day ot April next.
Provided, that the maximum of compensation
which each collector shall receive from all sources,
shall uot exceed the rate of $5,000 per annum.
Sec. 2. Each Collector so appointed shall with
in two weeks from the dute of this act, execute to
the Confederate States of America, a bond in tbe
same amount, ami subject to a like condition,
with his lust bond to the United States of Ameri
ca, with securities to be approved by a Judge of
any Superior or Circuit Court of the Stat** where
mi eh Collector is located. Aud each of the other
officers shall, within one week after the Collector
i.ha'l have entered upon the discharge of his du
ties execute to tbe Confederate States of America,
a boud in the same amount, aud subject to the
like couditiou with his last bond <o the Uuited
States ot America (in case he was required to ex
ecute a bond,) with securities to be approved bv
Collector of the part where such officer is located;.
Ski . The said several officers shall take au
oath before a magistrate well and faithfully to dis
charge the duties of his office, aud to sup
port the Constitution of the Provisional Govern
ment of the Confederate States of America, which
said oath shall be eudorsed upon the bond aud the
bond shall be tiled iu the office of the Secretary of
the Treasury, or in such other place as he may
direct.
TWELFTH pay.
Montgomery, Ala., Feb. 16, 1861.
Cougress met to-day at uoon. Prayer was of
fered by the Rev. Mr. Petrie, of the Presbyterian
Church.
The proceedings of yesterday were read aud
confirmed.
Mr. Bartow presented a communication from a
citizen of Georgia, in reference to a patent, which,
on his motion, was referred, without readiug, to
the Committee on Pateuts. He also presented
two models for flags, which he moved to have
submitted to the Committee on Flags. All agreed
to.
Mr. Nisbet said that the Constitution which we
have adopted provides for the “transfer of any
causes which were pending in the Courts of the
Uuited States to the Courts of the Confederacy,
aud for the execution of the orders, decrees aud
judgments, heretofore rendered bv the said Courts
of the United States ; aud also all laws which may
be requisite to protect the parties to all such suits,
orders, judgments or decress, their heirs,” Ac.
Therefore, lest the Judiciary Committee may not
have considered this subject, he asked leave to
offer the following:
Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary
be instructed to report an ordinance providing for
the trausfer of any causes which were pending in
the Courts of the United States, to the Courts of
the Confederacy; aud tor the execution of the
orders and judgments heretofore rendered by tbe
said Courts of the United States for the piotection
of parties, their heirs and assigus, aud for the
transfer of all of such decisions, orders a|id de
crees.
After seine remarks bv Mr. Smith. Mr. Hill
said that the Judiciary Committee were now’ con
sidering the identical questions involved in the
resolution offered by Mr. Nisbet. Mr. N. then
withdrew his resolution.
Mr. T. K. R. Cobb presented the model of a flag
from a lady of Georgia. It was referred.
Mr. Sparrow presented a design for a flag from
a citizen o! Louisiana. Referred.
Mr. Memminger offered several models of flags,
one among them he thought was deserving of
great consideration by the committee. It has
the advantage of having the Republican tri
colors. He moved their teference to the Flag
Committee.
Mr. Withers said he had not had time to manu
facture resolutions about the submission of models
of flags, although he had received the first model
of a flag which had beeu communicated to any
deputy, and which he said he had takeu the liber
ty of referring to the Committee on flags.
Mr. Miles said chairman of the Committee
on flags) that there are daily, a number of models
of flags presented to the committee, without first
being presented to Congress. This statement, he
thought, was due to the number of patriotic ladies
and gentlemen who have sent us those tasty and
highly admired specimens of their genius and
handiwork.
Mr. Hale presented a communication from Mr.
John B. Reid, on the subject of missiles of war.
The communication was referred, without being
read, to the Military Committee.
Mr. Clayton, from the Judiciary Committee, re
ported a bill on citizenship, and prescribing uni
form rules of naturalization. The bill was not
read. Ooe hundred copies ot it were ordered to
be printed.
Mr Ifc’ooke offered the following :
c J. M. Waldron, a citizen of the
*■ ute of tteorpa. be and he is berebv authorized ;
to file, with the Attorney General, a caveat ac
companied by suitable drawings and explanations,
setting forth the design and purpose thereof, for !
the protection of an improvement claimed to have
been made by him in Railroad switches aud that
said caveat, when so bled, as aforesaid’ shall be .
effectual from this day, to protect his right to said
invention, until a Patent office shall be establish
ed. Provided, that as soon as said office is estab
lished, said caveat shall be filed, with the com
mission thereof, and such proceedings had there
on as may be authorized by law.
Mr. Conrad said he did not know whether it
was the understanding of ihe Committee on
patents, or the understanding of Congress, that
the cognate subject of conv rights is included in
the consideration of the Committee on patents. .
If it be not so, he moved that the Committee be ]
denominated the Committee on patents aud copy- j
rights. He made that motion becauseJit* had a
document about copy-right* which he desired re
ferred to that Committee.
X 1 • P-.od*> : h* Committee to state
• v gr<,i t. at matter ** under their
Mr Brooke, the Chairman, replied that the
Committee regarded the subject of copy-rights
as under their cognizance.
The communication presented by Mr. Conrad
*ras then referred to the Committee on patents.
Congress then went into secret session.
Inaoffiir&l of President Davis.
Montgomery, Feb. 18.—The inaugural ceremo
nies were the grandest pageant ever witnessed in i
the South. There was an immense crowd on
Capitol Hill, consisting of beauty, military and
citizens from different States.
President Davis commenced his inaugural ad.
dress at one o’clock precisely, and said :
Gentlemen of the Congress of the Confederate i
States of America, Friends and Fellow-citizens : j
I am called to a difficult and a responsible station i
as Chief Executive of the Provisional Govern- 1
ment, which you have instituted. I approach to j
the discharge of the'duties assigned me, with an
humble distrust of my abilities, but with sustain
ing confidence in tbe wisdom of those who are to
guide and aid me in the administration of public
affairs, and an abiding faith in the virtue and pa
triotism of the people.
Looking forward to the speedy establishment of
a permanent government to take the place of this,
and which by its greater moral and pbvsicsl pow
er, will be better able to combat with many diffi
; cutties w hich may arise from conflicting interests
l of separate nations.
I enter upon the duties of the office to which I
Lave been chosen, with the hope that the begin
ning of our career as a Confederacy, may not oe
obstructed by hostile opposition to our enjoyment
and separate existence .n the independence which
we have asserted, and with the blessings of Provi
dence, we intend to maintain. Our present condi
tion which has been achieved in a manner unpre
cedented in the history of nations, illustrates tbe
American idea, that Governments rest upon the
consent of the governed, and that it is the right of
the people to alter and abolish Governments when
ever they become destructive to the ends for which
thev were established.
ifhe declared purpose of the compact of the
Union from which we have withdrawn, was to es
tablish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, pro
vide common defence, promote general welfare,
secure blessings and liberty to ourselves and our
posterity, and when in the judgment of the Sov
ereign States, now composing this Confederacy,
it has been perverted from the purposes which it
was ordained, and ceased to answer the ends for
which it was established, a peaceful appeal to the
ballot box declared that so far as they were con
cerned the Government created by that compact
should cease to exist. In this they merely assert
ed tbe right, which the Declaration of Independ
ence in 1776 defined to be ioalienable, oi the time
and occasion of its exercise ; they, as .Sovereigns,
were the final judges, each for itself.
i The impartial and enlightened verdict of man-
I kind will vindicate thq rectitude of our conduct,
; and He who knows the hearts of men, will judge
I of the sincerity with which we labored to preserve
the Government of our fathers, in its spirit. The
right solemnly proclaimed at the birth of States,
and which has been affirmed *nd re-afliruied in
bills; and the rights of States subsequently ad
mitted into the Union of 1789, undeniably recog
nize tbe power to resume the authority dele
gated for the purposes of Government. Thus the
Sovereign .States here represented proceeded from
this Confederacy, and it is by abusive language
that their act has been denunciated revolution.
They have formed anew alliance, but within each
j State its Government has remained. The right of
j person and property has not been disturbed, but
tbe agent through whom tffey communicated with
foreign nations is changed, but this does not ne
necessarily interrupt their international relations.
Sustained by the consciousness that the transition
from the former Union to the present Confedera
cy, did uot proceed from disregard on our part of
just obligations, or any failure to perform every
constitutional duty—moved by no interest or pas
sion to invade the rights of others, but anxious to
cultivate peace and the commerce of all nations.
If we may not hope to avoid war, we may at least
expect that posterity will acquit us of having
needlessly engaged in it—doubly justified by the
absence of w rongs on our part, and by wanton ag
gression on the part of others.
There can be no cause to doubt tßat the courage
and patriotism of the people of the Confederate
States, will be found equal to any measure of de
fence, which soon our security may require. As
an agricultural people whose chief interest is the
export of dfcmmodity, our true policy is peace and
the freest trade wich our necessities will permit.
It is alike onr interest and that of all those to whom
we would sell, and from whom we would buy,
that there should be the fewest practicable restric
tions upon the interchange of commodities. There
cau he but little rivalry between ours and any
manufacturing, or navigating community, such as
the Northeastern States of the American Union,
j It must follow, therefore, that mutual interest
would invite good will and kind offices. If, how
ever, the passion or lust for dominion should cloud
the judgment or inflame the ambition of those
States, we must prepare to meet the emergency,
aud maintain by the final arbitrament of the
1 sword, the position which we have assumed
among the nations of the earth. We have enter
ed upon a career of independence, and it must be
inflexibly pursued. Through many years of con
troversy with our lute associates* the Northern
States, we have vainly endeavored to secure tran
quility, and to obtain that respect for our rights
to which we are entitled. Asa necessity,|aud not
as a choice, we have resorted to the remedy of
separation, aud henceforth our energies must be
directed to the conduct of our own affairs, and
the perpetuity of the Confederacy which we have
formed.
If a just perception of mutual interests shall
permit us peaceably to pursue our separate politi
cal career, my most earnest desire will have been
fulfilled ; but if this shall be denied us, and the
integrity of our Territory and jurisdiction be as
sailed, itjwill but remain for us, with firm re
solve, to appeal to arms and invoke the blessing
of Providence, in this just cause.
Asa consequence of our new condition, and
with a view to meet anticipated wants, it will be
necessary to provide a speedy and efficient organi
zation of the different branches of the Executive
Department, bavin.- special charge of foreign in
tercourse, the finances, military affairs, the postal
service.
For purposes of defence, the Confederate States
may, under ordinary circumstances, rely mainly
upon their militia, but it is deemed advisable, iu
the present condition of affairs, that there should
be a well instructed aud disciplined army,more
numerous than would usually be required in a
peace establishment.
I also suggest that for the protection of our
harbors, amt our commerce upon the high seas,
a Navy adapted to those objects will be required.
These necessities have, doubtless, engaged the
attention of Cougress.
With a Constitution differing from that of our
fathers only in so far as it is explanatory of their
well kn6wn intent, freed from sectional* conflicts
which have interfered with the pursuit of the
general welfare, it is not unreasonable to expect
that the States from which we have recently
parted may seek to unite their “fortunes with
ours, under the Government which we have insti
tuted. For this, your Constitution makes ade
quate provision; but beyond this, if l mistake
uotthe judgment and will of the people, a re
union with the States from which we have sepa
rated is neither practicable nor desirable.
To increase the power, develop the resources,
and promote the happiness of a Confederacy, it
is reuqisite that there should be so much of
homogeuity, that the welfare of every portion
shall be the aim of the whole. Where this does
uot exist, antagonisms are eagendered which
must and should result, in separation.
