Newspaper Page Text
BY X. S. MORSE
Cjjnmidt & Sentinel.
TERMS.
TEE WEEKLY
chkonicli: Ac sr.N riiNi i,
U Published fiiery Tl KsIMV,
41
THttEK DOLLAUS FfcU ANN ti,
4LW4VSIN .U(V,*Nt t,
Hate* for Weekly Ad»eHl*eiu*mt
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Decision of uue of tbe Judge* of the
ItpAiioiir Coart of lleerfjla, on ths
Censtrlpl Act.
IN OiIAMBERa AT MILLEDGEVILI.b,
Nov era, J.BSs. )
Asa 0 JxrriKS—Coi.s.ripi, )
vs. > fldiieM Corpus.
John i-Ain-Enrolling Agent. )
Asao.Jeffers, thf .ugh his CoonsM, denies Dial
th i rooei.t not of the Confederate Cctigi..:.i [in
Tiding “further for the public detunes," cum
inoaly called the tt irisoript Act, is ons'.uuliiii.al,
aud A-.elts by hu petition to bo diseharged from
the custody ol tbe enrolling agent lor the reason
unsigned.
Conscriptioni What ia it? i understand it to
be the rouipulsory registry ot individual! of a
Certain age to bo drafted or detached for military
seirtoe.
This mods of raisin ; armies is as old us the
uomuu Kepublic, which existed more thitii two
bousand years ago. It was resorted to in I'nsuce
nl an early period of bur Revolution, nod by it »he
was euubled to bring into the Held t.reive hundred
.housaud men to ropel the attacks ot combined
t.urope, aud lo stippicss the rev olt oi I.a V endse,
tbe supporters of the Bourbon dyunsty wbieii hud
just terminated by the scaffold. it is, and tong
has been, tbe system of tunny of tbe most power
ful nations of Continental Europe.
It existed in (trout Britain during the > ig. , ..u.i
udministration of the older I’iit—altci wuilla the
Famous Lord ChuUium.
It has existed in that kingdom time out ot
mind, m the form of impressment for Us murine
service.
it is certainly then not a uoVel mode of iu..,inp
or levying troops, or military forces for n dionol
defense.
But, because it but 0. tin employed by the Con
federate (Jovernmeol, it is denounced us vioUlivu
ol the Coustitutiou ot the Confederacy, because I
Congress could hu' o i imtrd to ether mode: of
raising troops, viz. ” Voluntary eiii sim. ot ’ <u
to ‘ requisitions lei vuililia
it IS USSSI ted that "Oeuscriplion’' violates the
personal liberty ol the citizen -is despotic, tyraii
uicul and lliut it v. lit piodnee u military tonoolida
tiuu ol the Confederate States, A , A : , Au.
Aie not thi Be tears the mere phantom., cl die |
eaaed imaginations, tilled with
"Oorgous, Uydius and chimeras diref"
I urn, sftsr oaretully ctuisiduriug many of the j
objections urged against Ujc constitutionality ot j
that litvf, compelled to it tier with thegreat drama i
titi who Raid— •* Twin. the .»» of childhood only, |
that toured a paint,it d-vil,” dime every bout is 1
exhibiting grown up lum alarmed, or pretending |
to bo alarmed, at tlio bodiless creations ot it.on |
owu imaginations. 1 ahull not dismiss the reason
übleueaa or reulily of their fours ~ nor the coti.se- '
quoncea wtucU tony ensuo from uu uckuowlcdga
moot of Um power ot the Confederate Government
to mi.#', tlial law.
The simple question la, bad Cougretns the cou
■litutiouat power to eauot itV
1 apprehend that uoue'wiU deny that the hi,;!,
eat duly of Congress ir that ot providing for :Ue
couiuiou doteuoe of alt the .Statue composing the
Confederacy. No statesman will deny but that
the uieaus tor that purpose should bu adequate
to the eud proposed—aud that there would he a
Bgt.ul failure in any aud every form of govern
mout which did uol provido them,
i Let us see how fur the States, iu forming their j
Confederate Constitution, did delegate for the
common defence, their soveieigu powers -
The Coutederute Cougrogi shall have power
To declare war.
To ruiee aud euppoit armies.
To levy and oollect tuxes to pay the debts and
provide fur the uomuiou defence a id general ml
tars
To provide and uiaiutuiu a uavy
To make rules lor the goVet niuoul ,uJ icgulu
tmu ot the land aud uavui luioes.
To provide for calling forth the uiiltio to eke
cute the luws of the 1 oulodmuteUuVerumnuu sup
press insurrection and repel invasion.
To provide for organising, arming and disci
plimug the militia, und for governing such purl
of them as may bo employed in the service ot tlu
Confederate government; reserving to the Hiatts
respectively, the appointment of the officers, and
Uts authority of training the militia ucsjrdmg t-*
the discipline prescribed by Congress
To uiulta alt laws which shall be necessary ar.d
proper for carrying into execution the foregoing
powers.
The prohibition upon the States —still furi! -i
illustrates the question discussed.
No Slate shall enter into any tieatv or ullitnico
or ooufederatiou -nor grant loiters of marque or
reprisal.
Nor keep troops or ships ot war iu times of
peace.
Ur engage iu war, unless actually iuvaded, or
la such imminent danger as will uot admit oi
dairy.
Now is it not apparent front these prohibitions,
that the Slates, iu the erealie.n of tlio Confederate
government, delegated all the powers they sever
ally possessed over these subjects, to be exclusive
ly exercised by Congress, h-uviog only a naked ;
power in tbemselvos to etigage in war when in
vaded, or in imminent danger, admitting es co (
daisy.