Actuated solely by a desire to preserve our own
rights aud promote eur own welfare, the separa
tion of the Confederate States has been marked
by no aggression upon others, and followed by no
domestic convulsion. Our industrial pursuits have
received no check, the cultivation of our fields
has progressed as heretofore; and even should
we be iuvolved iu war, there would be no conside
rable diminution iu the production ot the staples
3 hick have constituted our exports, iu which the
commercial world has au iuteres’ scarcely less
tbau our own. This common interest of producer
and consumer cau only be intercepted by au ex
terior force which should obstruct the transmis
sion of these staples to foreign markets—a course
of conduct which would be as unjust towards us,
as it would be detrimental to manufacturing aud
commercial interests abroad.
Should reason guide tbe action of the Government
from which we have separated, a policy so detri
mental to the interests of the civilized w’orld, the
Northern States included, could not be dictated
by even the strongest desire to inflict injury upon
us ; but if the Government should act otherwise,
a terrible responsibility will rest upon u, aud the
suffering of millions will bear testimony to the
folly and wickeduess of our nggresors.
Iu the meantime, there will remain to us be
sides the ordinary remedies before suggested, the
well known resources for retaliatiou upon the
commerce of an enemy.
Experience iu public stations of subordinate
grades to this which your kindness has conferred
upon me, has taught me that care, and toil, and
disappointment are the price of official election.
You will see many errors to forgive, mauy defi
ciencies to tolerate, but you shall uot find iu me
either waut of zeal or of fidelity to the cause that
is to me the highest in hope, and of most enduring
affection. Your generosity has bestowed upon
me au undeserved distinction—one which I neith
er sought nor deserved. Upon the contiuuance
of that sentiment, and upon your wisdom aud pa
triotism, I rely to direct and support me iu the
performance of the duty required at my bauds.
We have changed the constituent parts, but not
the system of our government. The Constitution
formed by our fathers, is that these Confederate
States iu their exposition of it, and in the judi
cial constitution it has received, we have alight
which reveals its true meaning. Thus instructed
as to the just interpretation of the instrument,
aud eveu remembering that all offices are but
trusts held tor the people, aud that delegated
powers are tofbe strictly construed, 1 will hops
by due diligence in the performance of my duties
—though I may disappoint your expectations,
yet to retaiu when retiring something of the
good will and confidence which welcomes my en
trance into office. It is joyous in the midst of
perilous times to look around upon people united in
heart, where one purpose of high resolve ani
mates and actuates tbe whole; where the sacri
fices to be made are not weighed in the balance
agaiust honor, right, liberty and equality—ob
stacles may retard, but they cannot long prevent
the progress of a movement sanctified by its jus
tice, aud sustained by a virtuous people.
Reverently let us invoke the God of our fathers j
to guide ami protect us in our effortsio perpetuate I
the principles which by his blessings they were
able to viadieate establish and transmit to their :
posteritv and with a continuance of his favor ever I
gratefully acknowledged, we may hopefully look
forward to success, to peace, and to prosperity. j
The Peace Conference. —The Washington cor
respondent of the Baltimore American, under date
I of the 15th, says :
| The Committee appointed by the Peace Confer
ence to take into consideration the various propo
sitions ft r compromise aud conciliation, reported
to that body to-day the Guthrie amendments to
the Constitution, which are nearly the same as
those presented by Mr. Crittenden. They were
reported with but three dissenting votes, viz.
Messrs. Sedden of Virginia, Ruffin of North Caro
lina, aud Doniphan of Missouri, all three Seces
sionists, who staled at length their objections and
reasons for not concurring, but decliued making a
minority report.
It is said that Virginia, North Carolina and
Missouri will vote against adopting the report, a
majority of each of these delegations being op
posed to it, and a majority controls the vote of the
State.
Messrs. Tyler. Sedden and Brockenbrough will
urge the Virginia Convention to reject the propo
sition. and Messrs. Rives and Summers will re
commend its approval. As three-fourths of the
delegates to the Virginia Convention are of the
same sentiment as Messrs. Rives and Summers,
there is no doubt as to what will be the action of
that body. The endorsement of the plan by Vir
ginia will ensure its approval by the North Caro
lina Convention next month.
The majority of the delegations of Maryland,
Kentucky and Tennessee stand by the report of
the Committee.
The Conference will probably not continue in
session but a few days longer. The unanimous
vote of the members of the Committee from the
Northern and Western States indicates that the
report will receive the approval of a very large
majontv of the Conference on the final vote —aud
this endorsement gives promise of its favorable
reception by a majority of the members of Con
gress from the Free States.
There is no doubt that the people of Missouri,
Virginia and North Carolina w ill endorse and ap
prove the Guthrie amendments, by a vote that
will put tuc j \q recession doctrines in these j
Mates.
Liquorice Grow ing in Texas. —We learn from
the San Antonio Ledger that a Mr. I’oh,sard, of
, l Ckt - V been eminently successful m the
culture aud acclimation of liquorice r .< t, which he j
uau imported from France. Os al< the points im
ported, one alone survived. The growth was
luxuriant, notwithstanding the drouth covering
tne ground for a circumference ot fifteen feet,
proving that irrigation is not necessai v to us sue- !
cessful growth Indeed, so successful has Mr. ‘
i oinsard been, both in relation to its acclimation
and culture, that he looks torw ar d to the liquorice
root becoming speedily an article of extensive ex
port from W esurn Texas.— X 0 . Jiulktin I
Deplorable (conditiou of tbo Federal
Treaxuryj
Mr. Sherman, from the Committee of Way Band
Means, sent to the Clerk’s desk, to be read for the
information of the House, the subjoined corres
pondence from tbe Secretary of the Treasury rela
tive to deficiencies in the Treasury ; also, a bill
recommended by the Secretary to me et the defi
ciencies referred to :
Treasury Department, Feb. 11, 1861.
S Hon . John Sherman, Chairman of the Committee
I of Waye and Keens :
I £ir—l deem it my duty to call your attention
i to the pressing demands on tbe Treasury, and to
suggest tbe only practicable mode of meeting
! them without seriously impairing the public cred
it. The liabilities due’ and to fall due before the
; 4th of March next are as follows :
For the State Department $118,868 52
For the Interior Department 1,802,-327 57
For the War Department 1,521,131 00
i For the Navy Department 1,060,000 00
j For the Post Office Department 700,000 00
j Requisitions of War vnd Navy not
! complied with 1,852,225 19
Treasury notes failing flue before the
* 4th of’March 1,802,700 00
For the Treasury Department 501,423 36
j For the Lighthouse Board 78,220 50
; Fishing bounties due, estimated... 465,521 66
19,901,118 00 ]
The accruing revenues will, it is estimated,
meet about $1,1*00,000 of the amount, leaving eight j
millions to be borrowed. There is in the Treasury,
subject to the draft of tbe Treasurer of tbe United
States, but little more than $500,000, and there
are requisitions in ‘he Treasury Department
amounting to nearly two millions ot dollars unau- ■
swered. ‘
In the present condition of the country it would
be impossible to borrow the money needed to meet
the wants of the Treasury, unless at a discount
which would seriously impair the public credit, i
without some pledge in addition to that of the !
faith of the Government. Several of the States, I
in accordance with the suggestion contained in j
mv letter to your Committee of thelSthof Jan- i
uarv last, have offered to superaadd a pledge of ;
their faith to that of the Uuited States for the re- 1
demptiou of any bonds it may issue to the amount
of the public money depo- te’d with them respec- j
tively for safe keeping under tbe act of 23d June.
1836. If Congress will authorise these offers to
be accepted, the money required to meet liabili
ties to tall due before the 4th of March can be ob
tained at par.
If the authority is not granted, I am satisfied
it can only be proem ed on terms w hich would be
exceedingly disadvantageous to the Government,
and in the highest degree detrimental to its cre
dit. I should not venture to ask for a loan ex
ceeding two millions of dollars, and nearly the
whole of this amount to be required to meet the
redemption of Treasury cotes to fall due before
the 4tn of March. There would be due on that
day about six millions of dollars to public credi
tars, whose demands could not remain unsatisfied
without subjecting them to the most serious, and
in some cases ruinous losses.
I have discharged my duty to them and to the
country by making this exhibit of the public
wauts, and iu pointing out the only mode by
which, in my judgment, they can be met without
serious consequences to the interests of the Gov
ernment and individually to whom it is indebted.
The short time to elapse before the close of the
present session of Congress renders it indispen
sable that I should advertise fora loan on the 13th
or 14th instant, at farthest.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient serv’t,
John A. Dix,
Secretary ot the Treasury.
The Peace Conference.
Washington Feb. 13.—The Special Committee
of the Peace Conference did not make their re
port to-day, as was anticipated, and it is now’
doubtful whether they will report before Friday
or Saturday. They were iu session four hours
to-day, and will assemble again to-night to con
tinue the discussion on Mr. Guthri \s plain, which
was up for consideration to-day.
The-Committee yesterday for the first time
came to a direct vote, to test the direction of sen
timent on the preliminary questions. Reverdy
Johnson’s resolution in the following form, was
carried by a vote of ayes 10, nays 9 :
“Congress shall have no power to legislate upon
the subject of servitude anywhere, except to per
form its duties under the Constitution in respect
to fugitivss from service or labor, and to suppress
the foreign slave trade ; nor shall any Territorial
Government have power to sanction or protect
involuntary servitude in any Territory north of
the southern boundary of Kansas ana the north
ern boundary of New Mexico, uor to prohibit, or
impair, or affect the holding of persons to service
or labor in any Territory south of said line, in the
same manner as such persons w’ere so held and
protected under the laws of the Ftate or Territo
ry from which they were removed.”
Several of those who voted negatively express
ed their willingness, if nothing better could be
obtained, to accept Mr. Johnson’s proposition. It
is the purpose of the Committee to vote directly
on all the plans proposed, us a test of sentiment
on eucli.
Mr. Baldwin, o f Connecticut, will offer tbe fol
lowing, so amended as not to apply to places
acquired by treaty for the erectiou of forts and
the like:
“No territory belonging to any foreign State or
natiou, on the continent of America, or the islands
pertaining or adjacent thereto, shall ever be ac
quired by the United States otherwise than by a
treaty of cession freely made by such foreign
State or nation with the assent of the people of
the ceded territory, manifested by the adoption
of a republican form of government, and by their
application to Congress for admission iuto this
Union as a State.
“No treaty of cession shall be valid or operative
to transfer the jurisdiction of such tate or
nation over such territory untij it shall be ratified
by four-fifths of the members of the Seuate of the
United States, nor until the admission of such
ceded territory into the Union as a State or
States, by an act of Congress duly passed on tlie
application of the people of such territory for ad
mission as aforesaid.”
The Southern Commissioners will hold a caucus
as sobn as the Committee reports. It has been
talked of, but a sectional caucus is deemed im
politic until they come to a final vote.
Army Appointments by t!io Governor.
The full appointments for the two Regimeuts
for regular service, which are to be organized un
der the late Ordinance of the Convention of this
State, have been made by the Governor. All offi
cers late of Hie U. S. Army are ranked according
to their relative rank when they left the Army.
When promotions have been made, it hus been
done according to their relative ranks:
COLONELS.
WM. J. IIARDEE, W. 11. T. WALKER.
LIEUTENANT COLONELS.
CHAS. J. WILLIAMS, ELIJAH W. CHASTAIN.
MAJORS.
1. L. B. McLaws, 3. Alfred Cumming,
2. Wm. M. Gardner, 4. Edward R. Harden.
CAPTAINS.
1. Janies Mclntosh, 11. R. A. Wayne,
2. William I). Smith, 12. John Pattou,
3. Thos. McConnell, 13. John S. Fain,
4. Wm. J. McGill. 14. G. If. Thompson,
5. Alfred Iverson, Jr., 15. Miller Grieve, Jr.,
6. William Martin, 16. Lewis If. Kenan,
7. John D. Walker, 17. Francis T. Cullens,
b. William G. Gill, 18. Alex. M. Wallace,
9. Jacob Read, 19. Abner Smead,
10. John F. It. Tatnall, 20. J. P. Hamilton.
FIRST LIEUTENANTS.
1. John T. Mercer, 13. Robert A. Crawford,
2. Albert Shaaf, 14. John Milledge, Jr.,
3. Joseph P. Joues, 15. H. D. D. Twiggs,
4. St. Clair Dearirg, 16. T. J. Mclutosh,
5. A. B. Montgomery, 17. John M. Branch,
6. A. F. Cone, lb. Henry Cleveland,
7. Rob*. H. Audersou, 19. A. P. Brown,
8. Tiiouias J. Berry, 20. Tomlinson Fort,
9. B. F. Thomas, 21. I>. F. McDonald, up
lb. Joseph Wheeler, pointed by the Col.
11. A. A. F. Hill, Quarter Master Ist
12. W. W. Kirkland, 22. W. Anderson. [Reg.
SECOND LIEUTENANTS.
1. Thos. A. Maddox, 12. J. W. Barrow,
2. Johu Howard’ Jr., 23. J. A. West,
3. Garneit Andrews,Jr.,l4. J. G. Blount,
4. L. P. Wade, 15. J. Alexander,
5. Edward P. Bowdre, 16. Louis DeLaigle,
6. John Floyd King, 17. J. McP. Berrien,
7. R. 11. Atkinson, 18. G. B. Lamar, Jr.,
8. G. P. Harrison. Jr., 19. Michael Cass,
9. F. M. Myers, 20. Robert F. Hunt,
10. P. B. M. Young, 21. Joseph A. Blance,
11. E. 8. Willis, 22. Henry Trippe.
From Washington correspondence of the Charles
ton Courier , Feb. loth —
The country wHI be confounded at the audacity
and magnitude of the corruptions and fraud that
have been practiced bv the War Department. No
European Government ever suffered so great a
disgrace, or so great a loss from any act of a Min
ister of a Department.
More than six millions of dollurs were issued
under the signature of the Secretary of War, in
the form of official accepteuces, which have found
their wav into the money market, and gone into
the hands of innocent purchasers. Russell, the
contractor, io whose favor they were uooiiuallv
issued, denies and so do his friends who are best
advised as to his affairs, that the acceptances to
this amount came into his hands or were issued
for his benefit.
The question is who got the money ? The House
Committee canuot answer it. There is a deep
iniquity iu the transaction w’hich may not be soon
fathomed. The present question is, whether the
United States are oound to assume the debt cre
ated by the acceptances, or whether the holders,
who have purchased them, or received them iu
payment without notice, shall be the sufferers?
The President’s Last Levee, —The President’s
levee on Tuesday night was Mr. Buchanan’s last.
It was the largest ot his administration, aud was
very brilliant. It is estimated that at least five
thousand people were in attendance. The vene
rable heads ot the Peace Congress were promi
nent among the throng. In contrasts with these
were the representatives of the army and navy,
attired in their brilliant warlike trappings All
the leaders of the incoming administration now
in the city were present. ‘Of the officers of the
firesent Cabinet Mr King was present; alsonear
y all the Foreign Ministers. The President ex
pressed no regret that his end had come, and
Miss Laue never did the honors more gracefully.
She was attired in pure white, during the whole
evening was surrounded with hosts ot friends aud
admirers, each one of whom seemed to have a
parting word to say. Everybody seemed to be
merry, the outgoing as well as the incomiug. The
band played “Away Down in Dixey” and closed
; with “Yankee Doodle.” The number of ladies
present was very large.— Washington Letter.
Cause of Divorce. —ln the Supreme Court at
I Macon last week. Judge Lyon, in passing upon a
| divorce case before the Court, took the position
i that personal violence was not necessary to con
j stitute cruel treatment; and remarked that there
: were degradations, insults, neglects and annoy
. unces which the ingenious malice of a brutal hus
; band could inflict upon a wife, to which, in kind
and character, corporeal punishment would be a
I kindness. He said the extent of the cruel treat
ment must be considered by the Jury, and that it
was their ptovince to determine wnether, under
’ the circumstances of the case, a total or partial
divorce should be granted.
A Proposition from Virginia. —ln the Peace
: Congress at Washington, the following proposi
tion has been offered by Hon. J. A. Redden, as
proceeding from Ex-President Tyler:
; All appointments to office in the Territories ly
ing North of the line 35 deg. 30 min., *s well be
fore as after the establishment of Territorial Go
ernment in, and over the same, or any part there
] of. shall be made upon the recommendation of a
: majority of the Senators representing at the time
the nou-slaveholdmg States. And in like man
ner, all appointments to office in the Territories
which may lie South of said liDe of $6 deg. 30
min., shall be made upon the recommendation of
a majority of the Senators representing at the
, time the slaveholdiug States.
But nothing in this article shall be construed
to restrain the President of the Culled States from
removing for actual incompetence|or misdemeanor
Id office, any person thus appointed, and appoint
ing a temporary agent to be continued in office
until the majority of Senators a s aforesaid may
present anew recommendation, or irom filling
anv vacancy which may occur during the recess
of the Senate, such appoint meat to continue ad
inkrim.
And to insure on tfce par; of the Senators the *
selection of tiie mv>t trustworthy agents, it is .
hereby directed that all nett proceeds arising j
from the s*!c’ of public lends . bail be distributed
annuaiiy aim th- several Stu.-s according to
the combine ’ ratio ot represer atioo and ‘ax*-
tiou ; t*ut the air‘>nbut:oii cfer* aid min re su>
pended by Cougres3 iu case ©f a tuai war w ith a
foreign nation, or imminent peril thereof.
Peru is coming into the world as a cotton- ■
f rower ; 14,000 bales of her cotton having just I
•en sent across the Isthmus, moat of it to Europe. j
IpMle.
The supply of coin and bullion to the American
market has probably never been so large as it has
been recently. The heavy exports of
make one of tbe causes of this; but a more po
tent cause is the demand for specie, created by
the commercial disturbances arising out of our
political troubles. The combined causes have led
to an abundance of coin which baa not been
known in this country before. The statistics ot
tne port of New York*, where mo<t t this expor
tation and importation of specie tke place, fur
nish us with facts on the subject.
The imports of speeie at New ork from for
eign ports, from July Ist, 1960, to beb Is , 1861,
were $15,427,722. The exports oi specie caring
tbe same period were $20,670,313; nett exports
$5,242,591. The receipts of California gold l* r
the same time amounted to $21,1W,1.‘9. Ihe
country, therefore, contained on the Ist of re j. ja
rv 1861, $15,857,607 more specie thau ft di.l on
I t he Ist of July, 1860. The result can be better
shown as follows :
! Specie received from California $21,100,198
| *• “ “ Europe, Ac 15,427,722
Total receipts $36,527,920
! Specie exported 20,676,313
Nett gain in seven months $15,857,6b7
The gain in specie was all made in tue months
! of December and January, but the tables we con
duit do not give the separate months. It is safe
I to say that there are fully twenty two millions
more specie now, in the country than there was
i in November last. Prior to December Ist the
shipments to Europe bad exceeded tbe receipts
; front California; but in December and Jauuary
j tbe receipts from Europe were about fifteen mil*
! lions, and those from California over seven mil
lions, while tbe shipments to foreign ports were
j little or nothiug.
At the present time we are importing so mode
j ratelv of foreign goods and articles of luxury that
j Europe will for some time be obliged to pay us in
j coin ior the large supplies of breadstuff's and pro
j visions, to say nothing of cotton that she is com
| pelled to take from us. So that there will proba
i uly be, unless a worse condition of commercial
i and political affairs occurs in .France, a continua
: tion of tbe flow of gold and silver to this country,
l though iu a more moderate degree. At the pre
! sent time there is an ample sufficiency of the pre
-1 clous metals for all purposes of trade. The banks
! have their vaults filled, and in the Eastern cities
! there is no premium on gold aud silver. Specie
j payment may be regarded as virtually resumed
j by the Philadelphia banks, though there has been
j no formal announcement of it, for every cne can
1 obtaiu as much coin as is needed lor Ins buriuess.
1 If any mode could be devised for checking and
| turning back tbe tide of revolution at the South,
this country would make a start in business that
J would astonish every one, and would soon make
; up for the losses caused by the secession move
! ment. — IViila. Bulletin.
Banquet to Americans at Jedtlo—Tho
Old Lmbussy.
The Jupauese Minister of Foreigu Affairs, gave
a reception on the 26th of November to the officers
of the Uuited States frigate Niagara, and Col
Ripley, U. S. A., and Lieut. A. A. Wise, U. S. N.
A letter describing tbe event says :
Ihe vestibule of the building was filled with
soldiers on their knees. Iu an ante-room we met
the late Japanese Ambassadors to the United
States, aud by them were conducted in order
of rank into a long apartment with lofty ceilings
and matted floors, where were seated the Regent
aud Censor behind a small table. We took our
seats at a long table opposite tbe Regent.
In the centre of the room, between tbe Regent
and American Minister, sat Simme Bajeu, the
first in rank, of the late Ambassadors to the
Uuited States ; aud before and behind him on
their kuees were two interpreters.— In front of us
were seen No-Karais including the second and
third of the late Embassy. At the extreme end
of the room, on his knees, we descried the Gov
ernor, as he was called in our country, and a more
rueful countenauce we never beheld. Also the
Treasurer, whose usually bright and beaming
face was now sad and sober. It was doubtless a
humiliating position for these worthies to oc
upy in our prestuce, however high the privil
ege to approach so near the representative of the
throne ; at other times we could not but pity them,
while we must admit there was some malice miu
gled with our pity, when we remembered that
often times they refused 10 receive the visits and
congratulations of our fairest aud poudest couu
try womeu.
The Americau Minister introduced by name
each of the visitors, the introductions were then
repeated iu Dutch by his secretary, and subse
quently in Japanese by the interpreter to his
Excellency the Regent. The ceremony ended,
general congratulations were passed, some ques
tions asked, and very artful aud evasive answers
given by the Regent. On the subject ot the
ordinary presents sent from the United States to
the Tycoon, there was much conversation, and
notwithstanding the persistent remarks of one of
the officeis iu charge of them, who tad orders to
remain and instiuct them iu their use, they po
litely declined, and seemed affronted at the bare
supposition of their ignorance. Their reply was,
“We already kuow a little, aud can learn more.”
A visit subsequently made to their arsenals prov
ed that from the number of Dahlgrcen guus,
which they had already made from a pattern
presented by Commodore Perry, the offer to in
struct was quite gratuitous.
After the feast of reason, then commenced the
How ot soul, which was brought ou by some score
of well-dressed aud well-drilled servants, who
placed in front of each guest lacquered trays,
with lacquered cups, both of which were beauti
fully simple and neat. First course, cuke and
fruits, tea and tobacco. Second course, raw fish
and vegetables. Third course, oyster soup, with
cucumbers. Fourth course, pickled fish aud
vegetables. Fifth course, roast quail on a board;
this was the chef d'euvre, and \\a.- nor only delic
ious, but nrttsticallv gotten up, and represented
the bird in full feather. Sixth course, cooked
fish Seventh course, sakie, red ana white.—
Eigntli course, tea aud tobacco. Tne Ambassa
dors, our receut guests, assisted in serving us,
whilst the No-Kamis were apparently amused at
our awkward attempts to drink soup ana eat birds
and fish with chop sticks. After having satisfied
which laudable curiosity, they furnished us with
knives.