I’he deloncv thvn of oe.rli Slate and the common
dsteace of ail the Htates a as thorclcre neceasurdy
devolved on the CeufeJetato government and uoi ,
«B the Sute goveruuient. The people of Georgia
through then convention center: ed tbeg: eat duly
ot her deletion <m the Confederate govsractSnt.
coufldiag wisely in the readiness end efficiency of
XUut government. to prliur.u to the best of its
abiii v this high trust
That that government can more efficiently do
it than the State government would geem to be a
necessary consequence from the power “to raise
and support armies
At the first blush nod to ouc woo does not fully
eotuprsheud our system of govern l ent, this
power to raise armies would seem to be unlimited
—wad that it might be used to force eVerv citis.m
with the exception of the President ot the Can
fsdsrooy inte the military service, fti un .iudg
meat it has a clear and well dctu.l mint, beyond
which it cannot go without annihilating the State
government, and . veu the Confederate goveru
rnsnt itself To the extent to which some ot the
advocates power go 1 c*naol go—tor eierc.o
ed os they contend it should be, it would produce
the most perfect mnitary despotism the world
SVt’r saw - uniting in the bauds of the President
all the powers of government now w.sely diatribe
tsd among the three great departments both i
the Stale aud Con'eJer at- gov .-laments.
lutbeVtit .t.i'- t. - -■<-* :u "
uses sysw-.- .. svatv and couuurrato gov.ru
meals is to M ton ad that 1; an. To* creators a
ybe Coafedera a goverß.ne.v cannot be suppose l ;
•r*r lo uave ceatMieu a power on its agent which
o*ulii bo used tor their destruction. So esn- |
scription tel therefor* could ever to mad. to
reach any one b.-l u.r.ig U) c liter wt the t.i*-■ u
live, Legislative or Judicial Japaitm.nl.j ui t>.o
State or Confederate governments. Ail otUr
eitix.us ot the Stats are liable tu Oypsc.ripi.oQ
wituin tb>‘ ages of IS and 40, The militia U oa
known to any cos.nilutioii ws » department oi
government, and eonseqatull} all the privates ,
and lU officers wittua lbs s<ee aforesaid are
liable to be oonsenbed.
but it Lae teen that it the Conisdciate :
government has th* power of raising armies, it
saa only constitutionally do »o by the mode*
known ar.d practiced at me i.ae ci the taakiog ot
tb* waited State* ooneutution ia 1787, n: : ‘ Vol
aciarj em jtmeut, and requisuioaaoa the Gover
nors for militia. ’
It strikes me as very strange that a atriet con
struetiOßist should seriously *sk me to interpolate
conditions eud loetr.cvioa* broad uuatn
b.goods a ß d Unqualified a power as that to rats,
and support arm, ?s, withoot first deuionstruiing
that from the v*-y nature and evruoture oi cut
aytteml of govtrnment such condition* asd re
(trictioc* aro essential to th»,r preservation su all
their departments.
What rprht hare l to say that Congress mar
raise urutus vn'J by voluntary onUsimeut—or
tailing in tliat, by requisitions on tfie governors
tor militia, ana no: ia auv other nod* whatever v
In aubaUnce, 1 am urged to decide that to be the
meaning of the framers ot the Const.lation oi
’s7, end that these two modes exhaust the full
pleasure of th* grant of power to Congr*a*. if
1 history be not i irslvia-pe the v.ry reverseof
I rood ons i r lea r ti ns 1 albi- gia tol i own
■ was t r.-At so .1 • nti-. King and 1 iii»n of tbe Con
vention i’it Iron: t:at. constitution it i-ueb
| had bee i 'h • r- ■ n ng ot the people of the Uni
ilcdS'Ue when U t ...r m • volts Ihe? wrr tn-
I gaged iri ‘A 7 urc < th* old a-tiele o’.s c nfed
eratkn entered uilo in 1775, why were n»i these
: limitations incurpoiatid into the new 'raate of
I goTtrnmeut in ( -s- and exprei-s terms'
j I;.t: . connext i • t ah - boic •in ni’iiu that
in tbe an cl sofccid td ’atiort ifer- was no o n
era! I'Virr “t nise '.-rmirs ' The CougnesS
1 con) i rsi e armies l.v n-reei-.g i on the number
;o! !mi i :-nvs and by m-hmg ie.|.i-siti.'nt from
' ear. ,-t t lor its quite in pieporimb to Bs white
! nopu’a in Thus the ;o->* was a limited nue.
! j j,,. j),u -triada men o: ih<- revolution aid .-il
t’ e ii.si i u .8 of ih i e tmei unite in tho con
and iniiut.i.n «»i tbe »h t'e oval o « requisitions IV.r
on . , I-. 11, sa.Mi- tea-, ai a military fotce it
wui ri ,io oii.e: .- v. a . u efficient than tiosps
I rais-i i ! v eih i hi T ie> fit! ther gay tlist by
! adnein V to that system tv . arue very near 1 eng
1 our independence.
j Are we never to pi oh 1 by the experience of our
■ Revolutionary father with at t ayiu,; the high |
price tor it they paid:
I The framers pi the t.mshiuuou ct 1787 wore j
! well acquainted w -r.i whole tevolatioaary
I bidtory mflfc/ of them i y .ttlicipated both in
counre ami in the 1.-:■( i couvie.ciiag liiat rero
lutier. t.i u hOCC, JeU.i ylaso, -..1d whilst the moai
ory of their embariaii. m. nin grnwing out of the
employtiif .t ot uiiHti i ami r-qui .iiuus fur t om
uticompiicd tyiUi, wag (rrsii and keen, they
promptly and unanimously blotted out the wards
requisitions aud quota ~ and substituted in lieu ol
what tt y had repudiated u3 patriotic statesmen,
! i lie c!'.'.,,, distinct fad iaij i- power “to raise and
j support ariiiiee.”