During the collation, occasional remarks of a
national and fraternal character were interchang
ed, some few toasts were drunk, and before tlie
musical period arrived, we took our departure in
the order we entered, shook hands with the Re
gent, and said Sionada fondly and forever to the
swarthy aud courteous Ambassadors from Cipan
go-
The Credit of the Government on Trial in
Europe. —The Boston Transcript has been fur
nished a copy of a letter from a distinguished
capitalist iu England, “ known for the services he
has rendered to American credit in Europe in
times of financial trial,” (Mr. Peabody ?) contains
the following passage :
“ I cannot conceal from you the fact that the
credi*. of the United States Government is now on
trial iu Europe. By the last steamer we hear of
plans of ‘concession’ and ‘compromise’ with
those who are openly defying the law’s. Now’, it
is not my purpose to discuss the merit or the mo
tive of any of these projects—but 1 must tell you
that if your Government entertains any plan of
concession at the present momeut—if it have to
purchase the permission to peacefully inaugurate
the lawfully elected President—its credit will re
ceive a fearful blow’ in Europe. \ou must expect
to have Federal stocks sent back iu large quanti
ties from England and the Continent. People
will not trust u government which, when its
foundations are attacked, iustead of upholding
law’ and order compromises with traitors. We
have had enough of Peruvian and Mexicau bonds,
and shall be cateful not to retain those of a gov
ernment whose policyis concession to anarchy.”
Extract from Wa&hiugtou correspondence of
the Charleston Courier , Feb. 12th :
It is understood that the Committee of the
Peace Conference, charged with the adoption of a
plan of adjustment whereby the preseut intersec
tional difficulties cau be settled, have rather un
expectedly come to an agreement upon the plau
presented by Mr. Guthrie, of Kentucky, which is
not unlike the Crittenden plan. It is stated that
two-thirds of the Committee are for it, aud that
two-thirds of the States represented in the Con
vention will go for it. Twenty States are repre
sented, of which seveu only ure slaveholding
States.
The Conference may find some difficulty yet in
passing the project reported. It is to be'discuss
ed very fully, and it is open to amendment on all
sides.
Should the Conference finally agree to it, then
the plan has tw’o gauntlets to run—that of the
State Legislatures and that of Congress.
More than half of the Republicans in the House
are, it is supposed, pledged against any compro
mise. The suffering business interests of the
North may compel them, however, to agree to the
proposed settlement.
The friends of Lincoln are divided iuto two par
ties already —each hostile to the other. One side !
will go for this settlement, and the other side!
against it. It is so well understood that the Lin- |
coin Government cannot be carried on, unless a j
settlement be reached, that a large portion of his
friends, and especially of those who expect to be
beneficiaries of his administration, will urge it, |
ami perhaps buy it, and promise to pay for it. j
Alauv bills are carried by the force of the capi- |
tal in the bills ; that is, according to some ac- 1
counts, they pay them iu one wav. But in this j
case the adjustment plan must be carried by those
who are to be politically and personally beuefitted
bv it- There are some members whose political
fortunes depend upon their absolute adherence to j
the anti-slavery dogmas. Some powerful argu
ments may, however, be employed in favor ot the
measure.
It is known iu that England the law requires that
railway engines shall consume their own smoke.
The London Artisan describes one ot the modes
devised for realising the end in view’. The whole
apparafus is exterior to the fire box, and, there
fore, not exposed to heat, and is controlled in the j
most perfect manner by a single stop-cock. Air j
is admitted, above the fuel, by means of one or !
more rows of tubes, inserted through the w alls of
the fire-box, and jets of steam are projected ;
through the air tubes from nozzles one-sixteenth j
of an inch in diameter, in small steam pipes out- j
side of the tire-box, to increase the quantity and
force of the air admitted above the fuel, in order j
to consume the smoke. The jets of steam are :
used principally when the engine is standiug,
with the aid of a light draught from a ring jet iu
the chimney, to carry off the products of combus- ;
tion, and these may be shut off when not required, j
The supply of air through the tubes may also be j
regulated by dampers. The grate bars are placed i
close together, with narrow air spaces, aud the !
ash pan and the damper are tightly fitted. It is I
stated that this plan requires less weight of coal j
than the engines formerly did of coa.e, to do the j
same duty.
The Romance Taken olt of Life on thf Ccfan
Wave.— A real jolly good old feLow ira- £ *--
gent of Boston. I was introduced to him just a?
i the steamer Star was leaving her dock at New
York for Europe. For the first twen’y-tour Lours
“Richard was himself again;’’ but mat ftli de
stroyer, who neither spares age, sex nor condi
tion, sea-sickness, seized him. and nothing more
was seen of the jolly old doctor for several days,
i v. e had left the banks, and were steaming along
• beautifully, when one morning I saw the doctor’s
‘ head emering from the lower regions, But what
a face ! long, lugubrious, distressed ; his hair un
! cared for, dress untidy, eyes bloodshot. I could
scarcely believe this apparition was the jolly old
j doctor who had kept us ail iD a roar the first day
; out. “Well, mv dear doctor, how do you feel by
this time ?” “feel !” said he, and there was an
unspeakable earneastness in his eye; “feel! why
I feel as though I had but two objects in life now.
Ou 1 is to put my foot once more on terra firma y
and the other, to find out and whip the fellow who
wrote “Life on the Ocean Wave.”
The following are the changes respecting reli
gious liberty in Sweden : Banishment q j other
punishment against one who professed any other
religion than the Lutheran has been abolished.
Consequently, any Lutheran may enter iuto a dif
ferent religious community without any other
risk, if he is in the civil service, than the loss of
his place, if this should happen to be one of those
which by the Constitution can only be held by a
Lutheran. 2. No one, however, may leave the
Swedish Church before bis eighteenth year, nor
before he has given notice to the minister of bis
parish. S. Dissenters are forbidden to preach
anv other religion than the Lutheran beyond the
parish in which they reside.
Cptnoline and Union.— The ladies of Howard
p
county, appoint- ui . . . -ir. . g ucO
for the pre*cultttiuu, ami c ust M.ls> Julie Lewis
to make the speech. Among otner proceedings
they resolved t<s invite several gentlemen to “ad
dress” them at a future meeting.
Louis Republican, IDA, j
Fniident DaTl**~Beoeption at Atlanta
aud ?fontgoinery.
As we were informed yesterday by telegraph,
Col. Davis and the few personal friends attending
him from Mississippi, arrived here at 4 o’clock
this morning, by tbe Mute Road train. At 8
o’clock, a saiute of seven guns was fired by a de
tachment from the Atlanta Grays, unuer com
mand of Capt. Wallace, aod all our Fire Compa
nies—the Hxiok and Ladder Company—the Fire
Department—the tiate City Guards, under Capt.
Thompson—the Commissioned Officers of the
Georgia Volunteers (not yet fully uniformed ;)
also, the Fultou Dragoons, under Capt. Wilson,
aud Lee’s Volunteers, were out in fine force and
appearance, to render the honors of the city to its
distinguished guest. By half after 9 o’clock, all
the space before the Trout House was packed with
au eager aud elated crowd, and, although a cold
drizzling rain w r aa falling upon them all the time,
they stood lor more thau ho\jr with great pa
tience, awaiting the appearance of the man all i
wished to see. At half-past 10 o’clock Col. Davis i
was introduced, on the balcony of the Trout i
House, to the multitude by Mayor Whitaker iu a |
few very appropriate remarks. * Col. Davis theD, :
with his peculiar dignity and grace, bowing all
round to his eager audience, addressed them for
about thirty mi mites in oue of the happiest efforts
we ever listened to.
We will not attempt to give anything like a lite
ral report ot Coi. Davis* speech, as we had no
conveniences for so doing—but are sure that what
we remember of his remarks is substantially cor
rect.
He began Dy saying now cordially he greeted
the men who stood before him, fellow-citizens of
the Confederate Statts of America, and Georgians,
the noblest title last. By the recollection of this
soil being the place of his own father—of
many of Georgia's sons stauding by him iu times
of peace and war, and of this State’s noble stand
for the freedom of the South, he felt at home in
their midst. He congratulated them all upon the
tact that, after a lair trial of the disposition of the
Government to do us justice, and a lull convic
tion that this we would never get, we had cut
loose from that “dead body,” and were now able
to settle, by treaty or arms, a question which a
hypocritical pretence of conscience on the part of
the North w ould never allow us to settle while
united with them. Now', said Coi. Davis, they
are no more to be troubled with a “vicarious re
peutened” for us, and the}’ will no more be called
open by the qualms ot uneasy consciences to
afflict themselves on our account. For the future,
we are to be embraced in the same moral cate
gory as Cuba and Brazil, and the North are to
feel for us the same accountability.
He felt that, in the future, we had nothiug to
fear; he did uot menu tear of physical afflictions,
but of the great political result*; our staple fed,
as well as clothed, the world, and furnished in
dissoluble cords lor binding together, in a grand
homogeneous Union, the States uow making com
mon cause w ith us. He said that he had uu fears
about Expansion; there were the West India
Isles, which, under the old Union, were forbidden
fruit to us, and there were the Northern parts of
Mexico. We ardently desire peace with the
North—with the world ; but come peace or war,
just as it pleased them, he was ready, aud he
knew T our people were. But still our policy was
peace and Free Trade, aud if nothiug but the
strong baud of coerciou would do the North, all
we had to ao would be to open our ports, grant
Letters of Marque, and buy the last enterprising
Yankee out of Boston!
After occupying some minutes iu elaborating
this view of his subject, Col. Davis spoke of the
labors before him. and the call that existed ou all
good patriots for patience aud kind coustructiou.
All that his ability—all that his resources of miod
or body, could effect iu behalf of the uew Gov
ernment, should be cheerfully rendered; aud
hoping to meet his audience again uudur the
brightest auspices, he bid them a most respectful
adieu. —Gate City Guardian .
Montgomery, Feb. 17. —President Davis arrived
last night and was handsomely received. He was
escorted amidst the firiug of cannon to his lodg
ings at the Exchange Hotel by a large concourse
of citizens and straugers.
The trip of President Davis from his home in
Mississippi to this city was a continuous ovation.
He made twenty five speeches, returning thauks
for the complimentary greetings of the crowds of
ladies and gentlemen which everywhere greeted
him. At various depots on the route the military
were out in numbers, and his arrival was heralded
by cannon.
The Committees appointed by Congress and the
Montgomery authorities met him about 80 miles
from this city, aud formally’ received him. Two
fine military companies, beiouging to Columbus,
Ga.,joiued the escort at Opelika, aud the party
reached Montgomery last night at 10 o’cluck,
amidst the firing of cannon aud the shouts of the
immense multitude gathered at the depot, to
whom ihe President elect returned his thanks.
He said he tejt proud to receive the hospitality of
the people of Alabama. He briefly reviewed the
present position of the South. The time for com
promise is past and we are uow determined to
maintain our position, and make all who oppose
, us smell Southern pow der and feel Southern steel.
If coercion is persisted in, he hud ufi doubt of the
result. We will maintain our right of govern
ment at all hazards. We ask nothing, we want
nothing ;we will have no complications. If other
States wish to join our Coniederacy, they cun
come freely on our terms. Our separation from
the old Uuion is complete. No compromise, no
reconstruction can uow be entertained for a mo
ment.
A large crowd awaited President Davis’s arrival
at the Exchange Hotel. The ladies were equally
enthusiastic with the gentlemen. At a quarter
before 11, in response to enthusiastic calls, he ap
peared on the balcony’ aud said :
Fellow-Citizens and Brethren of the Confederate
States of America /—For uow we are brethren uot
•in name, merely, but in fact; men of one flesh,
one boue, oue interest, one purpose, aud of an
identity of domestic institutions. We have hence
forth, I trust, the prospect of living together in
peace, with our institutions the subject of protec
tion, not of defamation. It may be that our ca
reer will be ushered iu. in the midst of a storm.—
It may be that, like this morning, which opened
with clouds, mist and ruin, we shall have to en
counter inconveniences at the beginning; but as
the sun rose and lifted the mist, dispersed the
clouds, aud loft us the pure suulight ot heaven,
so will the progress of our Southern Confederacy
carry us over the sea, safe iu tbe harbor of consti
tutional liberty aud political equality. (Applause.)
Thus we shall have nothing to fear at home, be
cause at home wc shall have homogenity; we
shall have nothing to fear abroad, because if we
must again baptize iu blood the principles for
which our fathers bled iu tbe revolution, we shall
show that we are not degenerate sous, but will re
deem the pledges they gave, preserve sacred the
rights transmitted to us, and show that Southern
valor still shines as bright as in 1776, in 1812, and
in every conflict in which Americau arms were
engaged. (Applause.)
I have been informed, my friends, that your
kindness only required that 1 should appear be
fore you, fatigued as I am by travel, and hoarse
from much speaking. I am unable to address
you at any length, and came out merely to assure
you of my gratitude for these manifestations of
your good will. I come with diffidence aud dis
trust to the discharge of the great duties which
have been devolved upon me by the kindness aud
confidence ol the Congress of the Confederate
States of America. I thank you my friends for
the kind manifestations of favor and approbation
which you exhibit on this occasion. Throughout
mv entire progress to this city, I have received
everywhere the same demonstrations of generous
support. I did not regard them as personal to
uiyselt, but as teudereu to me as the humble re
presentative of the principles and policy of the
Confederate States. 1 will devote to the duties of
the high office to which I have been that
I have of heart, of head and of hand. If in the
progress of events, my services shall be needed in
another position ; if, to be plain, necessity shall
require that I shall again enter the ranks of your
soldiers, I hope you will welcome me there. ( Ap
plause.)
And now, m3’ friends, .again thanking you for
this manifestation of your approbation, allow me
to bid you good-night.
Special Dispatch to the Charleston Courier.
flatter* at Washington.
Washington, Feb. IC.— lt is currently reported
that the presentation of the Guthrie proposition,
as reported by the Committee to the Peace Con
gress, caused great dissensious, and the present
indications are that they are unable to come to
any reasonable plau of adjustment. The greatest
anxiety’ pervades all circles here.
Capt. Elzey, of the Second Artillery, the only
Southern man in the United States Army here,
has beeu ordered by Gen. Scott to take the com
mand of Fortress Monroe, Virginia.
Commodore Tatnall, of the United States Navy,
arrived here to-day. It is reported that he will
resign immediately and join the Southern Navy.
The radical Republicans of the Peace Confer
ence are opposed to the plan of adjustment pro
posed by the Hon. James Guthrie, of Kentucky.
Messrs. Tyler, Sedden and Brockenbrough, of Vir
ginia, also dissent from it, and will present a mi
nority report. It is evident that there is a ma
jority for Guthrie’s plan.
The Virginia ami Missouri Commissioners inti*
\ mated that they will withdraw unless the Conven-
I tion comes to a speedy and effective settlement.
1 The Republicans insist on time to discuss the
i propositions brought before them. Thfs, how
ever, is viewed ou the other side as only an at
tempt to postpone the whole matter uutil after the
inauguration of Lincoln.
I The lion. Wm. C. Rives, of Virginia, approves
j of Mr. Guthrie’s plau, and has telegraphed to the
Richmond Convention that there is still hopes of
an adjustment.
Mr. Pryor, of Virginia, of the Special Commit
tee appointed to report on the alleged robbery of
the Congressional Library by the seceding mem
bers, yesterday examined ten witnesses, not one
of whom in the least particular substantiated the
charges that had been made against the seceding
Senators and Representatives.
The question of the alleged fraud aud charge of
theft is palliated by the declaration of the leading
witness, who instigated the investigation, that the
fraud was the seizure of the Mint., etc., at which
he was amused. The whole thing ends in no
; thing w g|
Naval Intelligence.— The United States reve
nue cutter Harriet Laue is to be temporarily con
verted into a iran-of-war. She went on Wednes
day to the Brooklyn Navy Yard to receive anew
and formidable armament. Four 33 cwt. guns,
one 12 pound howitzer, and a quantity of shot and
I shell will be put on board. It is said that a ma
; rine guard is to be detailed for her immediately.
In obedience to orders from Wastiington, the
United States ship Supply is not to be put out of i
| commission, as was expected, but will be immedi
ately filled with stores and provisions for the
squadron now cruising ofl Florida. As every ex
ertion is being made to expedite her outfit", she
will be ready in a few days.
The United States steam gunboat Mohawk,
i which arrived at Brooklyn a few days since, has
; been hauled alongside the wharf at the Navy
Yard, and will be overhauled at once. Her pres
ent officers and crew, it is said, are not to be de
tached.
Matters are getting brisk at the Norfolk Navy
Yard.—The Portsmoth and Germantown are be
! ing rapidly prepared for commission. The prem
ises are literally filled with coal, which seems to
make the Virginia people expect that Gosport
will soon become a great coaling place for United
states steamers.
The United States stearr frigate Mississippi is
now almost ready for sea, at Boston. Her eon
| dition has been reported to the authorities, and
i orders for her immediate outfit are said to be in
. contemplation.
Two small vessels have been filled with stores
and provisions, at the Brooklyn Navy Yard, with- j
I iu the past few days, and are about having them j
transferred to ships that will convey them to the
j squadrons. An idle rumor, that they are destined
; for Fort Sumter, is false.
The dragoon corps of West Point, which was
ordered a few days ago to repair to the National :
Capital, is on its war thither by this time. They !
take six pieces of cancon, ot which four are for- j
midabie fieid-pieces, two are howitzers, arid
seventy-eight splendid horses.
; It has been ascertained that the brig Dolphin j
and the corvette Germantown, now at Norfolk,
: could be fitted out for commission in three weeks. j
: Orders are expected to get them ready for ser
vice.
Letters from Fort Sumter received at Washing- j
ton from Captain Doubleday, one of the officers in ;
command, reports that the South Carolinians J
have erected an impregnable battery on Cum- j
mings’ Point of rail roatTiron, and that a terrible j
fight can be made from that point. The strength j
of that position as it has now been made, and j
star ding, as it does, five-eighths of a mile from .
Fort Sumter, wi I liable *li- South Carolinians *
t and lt-ht - .* ’k --j Fort Moul
*r „ rd <p diy. and :
A v . : ih
•A t 31 t'tn re
The three Orcfe-.iu Presidential electors could not
consent! to appoint a messenger to bring their vote j
to Washington, as the mileage (over $15,00w) was
too nice a plum to give away, so they all three !
came on.
<%muclc £ Sentinel
AUGUSTA. GA..
WEDNESDAY MOItMMJ, FEB’Y 20, 1861.
OTJR TERMS.—Single copies, S-> per annum;
three copies to ■ six copies jtfl; ten copies *ls.
Invariably ;n advance. No name will be enter
ed on our subscription books unless tlie money
accompanies the order. The notes of all specie
pacing banks takeu at par. We employ no
travelling agents.
WE ALWAYS stop the Chronicle k Senti
nel at the end of the year, or the time for which
it is paid, of which each subscriber w ill receive
due notice by letter, so that if you wish to con
tinue it, it w ould be well to renew’your subscrip
tion at least two wrecks before the* time expires.
WE CANNOT change the address of a sub
scriber unless he gives us his/omer as well as
his present address.
St. Clair Dearing, Second Lieutonaut Second
Artillery from Georgia, has resigned his position.
Copyright. —Some enterprising individual,
might make a fortune by reprinting Northern
copyrighted works at the South. We depend
almost wholly upon the North for our books, and
there is now nothing to prevent Southern pub
lishers from pirating Northern works, as the
Northern publishers have pirated from the Eng
lish. Auv one disposed to embark in the busi
ness should do so immediately, in advance of any
copyright law. *
The fifth aud sixth Congressional Districts,
Lumpkin’s and Cobb’s old Districts, were tlie
only ones that cast a majority of votes agaiust
the ordinance of secession, in the Georgia Con
vention. This is somewhat remarkable, consider
ing the former influence of those who usually con
trolled the two Districts.
The Pensacola correspondent of the Columbus
Times, in a letter bearing date Feb. 4th, says : “In
this connection I must remark, and call particular
notice to the fact, thut there is not a single Amer
ican in the company in Pickens, every man being
of foreign birth. There were about twenty, but
they have all Jest, saviug that they will not fire
upon their couutrymeu. The contrast between
tibem and the Hessians remaining, is too striking
to need further comment.”
The Savannah Republican says: ‘‘A meeting of
capitalists has been called iu New York to organ
ize an association for the cultivation of cotton by
free labor. We wish them joy of their free labor
iu the cotton field and all the cotton they will
make by it. By the wav, where do they propose
to establish their plantations?”
Southern Journal*.
The reasons which have been so frequently and
earnestly urged upon Southern people, for sup
porting their own literature, are only a part of the
arguments which might be advanced to iuduce
them to patronize Southern scientific publications,
and especially those devoted to Medicine. It has
been said that Science knows no section, and
these are reasons, apart from patriotism, which
should iuduce Southern Medical men more espe
cially to encourage the Medical Journals pub
lished in their own section.
The forms and types of diseases are continually
changing, and nothing tends so much to their
| modification as the influence of climate. Every
| physician know’s that diseases, particularly of a
; febrile type, are so much varied by latitude and
: location, that the treatment which may be appro
| priate in ouc climate is by no means safe or proper
in another, and the remedies and treatment pre
scribed iu a Northern journal as fitted fer its lati
tude, may be inappropriate or unsafe here. It be
comes then uecessary to the practitioner to
seek information adapted to his peculiar locality,
aud it is unwise for him always to pursue a prac
tice which prevails elsewhere. Aside, then, from
the duty to himself aud the country, incumbent on
every physician, to keep himself informed as to
progress iu his art, (aud none is more progres
sive,) it is essential to the Southern physician that
he should be able to take counsel with his breth
ren in his own section, by means of a well con
ducted journal, as to the forms of diseases preva
lent here.
The Southern Medical and Surgical Journal
published in this city, employs the peus of some
of tlie most eminent of Southern physicians and
surgeons, aud is the organ of the Ga. Medical Col
lege. Now that there ia a prospect that the crowds
of students may diminish, who have heretofore
gone North for education, on the mistaken idea
thut whatever was obtained farthest from home,
and at the greatest trouble and expense was ne
cessarily the most valuable, and that our institu
tions will experiencxi enlarged prosperity, we are
sure that the Georgia Medical College, and the
Journal connected with it will roeeive the atten
tion and supj ort they deserve, and have a right
to expect.
Lincoln*it Speeches.
We have had a dim idea that Lincoln, despite
his objectionable politics, was an able aud shrewd
man, but we have betn convinced by the report
of his speeches, made on his way to Washington,
that he is not “smart.” Nothing cau be found
iu all the heterogeneous mass of American Ora
tory, more inane or foolish than some of his
speeches reported by telegraph. They remind us
of the speeches of that interesting individual, Mr.