| i !.e Cse'.ed. rntv oot.eii.'-'ioueoutuin.l the grant
thus giv :: to 'ijiig.- ecto 1.87. and in the ideuti
[ cal words
To seiik cm has been and .ne to r ;iii iet a power
! unlimited by its words to ii t.y iwo modes o: raie
i mg srniicn -“voluntary eulistriu ut” uni “rtqui
| gittons lor , ipia,” in ti.e face o' nil history and
I reason is the boldest att. nipt to pervert clear, pre
en c, u: nmbld.aiCß v,o; Ih.t 1. has been Ur, lot
to lii e.i Bum any di.-> ipl« of the coi.ool of Jeifer
sou. I‘but they !»- J ' : somau in prolo. SiOQ i
wi:l not q.n stiou-but I be permitied to say
ll.ut I lh.uk they w.ll Hui it no eaiy taaii tu make
such coublruebons uceui-'. with Jreeniuu otia
ciple or practice.
(fan it be supposed tbut uueb men mi George !
Wusbiiigtcn, Boujaui'.u t rauLbri, J.piKi Madison, j
Aler tn l r 11 tuul. u, Jam.-. vVii.iju, tioverueur
Moirie, ,i-ii.u Kntiedgo, tbe i'.u uiuyt; ot r!outb
Carolina, u..d Gaorgia’a Uistuiguisbed doicvule
Abraham i.aidwiu and ti:. pe. .aos tverc mem
be is ci the . nvecUun of ’B7 —did out know the I
fudext . . the power tii.iv Ci 0:..i :•! “t > raise j
aud support armies.”
ThalsutL a body id men oi the blghost civil
c.nd Uiiiituly teuov.u us tho.se i hi vo .last Hulled,
eh ;u’d, wiitiia four years niter too ■ tuiination oi
the is voluUv'iiaiy war, puinfuily uud proiouudiy
tiiT'i uir v.:.;i the deficiency of adequate power iu
i' i: (' ... and. i..lion ol 78 to ( air;, on war,arising
from tl t< j aious r> strict ous 1 ! the States on the
mode of lai :>g ulJln by t, . uld iu the ueW
uud uioro pei'.cei torsi ol gote.uiiicnt tboy were
In uiing |. iipeluute the iuibi eility of the old gov
ui time ut, an 1 they inly mount by the grant in the
coiiatituiiou ot 'B7 “to raise and support uruii, a,”
to give Uougresß the right to la • c urmit and oaiy by
voioului y null..'.meat r ' I’’ . aou the States
lor militia, is incredible.
il that h i been the u.d, it A aid stultily a
ooib cliou el the griate.-t Won the World oisw
m COUU’dl.
Crcdat JlldnUS uptlh:.
I niighl have closed 11 ii piopriety this opinion •
bidcre tiii, but us the Hub)ri is one i l vital m !
tcrest, 1 w.ll pi along tin t>u. In pool c .nti ibuliog j
SOllielbing t ' expose the el't i Vlhicll exist 111
isfercuce i» the queeiions ...scuased.
Ol what vain.-, let me ast, wntlld Inee bi ett this
bioad pm • r ‘to raise and sunpor, urniios” liad
it not be.ii u-i exteusiai a-’ it ’a‘ J VVho cv id
loresro wi a might arise in the luliirtf
To uieo i.ay exigency win -h might occur, wis
dom den autii-d a poivei aa ample and asco extou
sire vyila my ■ uiSTgencv. 'To iiiate assurance
doubly sine, tbo :-otiVcatioo, to n Uiu'o nil eavit, ;
went tui tlii'i', a-.d invested Congress with full ac- j
thofity to paiis alt laws which they might deem;
necessary uud proper to cany into etieot this gen- I
eritl, exclu-ivo uu i esseotial power.
But, it ia urged that I must construe tho other
giants ot | wer iu thin nrtiol of the constuut ou
iu couuexiou. I bare not only considered them,
but till otb r portions of tbe Constitution-, with a '
view to collect its true n.amug, uud l urn con - j
Htia.u and to say '.but l am unable ‘.o perceive in tbe '
clauaos in . ieienec to the militia to wh eh my «t- !
tent ou was pAi tiouluriy directed, anything which |
iu tho slightest degree doss or ought to affect my I
judgment ia to the extent .7 the power to raise
unuies
That C-*oHivs.a may provide for Calling forth the
militia to tepid invasion, uud wiieu luus Called j
forth, lii-.it ; appointment oi itsolhoers belongs j
to the '.at. a, ■,I unto ot no doubt. Bat how do j
these cluines'cloc’date tlie question us lo tbe ex
tent of tbe pov. -r of Coiii>iv,s io raise and support i
armies, or of tho wptness of the means used to |
carry that pow'.r inlo execuiion V To call forth
the militia oi,.;ußU:d in UiT’Hious, Brigades or
Regiments w.i!. their Hlato otUcers, or uol lo
call them forib thus orv.au /.-.! md officered ia u
uUi-atiuii solely With in the dm. return of CouglecS
To asseit tt, ' it u bound to call forth uU liable lo
military t . - unlit.. , is to beg the question,
which they in, called ou to prove.
is uot tun mg it in cl that T-ougroaS iiiust call
iorlb us uiiiitla, oiiiceled by the iSiH-.e, Ac., vir
tually a denial c. the r.ght ,-f Dougreee to raise an
. i my, thivi gh reC. ultiug oiU jeis. by Ihn voluntary
enlistment oi tho citixeh?
Ifsoihei'oii luißte government would be re
i ,tuned to reiy on diafted men fuimahed by tbe
| Hiatus, iu cbed-cuec io a call, or ou volunteer or
: gatiiv itiou by c-iiiipi.u to, baUalicu* and regiments
j with their Hint.- otb.me Vc notary eniiatuieut
i means ;u it" mot' usual siguiticaTiou something
! els ■ than volunteer organ z.uioua—it is .that sys-
I ten' which ban bt'.n used let the purpose oi tilling
i up tii" ranks o. r. :..,l to termed the Regular Army,
i it is argued that the Coniedera'.e government may
. out*a ti- livid: .. . to a limUsd extent, but that it
i cannot throng.: Rs recruitiug officers enlist all the
men cotnpo ini; the miiitia, to*, that would be to
annihilate tin: u. hlii. This reason'i i appears lo
me l. be making :he coi’HtituliouaUty ol
tli,’ „xeu'i •„> of an admitted todeprudon tbe
number n. :t.d uu 1 source ot supply. From
iv hat dun ’ 01 m.u iu a Statu except those between
IS aud 4 ye. .. . 1 nge, can nti efficient military
force be procured ; tl must ct necessity be from
ibic class, or our young government will be driven
tn making up 1 armies for defence, into Euro
peau shamble 1 to purchase soldiers as did Great
Britain iu her War a-uinst us in 1776.
IVj any one d.-.v the light o: tha Comederate
Oouure- s u. declar • bv law that it is tfie duty and
hcuor o; ice citizen to serve in the army of his
conmrv ' Such an enactment might be deemed
ocmpn'sory. it c iinpnisiou is necessary to raise
an army c da.bad our country, who will dare say
that tbe gcvtiusiaut charged with the common de
truce may not u-e u? Compulsion is iotce.—
Conscription by the Confedet. te government and
dratt by tbe State government are alike compulso
ry measures ol'fore-—they ate twins o. the same
parentage aud so uiucu alike that it will require
keen oj t.cs to distinguish them apait.
i think that every imr and candid observer ot
the state of thu gs ta Georgia now will concede
uulieeitatmgly - the prompt, tree, wdliug, volun
tary spirit wine . put, hitherto so many ol tier sous
iu (be military service—has expired. In vain,
unless under the threat ot ao immediate diail,
could anv oue hope to collect en. agh meu to toroi
u regiment The f'-enfederate go vornmeut Cannot
depend ou that s. in: t J fill up h.-r i.: ,uy. Resort
thru, says the Butte rights inau of the hour to
dialling the uui.t a. Bui drilling ia compulsion
cud force. Conscription .» to diag the pool ciu
zeu who Cannot be v a substitute to Richmond, tar
uwav from wife aim home, and “uichaius. Docs
not ihe draft, uiuu rdsorted to by the Governor
ot uS.ats do iust the precise same thing, they say
c m.-er ptiou Will do?
YS b.it, !b. is ihe value of the choice hotwecu
I u.V • to tu >ce • regime. , he ba.- th - _r.*»: to
| elect t t» rff *rs.
, Does tae ctercoie ot ttusskate rigLi u»»ju the
1 ignominy or pressure of hi* “ eha us?”
COBkCnpti E
sign .a 11 oh .■ b 5 u -"t 1 I,_,*dh 1 a and
1 battle, the Ge -.'i ia cr-uscript is perni tied lo join
, „ny fc;> anut trim Georgia not full, he piefnrs.
II is comrades are Georgians—"his office: arcGfor
o:. us who have broom* akilfad by discipline a. J
Lug s.-rvioe to C".nm»Qd, and who have wou iui
-1 perishable rsnowo for their eonstai. ;> aid coo!
couTwge in the field
Av the fords is the same by “Drofr t, ; m "Con
i sfriplion,” tt would *eeui that the whole conical
ae tii which government should 1 xercise it ro
i solves itaelt into a dispute lethcr for patronage to
■be directly or indirectly exerted Reduced to
it sco 1 p.evton, night not a looker on whose
i mind was filled with deep anxiety from tfie dis
seneioos winch are pusatuliy apparent m this hour
ot gloom and peril, ask with tremendous atgmfi
’ cance. , . ~
“Is the game worth the candle ?
Weareioldby un eminent statesman “that
i power couiroiie* or abridged is almost aiways tie
1 rival or eaemv cf shut power by which it is con*
1 trolled or abridged.'’
I Georgia, by the unanimous vote of her dels
gates :u Couvcn.n i ratified tire Conlederate Con
atituiiou, containing the grants ot power herein
enumerated, among them the unqualified, uucon
ditioutl, and exeloaiTe power to Congress “to
i raise and support armies —together with the power
! to make all laws which it shall deem necessary
land proper to carry into execution ait of those
powers.
AUGUSTA, GA., TUESDAY MORNING. NOVEMBER 25, 1862.