Merryuan at a Circus, wheu about to jump on
his high-mettled, but raw-boned courser. Think
of the President elect declaring, while the Union
is being rent to fragments, that is going
wrong,” that while every interest of th# country
is suffering, and there is not a man in it who is
not poorer this day than he was four months ago,
Lincoln should tell the crowds who assemble to
greet him that there is nothing that “really hurts
auy body, nobody is suffering.” Why, the man is
a fool, or worse, he is a knave and thinks his au
ditors are fools.
The Savannah Republican more than insinuates
that Joseph E. Brown’s sayings and doings with
Gov. Morgan, about the guns and the ships, was
issued in Extras, if not in pamphlet torm, for cir
culation at Mom,tyovitry before the election for
President. And so, it seems Brown did really
aspire to the place to be filled by Jefftjuson Davis,
i but we are informed, on good authority, that his
i name was never mentioned at Montgomery for
’ the office. Every body saw through his game.
| Oh, the intolerable ass, when shall we be done
j with him forever? We have heard it said that be
i knew, by telegiapb, that Morgan bad ordered the
guns given up, before the vessels were seized in
Savannah, but we know not if it be true.
“Seven,” the Washington correspondent of the
Charleston Mercury , in his letter of Feb. 7th says,
speaking of the Peace Conference : “ The upshot
will be a National Convention, and a saving of
the Abolition and Border State Union, according
to the new gospel of Seward aud Douglas.”
In his letter of the Sfch be writes thus : “ It re
mains, then, for the people of the Gulf States, who
are in earnest, who do not regard secession as
child’s play, or a mere stroke of party policy, and
who do not intend to be seduced on any pretext
whatever, to come again under the Abolition
yoke, to consider the strength of the elements ar
rayed against them : first, the vast mass of recon
structionists in all the Border States; second, the
by no means insignificant number of Union idola
ters in their own midst; aud lastly and chiefly,
the insincere politicians of the Keitt-Toombs
school. The combined elements so potential, it
would be difficult to overestimate. Slidell’s
adroitness must also be encountered. So, like
wise, the more honest and more influential re
construction policy of Hunter. Reconstruction is
the maggot at the heart of the Southern Confede
racy.”
In Davidson county, Tennessee, which contains
Nashville, the home of John Bell, and the ller
mitage, the grave of Andrew’ Jackson, the Union
majority is upwards of four thousand. The
Ranner of the 12th says that, so far as beard from,
there is no disunionist elected —that the majority
for Union “ is overwhelming, and there is no tell
ing where it will stop.” The calling of a Con
vention has been voted down, the Banner says,
by 20,000 to 30,000 majority. Even Memphis
went l. nion by nearly a thousand majority.
Andy Johnson seems powerful yet, though he
was burnt in effigy.
We perceive that some of the Memphis papers
charge the overwhelming defeat of the immej
diate Secessionists, in that city, to the Germans
nnd other naturalized foreigners.
Provision’s and Ice for South Carolina.—lt is
stated that a considerable amount of salted fish
and vegetables have lately been shipped from
Boston to Charleston. Two vessels are loading
with ice for the same destination.
The Savannah Republican of Friday publishes
the following dispatch to Messrs. Brigham, Bald
win & Cos., Agents for the steamer HuDfsville in
that city, relative to the seizure of the boxes of
ammunition, announced by telegraph :
Npv York, Feb. 14.—The three boxes of per
cussion caps taken from the steamer Huntsville
bv the police authorities, are owned bv parties in
>ew York, and their value is so trifling that they
will not go through the form of replevin to re
cover them.
The Census in Canada.—The mode of taking
the census in Canada is much better than ours.
On a given night every householder is required to
to make returns of every person sleeping on his
premises on that night, together with such other
information as the papers call for.
Virginia Election.—The Richmond IFfoysays
I that of the one hundred and fifty-two members
composing the Convention, there are about thirty
, so called secessionists elected, about twenty Doug
las men, and about one hundred Whigs, “ and
yet,” says the Whig, 14 there are not, we pre
sume, half a dozen actual Submissionists elected
—that is, men in favor of the preservation of the
Union under any and all circumstances. But
nearly the whole of the one hundred and twenty
or thirty conservatives elected are true and de
voted Southern Rights men, and will let the Union
slide the first moment it is clearly ascertained
that it cannot be maintained upon terms fair,
equal and honorable to Virginia and the South.
And such bein,; the character of the men that oon
.•■tiiuie auoverwhelming majority of the Conven
tion, the people’s interests, in our judgment, have
been comm.ttea to hrm, wise and safe hands, and
are sure this great Commonwealth will receive
no detriment/’
In 80 counties and cities, the majority for re
ferring the action of the Convention to the people,
is 2-5,891.
Ourilva.
It is at all times unpleasant to be forced to speak
of ourselves, especially in connection with the
commotions and passions of* the hour. We much
regret that we are now compelled to this course—
and we regret exceedingly to speak of matters
which we would prefer kept in silence, at least
until an overpowering necessity required them to
be brought distinctly forward, in order to influ
ence for good, for safety , the conduct of those who
are charged with the public civil service. But
we feel tlfat we liavo been forbearing long enough.
We have destroyed one government, and are pro
ceeding to rebuild another; and we consider it
wise to warn rulers of the difficulties in the wav.
Unrestrained popular passion, persoual ambitiou,
and party excesses have produced disunion, as we
believe. And, unless these be checked, our tears
are that they will finally result in civil war, loss
of liberty, aud the establishment of a military
despotism. So believing, we have deemed it our
; highest duty to endeavor to restrain aud defeat
| the intolerance aud the terrorism of the last few
• months, and to briug men, if possible, to a just
| understanding of what was necessary to secure
I harmony and peace among ourselves, as the first
! and most important step to good government.
We are perfectly aware that for many weeks
past threats have been made regarding this office,
and that a systematic effort has beeu organized
to destroy, or injure, the character, influence and
business of the Chronicle Sentinel. And now
we wish it distinctly understand that we acorn,
defy, and utterly despise the whole pack of those
engaged in the business, whether among the sans
culottes , or among those who assume to be respec
tuble, who may back up and eggym the former.—
The Proprietor controls this paper, and it is the
organ of no sect, clique, or interest. We publish an
independent paper; we inteud, at all hazards and
to the last extremity to maintain, support and de
fend our civil rights, aud tlie freedom of speech
and of the press—God being our helper. If we
violate the laws of Georgia , to which only we owe
allegiance, we are amenable to “the civil tribu
nals,” so darkly hinted at, but which have no
terrors for honest men. Further than this, we
acknowledge respectful deference to the public
judgment, aud hope we entertaiu a decent regard
for the opiuious of our fellow-citizens.
It is well kuown that the Chronicle has always
beeu a very conservative, steady organ of the
people, and not so facile , so liable to change posi
tions, as other papers we wot of. But let this pass
—we know our pow’er and influence as well as our
rights, and we tlnuk we thoroughly understand
our parish- that is the people who read the !
Chronicle —and who will stand by it, so long as it
stands by them, aud maintains their rights and
interests. Objection is raised to our article of
Sunday morning last, in relation to the actiou of
the Commonwealth of Virginia, that noble old
State, the mother of States aud of Statesmen.
We are at a loss to understand what particular
objection there is to tte article in question—but,
here we wish to say, that we will staud by it to
the last; and we would not retract, alter or modi
fy a Hue, word, syllable or letter in it, if our lives
hung on the issue. Wo will not be forced or
driven by any outside pressuro. We have labor
ed to promote peace—we have endeavored as deli
cately as we could, to warn majorities of the in
tolerant and persecuting spirit which promised
evil, and evil only. Bossibly we may fall—that
were a sweet thought, when we reflect that we
shall not be uggressors, and that the aggressors,
by aud by, a thousand times more
than we. They that begin revolutions seldom
finish them—and they thut erected the Guillotine
perished by it.
We have, for some time past, studiously avoid
ed newspaper controversies—indeed we feel little
disposition to dignify and magnify petty carpers
by notice in these columns. And besides, we
have really thought that it was best, at least unti
we got fairly goiug, to put aside, as far as might
be, all those little parly asperities and irritations,
which tend so rapidly to great breaches, and to
produce those malignant partisan animosities,
which are, and have been, the bane of all Repub
lics. But when a respectable newspaper, of
character, circulation and influence, like the Con
stitutionalist, in a courteous and respectful man
ner, attacks us, we feel called upon to defend our
selves—perhaps even to attack again—and we
design this to be courteous and respectful as the
attack on us.
Our cotemporary ought to know that the new
Government is not binding legally upon any citi
zen of Georgia, for the Georgia deputies were in
structed to refer their action back to the Conven
tion of the State. So that we could not possibly
be guilty of any crime against the Confederate
States, until the action of the Congress has been
ratified by Georgia, nor even then, if we could get
a majority for secession. We, assuredly, have
made no complaints—we have accepted the Gov
ernment of the Confederate States, presuming it
would be accepted by the State Convention, and
have expressed our approval of the choice of
President and Vice-President. But our cotempo
rary must surely be aware that dissatisfaction has
been expressed, loudly expressed, by the most
influential disunion paper in the Confederate
States, the Charleston Mercury. We have ex
pressed no discontent, but have only hinted, as
delicately as we could, that there might be discon
tent, unless great caution, discretion and wisdom
controlled the Montgomery Congress. If there
be discontent we are guiltless of producing it, and
regret the causes, the spirit, the temper, which
may produce it, and which may fan it into a flame.
But when an attack is made on us, we want to
know particularly and minutely the offence
charged. We did, and do, rejoice that the real
Southern Rights men of Virginia, mainly Bell
and Douglas men, triumphed over those who
were extreme, intolerant aud revolutionary in
their principles. Submissionists did not triumph
in Virginia, but men who were determined,
pledged to have their rights in the Union, or else
secede. Nor should it be accounted a crime in
us, that we looked with interest or even approval,
to the course of a people whose blood runs iu the
veins of five-sixths of the people of Georgia. We
should be glad iudeed, on many accounts, to have
all the Southern States iu our new Confederacy ;
but still we know there are many objections to
have them with us now. Some indeed, of the
most extreme Southern type, object to huving
them at all, believing that they will eventually be
come free, if united with us, by selling oft’ their
slaves, while, outside of our Confederacy, they
would be compelled to keep them, and thus re
main for all time a breakwater between us and the
abolitionists. But, just at this time, they may do
us much service, remaining in the old Union, by
preventing war against us—which would be all
important.
And furthermore, we have thought it our duty
to warn our people, that probably the Border
States might remain in the Union, and that we
could not safely count on more than eight States
and no Territory. We think it prudent to look
probabilities, as well as facts, squarely in the face ;
aud, when we make our calculations, to take into
consideration that wo may not have what we hope
for, and possibly have counted on. This is the
extent of our offence—no more that we are aware
of. Men may denounce and attempt to persecute
us—we shall meet all charges, when specifically
and openly made. And as to injuring us and our
business, it may be some satisfaction to our ene
mies to know that the Chronicle has never more
rapidly increased its circulation than within the
last few months. YY’e thank our friends, defy our
enemies and persecutors. The press is very pow
erful, be sure—it is the fourth estate in the realm,
nominally, but really the first. YVe shall be sus
tained, we know, by the honest people—the hardy
yeomanry of the country.
YY’e have but a few more words ; we shall con
tinue as we have done to advocate the interest
and honor of the whole people—we shall fearless
ly point out the dangers ahead, and counsel as far as
possible their avoidance, so we shall not hereafter
have it said of us, that wo have proved faithless
sentinels and have not given wurning of coming
evils—wo shall do our duty, and the threats of our
enemies pass us “as the idle wind which we re
gard not.”
[The following is the article referred to, as pub
lished in our Daily'of Feb. 10th :]
Tlie Action of Virginia.