UasGeorgia, wi.u he? power to raise armies
abriuged and couteolled by bei own Tree act, at
I tills early day, and iu the midst of a terrinc war
ffir 1 id, i.oeity unit iudepciidcncd as a CAifcte, lor
I our homes and L.artbatouCb, become the rival
I »ad enemy oi the Confedvrate g.iVernmeut, be
1 oaticd she*t» csutl, ed bv that goverualebt in the
manner and mode ot raising armies for her de
fence 'That t.'onst.iancu that thus abridges her
! power is us much her Uuustiaation, as her .state
j Constitution - its agents are Be much uer agents
:as are the agents ot the .Stale Constitution. Why
J tuen should she by talse aud uulounded cjnoti uc
i tiuu, alteu-jil to Inner down to LO'.hiug, u power
i sj broad and absolute, and which las uo limit to
its exorcise, iu my humble opiuion, but the clear
and WCli uiai ked beuud.il v, which I have, 10 th e
decision deiiiiea'.ed f il Georgia is discalisbed
with the grants oi power she has m de, us too
broad and unlimited, aud tbatihey Were unwisely
i delegated—if she wishes to dwarf Her dimensions
! lo a petty id fate, out wanting uld from others—her
pathw-T is plain- let h;C go into a Hiate Couven
uou - recali her grants—d ssociate herself from
h.r sister Staled, and bring back all her sous to
I the defence oi her soil. This would he to make a
j Revolution in the midst ot u Revolution.
t canuot believe sho will thus rashly acl. .1
, ibipt when sbs eooiy examines this qaesitou in
I thoclear light of car past history, she will not
listen to mat coustiuc.ion founded upon the
usages o) the United States and Great Britian, in
i 1787 —and which, if engrafted, would emasculate
; tbe great aud essential power to raise and support
armies of all its virility.
After listening attentively to the arguments pre
ss uted by the counsel lor the couscript, 1 have
been thrown back in memory to the (Jont entiona
of Virginia aud Maryland, to which the Federal
Gonatiititiun was submitted for ratitieatiou. Toe
general power “lo raise and support armies” was
under discussion. 'The opponents of that Consti
tution made tbe same objections now aiado —they
Juughi. lo iiiiiti the puWcf as it id UOW sought to
bo lianltd. The argument today is but lb» re
production of old ideas and Old objections, With
leas fire, but more rhetorical einbeilishmeui. Ail
those arguments and objections tailed happily for
lire country, and the Constitution us it caitie Bom
the bands ol its trumeid Was adopted aud fjcCuuiti
the sapleme law ut the land.
I base thus, with tho independence wiiich be
Coml-s a Judge, discussed a question brought be
fore me almost Without notice —Without lull urgu
meat supported by unlbority OU tbe part of tbe
entailing agent, beau forced hastily, within the
short space of twenty-four honra, to reduce this
’ opinion lo writing, mot it might be presented at
: once to the Supreme Court for review, I. older no
apology for the reasoning. My ideas have been
well considered. My regret only is that had not
un.'pib lime to clothe them in language worthy oi
the magnitude of the questions discussed.
i in concluding this decision candor compels me
to say that for mouths past I havu earcfmly read
everything 1 eonkl find to aid rna iu arriving at a
firm conviction. The result of my consideration
is to be found in what precedes this, i have no
doubt whatever after investigation. Had i enter
tained any it would have been dispelled by the
clear, distinct and emphatic opinions of Col. Geo.
M. Troup whilst tbe House of Rspreeeu’.atives
woro in Committee of tbe Whole ou several bills,
lo tt it : “xk bill tor the classifying the militia,”
the bill “to authorize tbe President lo accept vol
unteers organized, and who may oUer their ser
vices to the government,” Ac., and two Senate
bills, providing for calling lorib militia. Tie sad,
“Ti e measure oi tbe Ssnata is inadequate to the
object, it proposed to give you a Mi'itia force,
when you wanted a regular force. He respectfully
suggested to the House in considering ibis subject
the propriety of endeavoring in the Ural pLce to
i stabiist' ibe piinciplc on which they would rest
their military measures for the further prosecu*
tiuu of the war - whether it were tue principle of
classification and diult, or cla’-siHcuiion uml penal
'.y. whether the principle proposed by the >Seua!e
or uiiy other principle—they could not, he humbly
conceived, arrive ul uny conclusion satisfactory
lo the House, or uselu! and honorable to (be
country, without having established the principle.
The Committee of tbe Whole ora delect Com
mittee might cousider the details.
Tu submitting, Si r, to tbe Cuuiiniueo the tew
obsi i rations with which i intend to trouble them
on this motion, 1 will endeavor to suli.fy them
that Ilia measure proposed by the Senate ought
not to be taken, oacauej it places our reliance for
a successful prcsecut on ol the war on irregular
militia ; whereas, oar reliance ought lo be placed
on disciplined troops, and that some other meas
ure ought, therefore, lo be resorted to—some
measure calculated to li 11 the rgutui' ranks uud
augment the regulai establishment.
•T do uot mean to Buy, Sir, that the recruiting
system, with the present high bounty, would not
eventually fill your ranks. I am uot disposed to
say it would not (provided ihe the ene
my bad continued broken and divided by tbe
troubles of ilia Continent) have answered our pur
poses, but I do say that, under existing circum
stances. and for our present purpose, the..recruit
ing system ought not to be relied ou ; it cannot
be relied on to hi! our ranks by tho next campaign,
aiul to risk the loss ot the next campaign is to
risk the loss ot everything. But is there uo mode
| to which you cau resort lor Hlling up the ranks
| but by voluntary enlistment f 1 would be ex-
I tremeiy sorry il we could not. 1 have always
1 thought this goveruuieui, whsu administered iu
j tho true spirit of tbe Constitution, the strongest
I govei uuieut in the world even for the purposes of
war, but il the doctrine set up ot late be true, taia
is tbe weakest aud most contemptible government
on eartbj it is neither tit for war or peace; it has
laded of all the rude lor which governments are
established. It cannot be true that th e govern
ment, charged wn„ the general defence, author
ize! to dcciuid War and lo raise armies, cau huve
hut one mode of raising armies, whilst every other
government that ever existed has had an absolute
power over the population of the country for this
purpose, aud has actually exercised it, But this
is « question not properly before the House, ucd
I will not go into the argument to show that you
can, like other governments, resort to other modes
of .raising armies of voluntary enlist
ment ; that you cau resort to classification and
draft, or clussiHsaliou amt penalty, or any other
mode which a sound discretion may, in a particu
lar state of thd country, dictate and justify. Ail
i intend io say ut present is, that you have an
; absolute power over the population of this eoau-
I tiy for this purpose.”
i 1 have quoted these extracts from the speech of
| this great head of the Htates Rights lauiily, by
i wbieii it will appear ihat he goes somewhat be
i fond me. There is no higher authority in this
j land for right constnutiomd interpretation than
i George M. 'Troup. 1 began political life under his
| banner; 1 imbibed mv earliest political opinions
I from bis teachings; l will stand by them. He
i never retracted or cuodiiied the opinions here es-
I pressed.