We have not vet heard from all the counties of
Virginia, as to the election held last Monday for
delegates to the State Convention, nor do we
know in fact of how many delegates the Conven
tion is to be composed. We suppose, however,
there are about one hundred and fifty, or two
hundred. Out of the whole the Richmond En
quirer, the chief organ ol the immediate seces
sionists, says that i*s party has only elected about
thirty—showing that glorious old Virginia has
gone overwhelmingly for the Unionists, as they
are called. Wise, Hunter, Mason, Floyd, and the
precipitating faction, have met their Waterloo.
It is not to be understood, however, that these
men are unconditional Unionists—for the Union
at all hazards and to the last extremity. The
Enquirer , while it has met a most ignominious de
feat, declares that there are not more than ten
unconditional Union delegates elected, including
the Hon. Sherrard Clemens, long a distinguished
and leading Democratic Congressman from the
old Dominion, who, as we learn, was elected on a
pledge never to sign any ordinance of secession,
under any circumstances. He comes from beyond
the Alleghanies. Portsmouth, Norfolk, Accomac,
are strongly auti-secession.
But while there is undoubtedly a most crushing
1 majority of the Convention opposed to immediate
; recession, it is still no doubt true that Virginia
: will Dot consent to remain in the Union, unless
some adjustment be made. What sort of adjust -
j raent will she require V UDdoutedly she would
; prefer the Crittenden Compromise—perhaps not
i only on her own account, but in the hope that it
j might bring back the seceded States. However
the present appearance at thiDgs indicates pretty
clearly, that the seceded States are not for any
| kind of reconstruction—at least that seems to be
| the feeling among the delegates at Montgomery;
| though, by and by, the people may speak of diffe
rent language, unless the Montgomery Congress
j he exceedingly diecrett in its action.
The unconditional rejection by South Carolina
of Virginia's propositions for reconciliation and
reconstruction, has contributed largely to thesuc
; cess of the opponents of immediate secession
Virginia sees that the seceded States have not a*DV
| disposition to consult her wishes, her feelings or
her interests, and none, jutt get, to listen to iny
terms by which the Union may be saved or re
constructed Therefore, with ail her symdathies
!S r \ oul ? erD slaveholding sisters, she feels
taat she has been snnbbed, ana, gallant old com
monwealth that she is, she turns her attention
solely to her own interests and to the common in
terests of the Border States of the South—States
more intimately bound up with her destiny than
the seceding States. She feels conscious,, that
wDile she can not, in honor, submit to Lincoln's
rule, except upon her terms, she is tar removed
in lutereat from the proposed Cotton States Con
federacy, especially as that Confederacy is for
Jree trade and airect taxation , and possibly for the
African slave trade.
Sell cemured, proud, great, noble, glorious, she
may now consider other propositions than the
Crittenden Compromise. Ir she snould consent,
and her border sisters of ihe South with her, to
either the Border proposition or the Adams, we
feel no sort o t doubt sne would get them, and thus
save her honor. The Border State Compromise,
VSHOX?* Prohibit slavery, bv constitution- j
l l0 “’ on \of Bt> deg. 80 min., and leave i
all ou to come into the Union as States with I
°I 6 a^® r y as their constitutions p~e !
scribe, with a distinct declaration that iu the
meantime, neither Cougress nor the Territorial
Legtsdature shall prohibt or establish slaverv,
leaving ti to take its chauces under the law, the
Constitution, aud the decision of the Supreme
Court. Adams proposes to admit New Mexico as
a State, with or without slavery, as its constitution
may prescribe—slavery being alreadv recognized
by territorial law—and to amend the Constitution
so as to prohibit Congress trom ever interfering
with slavery in the States, in any mauner what
ever. Looking to practical effects, either of these
propositions may perhaps be safely aud honora
bly pcceepted by the Border Southern States ;
especially in face of the fact that no term at pre
sent can bring the Cotton States back. As the
principle is “every man for himself, and the devil
take the biudraost,” we think it highly probable
that either the Border State, or the Adams propo
sition, will be satisfactory to Virginia and her
immediate sisters, and that the Southern Con
federacy may safely counton not more than seven
or eight States, and no territory. Thus things
seem tending now, accordiug to our apprehension.
As we have refused to consult the Border States,
and especially as we have declared our separation
perpetual , no terms being listened to, we believe
the Border States will now leave us to ourselves,
it they cau get what will satisfy their own honor
and interests. But, we shall see what we shall see,
soon.
The Cotton supply.
A remarkable, but not surprising, effect of our
political troubles is developing itself in England,
in the renewed and greatly augmented efforts of
the manufacturers there, to render themselves in
dependent of the Southern States for their sup
ply of cotton. Hitherto, they have been content
to rely on us for a large part of the vaw muterial
so indispensibly necessary for their manufactures,
and upon which the food of four millious of their
people depends, but the recent political move
ments here seem suddenly to have awakened
them to a sense that the peace and prosperity of
their nation rides by a single anchor, whose ca
ble is in the power of the unfriendly or rash to
to cut at auy moment. It is not the nature of
John Bull to postpone precautionary action un
til the danger became as imminent as he now
thinks it is, but feeling secure in the stability of
our institutions, and not being able to investigate
the canker which was eating into ouv fabric of
Government—finding his supply regular, certain
aud cheap, he has rested content with his depen
dance on its almost siugle source, and sought
none other. Now, however, he thinks he sees
danger close ahead aud is making most herculean
efforts to open and improve other sources of sup
ply. The subscription to the Cotton Supply As
sociation has already been increased one million
of pounds sterling, and this is but a beginning of
the struggles which will be made, for it has been
foreseen that besides political considerations, any
one of the partia ldiseases, so many of which affect
the cotton plant, may at any time become gene
ral, aud like those which have destroyed in some
years the potato and the giape, destroy or ma
teriallv diminish a crop whose yearly consumption
equals its supply, leaving no reserve to fall back
upon. If this is a gloomy prospect for the English
manufacturer and merchant, it is not less so for
the Southern planter, for the latter has but a single
article to sell— the Englishman is resolved, that
his supply of that article shall no longer depend
on a single source.
Will these efforts result in the dethronement of
King Cotton V So much have we beeu in the
habit of considering thut potentate all powerful,
that in the opinion ol some extremists, it is little
short of blasphemy even to hint at his overthrow,
yet we feel it our duty to w arn all who are not
madly beut on their own destruction, that our
supremacy as a cotton-growing people depends,
in our opinion, on the preservation of peace, and
to that end the prudence and wisdom of our new
government should be especially and most zeal
ously directed. The apprehension of the English
manufacturer that the supply will be cut oft* by
servile insurrections is a mere chimera, as all know
who have lived long enough in the South to un
derstand our system of labor aud the character of
our institutions. War with the North or the
Federal Government, however, would do much to
shake the throne of King Cotton, by the interrup
tion of commerce, the necessity of diverting much
labor to the production of food, (for we do not
suppose that we could safely rely upon a foreign,
perhaps an inimical country, for our meat and
bread, of which we seldom make enough,) und by
the increased liabilities to misfortune to a crop
which, from'seed to gathering time occupies the
soil eight months in the year, and is more thuu
any other liable to accident.
Low prices and sufficient crops have hitherto
obstructed the effort made to develope the culti
vation of cotton iu the many regions favorable to
its growth, under the control of Englaud, and we
have fondlylioped, and it has been continually
preached tons, that no region could compete with
the Southern States in its production. Tlie truth
is, that only superior skill, industry and intelli
gence have given to the Southern planter hjp ad
vantage. When wo consider that the growth of
cotton extends over a larger portion of the earth’s
surface than any other cultivated production, ex
cept maize—that it covers a belt of land around
the globe seventy degrees in breadth, extending
from Sicily, in Europe, almost to the Southern
extremity of Africa and comprising nearly the
whole of two immense continents—a space com
pared to which the Cotton States are but a hand’s
breadth, including every variety of soil and cli
mate—that iu much of this vast territory cotton
has been cultivated successfully for two thousand
years—that throughout the tropics cotton is an
indigenous and spontaneous growth, while with
us it is a tender exotic, it must be evident that
nature alone has not given us the advantages we
enjoy ; they are duo to intelligent skill, guiding
slave labor. England has all these conditions in
some part of her present dominions, or in those
regions open to her enterprise, for slavery exists
under another name (to suit the delicacy of her
Exeter Hall fanatics,) in many places under her
flag—the suitable climate and soil may be ascer
tained by experiment and exploration—skill can
be had for the money, and her unbounded capital,
pressed into that channel by the obstacle of high
prices aud scunty supplies, can and will combine
the necessary conditions, and deprive us of our
monopoly, if we are so unwise as to urge the ne
cessity upon her.
The question which has caused our present
troubles was fundamentally a question of dollars
and cents —our property was in danger we were
told ; we have averted the danger, as some think,
by a resort to disunion—let us now take care that
we do not again emperil that property by emperil
ing the monopoly which mukes it valuable. Let
us, as far as is consistent with honor, preserve
peacefully and undisturbed the commercial and
agricultural status, which has given us such pros
perity for so many years.
We as cotton planters, are in a situation to
gain nothing by war, while we must inevitably
lose much, and we rely upon the vast mass of
prudent aud conservative men in both sections of
the country, to compel , if it is necessary, their
public servants to the exercise of prudence, con
ciliation and forbearance.
Southern Medical and Surgical Journal.
The January number of tins truly valuable
Medical Periodical has just been laid on our table.
We have only had time tS scan its table of contents,
and we find its usual variety of original, select,
miscellaneous and editorial matter. We make the
following extract from the editorial department,
in reference to the delay of the January and Feb
ruary numbers :
“We call the attention of our readers to the
Opening Lecture of a series, on Outgrowths of the
Cervix Uteri, by Dr. Joseph A. Eve, Professor of
Obstetrics, Ac., in the Medicul College of Georgia.
Dr. Eve’s vast experience and extended reputation
in this department of his branch, will certainly
givs great value to these Lectures and render them
a most useful contribution to the Literature of
these important subjects.
“The present issue of this journal has been
greatly delayed, but justice requires that we should
exonerate our indefutiguble and liberal publisher
from any charge of delinquency. The delay was
solely attributable to the Editor, a severe dissect
ing wound having incapacitated him from furnish
ing editorial for the number, and even now, chi
rography is performed, not without pain.
‘M)ur correspondents will rememperthat this is
the beginning of our volume; we wish every num
ber to be filled with useful, practical matter, doing
credit to the Medical Literature of the South and
contributing its valuable quota to that of Ameri
can Medicine. We invite their earnest co-opera
tion with us, in keeping this journal what it has
ever been, the liberal exponent of tru<? Medicine,
a garner for the treasures of all parts of the world,
and the dispenser only of Medical doctrines wherev
er it may be read.”
This work is edited by Professor H. F. and R
Campbetl, and published in this city at $3 in ad
vance, by W. S. Jones.
Patriotic Deed.—The Vicksburg Sun, of the
2-sth, says of a native of this country: “Our
countryman, Col. Gabe Fowler evinced his pa
triotism yesterday by paying all the expenses in
cident to the transportation of the cannon, guns
and other instruments of war from Baton Rouge
to this point, a sum amounting to over eighteen
hundred dollars. These arms were purchased by
Gov. Pettus for the use of the State from the
Governor of Louisiana.
A Rouser.—An immense mortar, says the
Petersburg (Va., Express, of the Pith instaDt.
weighing 15,000 pounds, arrived here yesterday
from the Tredegar Works, ac Richmond, intended
for South Carolina. The calibre is adapted to 10
inch mortar shells, sixty of which accompanied it,
several hundred having already preceded it. It
remained at the Richmond depot during the day,
and will this morning pass through the city on a
heavy granite wagon, to the Southern depot.
Commissioners to Washington—lt seems gen
erally understood that the Congress of the Con
federate States will, at an early day after the in
auguration of the Provisional President, despatch
one or more Commissioners to Washington with
the view of arragniug on an amicable basis all
matters of controversy between the two republics.
This is one of the nicest duties that will devolve
upon the Congress. If a settlement be practic
able at all—and we hope it is—it can only be
brought about by the selection, on our part, of
the proper men for the important and delicate
trust. They will, perhaps, be harder to find than
occupants for any other post. Yet, the South
has men equal to any human responsibility, and
we apprehend she will not be at a serious loss in
finding persons in all respects fit for the office of
Commissioners. And in this connection we would
suggest the names of three distinguished citizens,
for that number is preferable to one. Should the
government of the United States consent to go
iuto the negotiation—and it will do it sooner or
later—there will be much figuring, and a vast
amount of research and other labor to be per
formed.
We would suggest, as persons eminently quali
fied for the duty, the names of Jas. H. Hammond,
of South Carolina; Chas. J. Jenkins, of Georgia;
and Judge Sharkie, of Mississippi.
These men would claim nothing but what is
right, and submit to nothing that is wrong. We
are willing in advance to bind ourselves to any
settlement that shall receive their sanction.
[Savannah Republican*
Reduction Os the LetfUluture,
Now that we have organized, at least provision,
ally, anew Federal Government, the government
of the Confederate States of America, it becomes
us to turn our attention to our own internal af
fairs. It cannot be doubted that our policy and
our interest require us to reduce expenses, when -
ever and wherever that can be done, without detri
ment to the public service. It has long been de
sired, by the people, that our State Legislature
should be reduced, and that lor two reasons—
first, to save expense, and secondly, to have a
more efficient working body of legislators, and a
body which would feel more personally and di
rectly their responsibility. That the people do,
really desire a reduction ot the Georgia Legisla
ture there can be no doubt. This has been pre- 1
\entd heretofore by the jealousy of small couu
ies, and b\ the natural desire of office-holders to
continue themselves in office.
There are only two modes of altering the Con
stitution of Georgia. It must be done either by
t le passage ol a bill for that purpose, by two
thirds of each branch of the Legislature, (and
that through tivo consecutive Legislatures,) or
else by u convention ot the people. Attempts
have heretofore been made to call a Convention
to remodel the Constitution, in this particular as
well as others, but always defeated for the reasons
above lueutioned. Now at last we have a Con
vention of the people, but not called, it is true,
for any purpose of this kind. It has been Be
riously questioned by many, whether the present
State Convention has any authority to act in this
matter. Strictly and legally, perhaps, it has no
such authority; hut the delegates are the repre
sentatives of the people, aud being such, they may
do whatsoever they choose, provided only the
people consent to their actiou. That consent will
necessarily be required to give validity to such
action. Consequently, we would urgo upon the
Convention, in consonance, as we believe, with
the wishes of the people, that they undertake this
reduction, submitting their action, however, to
the qualified voters, for rejection or ratification.
Hut the main question is, how-—upon what prin
ciple shall this redaction he made? The organ
ization of the Legislative department of Georgia
presents u strauge anomaly. Following prece
dents, in one respect, we have tico branches of the
Legislature ; but we have followed no other good
precedent, except in having two branches. YVc
have followed the United States Government,
which followed the British Parliament. The grand
idea of an upper aud a lower house of the Legisla
ture was, or should have been, to huve the upper
represent permanency, the lower to represent the
changing popular will. But we have made a per
fect sliam of it in our Legislature, the Senators
aud Representatives being elected at tho same
time, by the same constituency, and for the some
length of term. Tho Senate of Georgia is just as
much the popular branch as the Uouse. Now, as
w-e take it for granted that reduction is a necessi
ty, let us consider upon what principles our re
duced Legislature shall be constituted.
In the British Parliament the upper House—the
Lords temporal and spiritual—represent heredita
ry power, as the Lords temporal, and permanent
power during life, as to the ecclesiastical digni
taries, while the Commons represent the people. Iu
the United States, the Senate represents distinct
States, the House represents the people. In Geor
gia, the Senate represents unequal Territorial
divisions, counties, while counties have no dis
tinct power in the State, as the Slates had iu the
Union, und the House represents, but very un
equally and unjustly, population—the smaller
counties having one, the larger two, Representa
tives. VVe think a radical re-organization of the
whole system is necessary, though wo are wedded
to no particular plan. .
We would simply suggost for the consideration
of the Convention, u plan of this sort. Divide the
State into eight Senatorial Districts, having re
gard solely to territory, making the districts as
nearly equal in that respect as possible, without
dividing counties. Give each district four Sena
tors, to be elected for at least four years—no
couuty to have more than one Senator—aud half
the Senators to be replaced every two years. YY'e
would prefer six years for a Senatorial term, so
as to avoid the frequency of elections, aud their
necessarily attendant heart burnings, and jeal
ousies and party strifes, and so os to relieve, ut
leust the Senate, ns much ns possible, from the
sudden impulses of the populace, which are almost
always wrong, and seldom to he regardocj, unless
office is concerned. B’or tho House let us have
Representatives for two years from tho same dis
tricts, iu proportion to representative population,
counting all tlie whites nnd three-fifibs of all
others, one representative to 12,000 people, aud
no county to have more than one Representative.
This would give us a Senate of thirty-two mem
bers, and a House of about sov'enty, and would
give us some BOrt of sensible system. And in this
connection wo would suggest that it bo considered
derogutory to any candidate’s character to mount
the stump, and go around cunvassing, and ex
hibiting himself to the people, like a monkey or a
Bengal tiger—and this would apply well also, we
thiuk, to candidates for Congress, Governor, Ac.
A Senate of thirty-two, and a House of seventy
or eighty members, thus constituted, would be
sufficient for all practical purposes, would greatly
reduce the expenses of the Legislative depart
ment, would satisfy the people, und would almost
certainly insure more capacity, integrity, and
nerve in the Legislature. Aud while we uro on
tho subject of constitutional change, wo would
most earnestly insist, that the Constitution be so
amended us to require thut the judicial officers,
except Sheriffs uud Clerks, and except the County
and City Courts, and Justices of the Peace and
Constables, bo appointed by tho Governor, by
and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to
hold their offices for life, or good behavior. We
are thoroughly disgustod with so many, and such
frequent, popular elections, and we regard a per
manent, impartial and independent Judiciary, us
one of the surest bulwarks of popular liberty. Let
us follow the oxarnple of the United States, und
of the Confederate States, in the matter of judicial
appointments.
[COMMUNICATE!!.] *
Mr. Editor : —From tho subjoined extract, it
will be perceived, that Commodore Tattnall, an
other of Georgia’s gallant sons, is tn route, via
Savannah to Milledgevillc, to tender his services
to his native Stute. E. F. Campbell.
“Sacket’s Habbok, Feb. 10,1881.
“My Dear Cousin: —l start for YVashington to
morrow, for the purpose of resigning my commis
sion. After calling on the President anti taking a
respectful leave ol him, I then go at once to Sa
vannah. I write officially to-day to Governor
Brown, informing him of my movements.
This is a sad trial forme, iis it involves a sever
ment from old aud tried professional friends, at
an age when new friendships will be difficult to
form. I cannot, however, suffer auy considera
tion of feeling or interest to interfere with my du
ty to tny Stale, on this momentous occasion.
(Signed) “Josiaii Tattnall.”
“Edward F. Campbell.”
Letter erom Bishop Hopkins.— Bishop Hop
kins, of Y'ermont, has addressed to his people one
of the most powerful letters id behalf of the right
and humanity of slavery that these troublous
times have brought forth. Iu coucludiDg it, he
says :
In conclusion, I would only say that I am per
fectly aware how distasteful my sentiments must
he, on this very serious question, to the great ma
jority of my respected fellow-citizens, in the re f
gion where Divine Providence has cast my lot. 1m
would ussurcdly be far more agi eeahle if I c.ulfl
conscientiously conform to the opinions of ml
friends, to whose ability, sincerity and zeal, I ail
ready to give all just commendation. Butitwouifl
be mere moral cowardice iu me to suppress wi.afl
I believe to be the truth, for the sake of popular-!
ity. It cannot be long before I shall s,aud at thtl
tribunal of that Almighty and unerring Judge!
who has given us the inspired Scriptures to beJ
our supreme directory in every moral and reliJ
gious duty. My grey hairs admonish me that*
may soon be called to give an account of nfl
stewardship. And I have no fear of the sentenfl
which he will pronounce upon an hoDest tbougH
humble effort to sustaiu the authority of IHI
YVord, in just alliance with the Constitution, thtl
peace, and the public welfare of his country. 1
Discussion on the Formation of the “Consti
tution of the Confederate States.”—The Mont
gomery correspondent of the Baltimore American ,
under date of the 9th, says:
The fight over the instrument in the Committee
room and in the sessions of the Congress was de
termined and stubborn. A great variety of rumors j
as to the details of individual and State proposi-j
tions has prevailed among outsiders, but it is all I
speculation. The sessions of the Committee and
of the Congress were thoroughly secret, and noth
ing has transpired, or will transpire, to gratify
general curiosity upon this subject. From all I
can gather, the debates would have been ex
ceedingly interesting if it had been the pleasure of
the Congress to have taken measures for their
preservation. 1 am reliably informed that the
South Carolina delegation were the most persis
tent in their demands—exactly what the exactions
were I frankly confess I do not know—but South
Carolina is not, by a long shot, the ruling power
in the Assembly. Georgia holds the sling. All
her dernaqds are conceded ; and in maintaining
her position, I am given to know that a nice little
squall was anticipated at one time. You now see
what weight the Kbett doctrine has. Sturdy
Georgia, with her massive blows, knocks the
enamelled polish off diplomacy, and stands up for
the tariff. She will have none to do with the free
trade humbug, which the people will never learn
to regard as a fallacy as a hobby for hungry office
seekers to ride into power upon.
Extract from the Washington correspondence
of the Charleston Courier, Feb. 11:
The Peace Congress (as it is commonly called
iu this city,) is conducting all of its proceedings
in profound secresy, so that no outsider can learn
anything of the progress it is making. For one
I trust it will be successful in patching up a Com
promise that may satisfy all the parties concerned
in it, aud prevent the secession of any es the bor
der States. That do more States (except Arkan
sas, North Carolina and Tennessee,) may secede
just now, is, 1 am of the opinion, a matter of great
importance to those States which have already
seceded Better for them that the experiment by
the border States of separating their destinies
from their sister slave States should be fully tried
and demonstrated as an impossibility, than that
it should be taken for granted and not tried at
all. Moreover, they will stand as a wall, for the
time being, between the seceded States and the
free States, ufttil the former shall have full leisure,
uninterrupted by war, to establish their govern
ment and develop their policy ; and lastly, hav
ing thus long opposed themselves to the policy of
our vindication of our just rights, it will be better
for us, that they should come to us hereafter, as
suitors, than to come now at the eleventh hour
when the heat and burthen of the day is over, as
dictators. Therefore, I say, in all sincerity, God
speed the Peace Congress, and give them
stomachs at the feast they are preparing for
themselves. B
One of the latest poems of Gen. G. P. Morris
doses with the following exquisite gush of senti
"l love the night when the moon weens bright
On flowers that dnnk the dew ■ 8 1
When cascades shout as the stars’ peep out
rrom boundless fields ot blue. v
But dearer far than moon or star.
Or flowers of gaudy hue •
° r i^ r . m . U , ring V 1 of “obtain rillg.
I love, I love, love— you.”