I The decision of the Court, for the reasons as
; signed, is, that Asa t). .Jeffers, being a citizen,
! within the ages of IS and 40 years ot uge, end not
! belonging to any department of either the Ccn
i federate or Blate Government, nor being other
i wise exempt trout military service, be not dis
| charged cs a conscript irom ihe custody of the en
rolling officer. Ivssson Lons Uabbu,
Oae ol the JnJgea ot the Bup’r Courts ol Ga
rlxrsßiMSM wira Tmisr Salt.—Ten days ago,
we killed two shoats, weighing (nett) about 15b
lbs. each. H was a cold moruiug, thermometer
at kid 3 . As soon as the meat was cut up, we
placed the joints tu a large tub of cold w ater, with
the hocks and shins standing out of the water.—
They so remained until about when they
w ere taken out, and rubbed with Charleston made
suit, having a slight intermixture of saltpetre.—
They were then packed away in a tub, and the
middlings (also rubbed with sail) placed over
them. The meat was not disturbed until yesterday,
when we bung it up and commenced smoking.—
There is no semblance at taint or touting about it;
the appearance ot the Scab te red, ana its smell
perfectly sweet, it appears to fie cured; and
there was lees salt meu than we have commonly
applied of the Liveroooi. The experiment is re
ported for what it ts worth. Terbups the meat
i3 not stle let; bat »« confidently believe that it
is. —EJgtjULl Adttiiitrr, .Sou. 18.
Cbbap Fi ex --.-It is said l .at a most excellent
aud cCjtio;ii,_ J. an.irii. ol fuel _»a be luade by
mixing oiay and ooai duit together. Get a load
nf coke du t, or coa dud, and half e load
ot clay. Make a sottdnortar of the clay, and mix
in the load of coal or coke, and a sufficient quan
ta? of saw dust Then make the mass up in
bai s or lumps, and alter :i dries it will burn tx -
celieotly well. The tire will necessarily be a slow
one but when the weather is moderate, or when a
room is only occasionally occupied during the
day, a slow fire is desirable.
'i s* Sivcit os is tbs Wssr -General Jobn.ton
w i lake Command m the West at a critical pe
i ad. it is sot impossible that in less than sixty
duvstfie Southwestern States w ii be enc .aipass
ed with a Ysutee force ot three fiuadied thou
sand men. Bush's army, 83,000 strong, wii! be
in Middle Tennessee, occupying all the teiritory
between Memphis and Charleston railroad and the
Cumberland rivet, ravaging North Alabama and
threatening Chattanooga and hast Tenijesseee.
Even now an immense corps, represented as 60 or
70,000 strong, under Bosenerantx, is advancing
upon Holly Springs. It j likely that another
heavy division under the command of the same
wily general, will proceed down tne Mobile and
Ohio railroad. Brute Butler is to be largely rein
forced, thus euabling him to proceed up the Mis-
S'ssippt river, accompanied by bis fieet. An im
mense number of gunboats are being built for
operations on the river. Vicksburg, tb* heroic
city ia to be invested by vast land forces in ooa
j.iociioti with lbs powerful fleet under Porter.
Th* Richmond Examiner of Nov. 17, sa> there
.» nothing of interest from oar «; east side of
Blue Ridge-
HON A H, STEPHENS’ ADDRESS.
Sj aopwiw or size Subswnrr ox lU* Ad4re»o
or Vice-President steputna, at Craw
fordviiie, lieorgU, on tn© wo
vembsr, iSblz
Mr. Gwphens Commenced by announcing the
meeting to be one eminently oi a business charac
ter. Ji'aujr in the large assembly had perhaps
corns out to bear som -iinug about tbe war, look
ing upon it as a War meeting This also was true
It *»ai i war meeting as well as a business meet
ing. Mach the grea'er part ol war was business
piucticui good sense— cojiiiiion every day busi
ness, such as marks the true economy ot tile,
i'be raising ot meu—tbe manreavering ot troops
:u ihe held, their bravery und gallantry iu action
and the. best oi geuerulship as commonly under
stood, Constitute but a small perl ol war. It is an
fcodeiiiial part, and not to be underestimated, but
it is a small part. Like tbe sulphur in gunpowder
—only a twelfth-part aud a fraction—it is a small
partof tbe whole. To wage successful wars, there
must not oulv be meu well trained and skillfully
tiosd'ed with efficient weapons, but they mast be
clothed cud fed. This embraces the Quartermas
ter and Commissary departments in nil their rami
fications. This is much the larger part of war.
The want of a naii iu a horsvahoe caused the
lameness of a horse that caused the loss of a bat
tle. A pair of shoes is as essential to a soldier
as a lock to his gun; and to day, fifty thousand
pairs of shoes are equal to fifty thousand men iu
our army. We have sent the men —they are now
in the field—the object ot the present meeting was
1 1 see that those who have gone irom our midst
are clothed and shad.
This, it is true, properly belongs to the Govern
ment. Ilia the duty of tbe Government to see
that all who are called to the field are properly
equipped with every tbiug necessary to rnuke
the n efficient, and the government is doubtless
doing all it can.
But this is emphatically tbe people's war and
it is enough for us to khow that ump.e provision
is not made by tho Government. 'The object In
the meeting was to see to it that all tbe men from
ibis (Taliaferro) couuty be provided with necessa
ry shoes uud clothing.' The original plan hereto
fore acted upon iu th j couuty, was for someone
to lake particular soldiers under their charge and
see that they were provided for. This was the
b.si plan, aud be hoped it would be continued.
Then nono wsuid be overlooked. He had lists of
all the companfes fully organised aud sent from
ihe county. These hats he should read over and
as each name was called, be wished it to be an
uoiruced by someone whether provisions by any
one bad been made for the one whose name should
be called.
[Here the hats were read over and responses
made at the call of the name of each one known
to be provided for. It was gratifying to perceive
that a majority were already provided for.j
Mr. Stephens continued : Doubtless many of
those for whom no response has been made, are
also provided for by persons uot present; but as
some might not bo, and ail should be, ho proposed
an Executive Committee of thvea be appointed to
thoroughly canvass ihe county, by themselves
and sub-ageuts, to be appointed by them, and as
certain the number and names ol everyone who
was not provided for, aad by contributions to be
raised by them, to have tho provision made.
Besides these companies there were quite a
number of volunteers from the county in several
other companies Let uit from the county be
seen alter—no one omitted—-in whatever company
b i may be. Lst an agent, or as many as may be
necessity, be appointed by tbe Executive Com
mittee, to carry tbe articles when ready, and
deliver them to tbs parties Don’t trust them to
any public agents for transportation. The only
certain way tor speed and safety was for same
one to accompany them. The government would
doubtless tarnish transportation. It ought to be
done, and ue supposed would be done. But if not,
let the Executive Committee see to it that the ar
ticles were delivered.
Tins part of ilia proceedings having been gone
through with, Mr. Btepueus then made strong ap.
peals to ail, to contribute money oriu kind, to sup
ply those w ho might be found by the committee to
ba uot provided for. Those wbo had sous, brothers,
or others, for whom they bad made provision,
would not be expected lo Jo more than they bad
done, unless thf: means wore cimplc, i" which
case, they ought to contribute liberally. Tha la
dies would cheerfully make up the clolhiag, il the
cloth were furnished. Nobly had they done their
part iu this war. The batite field was not their
place, but in their sphere, they had done that
which wad just us essential to the success of our
cause as the man wha had won houor and giory
on tbe field. Wish the spindle, the loom, the
needle, and iu tbe hospital, willingly, liberally,
gaaerously, patriotically, had they done their duty.
The men of our country had done well—most
gallantly—but iet it never be forgotten, that, as
well us tbe men bare done in the cause of our in
dependence, the women have done better. To
them the country is mainly indebted for the
clothing of tbe army when it first went into the
field. Their voluntary contributions of labor
amounted to many millions of dollars, worth in
finitely more than tbe money in dollars aud cents,
if the Government had had it: for the money
could not havs commanded the labor. An army
ol hundreds oi thousands was intprooitsed, spring
ing into existence, fully armed and equipped, as
Minerva from tbe head of Jove. Such a spectacle
the world never saw before. This was done solely
by the aid of the women of the laud. It could
not have been done without their aid. They did
well to be at the meeting; tor they are as willing
to do their part now, and iu the future, as they
were iu the beginning.
In tna appeal tor contributions, he alluded to
those whose pursuits, positions, or opportunities
had euabled them to make money in these times.
Opportunities to realise unusual profits upon la
bor or capital, iu particular pursuits or trades,
were incidents of all wars, and this one was no
exception. These were evils of war. They afford
great tsniptaiioes to frail human nature.—
These temptations, by every one, fbould be re
sisted as the approaches of the foul fiend.
Dtckeire had said the fumes of gold were more
deadly to the moral sensibilities than the fumes
of charcoal to the physical. It wa3 true, uone
should think of making money or growing rich
oat of our common necessities; but every one
should feel and realize the fact that our common
ull is embarked in the common cuuse . that every
thing is at stake, and every one should do his du
ty aod his whole duty, whether ut home or in the
field, and those at home uo less than those in the
field. Those at home, in whatever position, have
as important and as essential —though not so hard
and dangerous—duties to perform as those in the
field. All should co-operate harmoniously and
patriotically to the great end, and while they (the
people of that community) had none among them
known as speculators or as extortioners, yet there
were some whose pursuits enabled them, or af
forded them opportunities to realize larger profits
on their capital and labor, than in times of peace.
Siucb there were in all communities. To such he
made a special appeal to contribute liberally and
generously, ns he believed they would. Let no
one, whether body corporate or not, thiuk of mak
ing profits out oi articles needed by the men in
the ffe'd. The idea was abhorrent.
On the general subject of our present confiict,
involving as it does our individual us well as na
tional existence, he said all wars were calamities
—the greatest that cau befall a people, except
perhaps diieet visitations from Providence, such
as famine.--, plagues and pestilence. Thu greater
the war tbe greater tbe calamity. This war is a
great calamity to ua. We all feel it. It is the
greatest war, and waged on the largest eceie of
any since the bitth of Christ. The history of the
world—uot excepting the crusades—fnrniahing no
parallel to it in the present era.
The responsibility and guilt of it must be rear
tul goinowbere. Ad great calamities as wars are,
they ate however, sometimes neoessary. Often
torced by the highest dictates of patrotism —like
“ott'enaes” we uie told of—they sometimes needs
corns. They are however never right or justifia
ble on bAh aides. They may be wrong ou both
sides but can never ue right on both. Uujust
wars, by the unanimous consent ot civilized men,
j are held as they should be iu condemuation
; and reprobation—people thtrefore, os well as
their ruiers.to whom such high trusts are confided,
should look we': to it aud s.. that the-} aie right
j Deters appeal tug >o this last and moat terrific ar-
I bi tram eat of arms.
■ 3cme thoughts oa this zr.tjeot, Mr. Stephens
j said, might not be oat of place, even there,
' These he dwelt upon at some length, shew
; tog the justice of our cause and the wanton ag
gression ct the enemy. He traced the history of
j the controversy between the Southern and North
! era States, the principles and nature of our gov
! ernment, the Independence and Sovereignty of
i the States sod the right of eae'a to controlits own
destinies and act iorltsalf ia tue last resort, as
each State might th us best for Bsait. It was
wholly immaterial, he said in considering tbe
question of right and justice, now to look any
further than the solemn set of the fltaua of the
South, after mature detiberatioa, each acting tor
itself is its Sovereign capacity. Each State had
the right thus to act, and when eaeh for itseii had
thus aoted, no po we: on earth had the right justly
to gainsay jt. Th‘ old Union was formed by the
States, each acting for itself in its sovereign
oha raster and capacity with the object and pur
pose of adrauoing their interests respectively
thereby. Eaeh State was the sole judge in the
last resort, whether the future interest, safety and
well-being of her people, required her to resume
those sovereign powers, tfca exercise es which had
been delegated to other haads under the »ld oom
pact of Union. These principles have ever been
held, not only tree, but sacred, with tbe friends
of const'tutorial liberty in all the States since the
old Union was formed. They rest upon tba: fun
damental pr nciple sc: ‘.orth in the Dev'.anuion ot
Midepeudenc , that all goternuients "derive their
powers from the consent of the governed.''
The states South, therefore, had done nothing
but what was their right—their inalienable right,
w uo. tfca asms a* tbei* ancestor* did in *c»»c*
with the North, when they severed their rr-naec
uon with the British Gevsiutr.eiit.
ihiswar aai waged by the North ia cLu a! oi
this rights id lor the purpose of conquest and sub
jagaiipn. It was tiur sere aggro.-*, ve, waMoa
and utjuat. Such m tat h ■ ihe judgment oi
mankind, let its results bi what they may The
responsibility,-therefore, for all Us'sacrifc.s of
treasure and blood, heretofore, or hereafUr :o be
oißde in its prosecution, tesla net upon ue.
Mr. 3. sad that soon after the first buttle at
Manassas, duty calffid Him to our camps near (hut
poiDt. He went imr the ground on which that
ejDdict had takeu lace The evt ioncis ot tV
late terrible strife wet e stiil fresh and visible all
around. The wide spread desolation, the u-w
made graves,aad the putrid animal remans tiot
yet removed by the vultures, fully att.sted what
a scene of blood tt had been. Whilst rurvcy.ug
the hilh and defiles over which the vaiions col
umns of men and the enemy passed and Were en
gaged on that memorable day, amongst many
other things that crowded themselves upon his
mind, Were two dying expressions reported to
have been uttered iu the midst of the battle.—
One was by a soldier ou the aide of tho enemy
wti-., fallen, and weltering in bis blood, exclt anod
“Mv God 1 What is all this tor.” The other was
by the lamented Bartow, who said, “Boys, they
have killed me, but never give it up I” These
two exclamations were made at uo great distance
apart, and perhaps near the same time.
“ What is all this for?” Hr. Stephens said he
could but think the question was pertinent to
both sides, and most pertinent from him who
uttered it, addressed to all his invading comrades
and those who sent them. Well m'ght he there,
in the agonies of death, in tbe din and dust of
strife, ia the clangor of at tna and the thunder oi
artillery, ask, “What is all this for V Why this
array of armies? Why this fierce meeting iu
mortal combat? Wbat is all this carnage and
slaughter for? The same question is still us per
tinent to those who are waging this war against
us as it was then. Why the prolongation of this
confiict? Why this immense sacrifice of lite in
camp and the numerous battles that have been
fought since? Why this lamentation and mourn
ing going up from almost every house aud family
Irom Maine tu the Rio Grande, aud from the
Atlantic and Gulf to the Lakes, for friends and
dear ones who have fallen by disease aud violence
iu this unparalleled struggle? The question, if
replied to by tbe North, cau have but oae true
auswer. What is all this for on K their part, hut to
overturn tbe ptinciplcß upon which their own
government, us well at ours, is based to reverse
the doettine that governments derive tneir “just
powers from the consent of the governed "” What
is it for but to overturn the principles and practice
of their own government from the beginning?—
That government was (ounded and based upon
the political axiom that all States and peoples
have the inalienable tight lo change their forms
of government at will. This principle was acted
ou m the recognition by the Unite i .States of the
South American Republics, it was the principle
acted on iu the recognition of Mexico. If was
acted oa iu the struggle of Greece, to overthrow
the Ottoma* rale. On that question the grc&tedt
Constitutional Expounder of the North, Mr. Web
ster, gained his first laurels as uu American states
man. This principle was acted on in the recog
nition of the government of Lous Hhillippe, ou
the ovoithrow ol Charles X of France, and again
in the recognition of the Lamartine governmsut
ou the overthrow of Louis Fhillippe iu 1818. At
that time every man at the North iu Congress,
save one, Mr. Stephens believed, voted for the
principle. The same principle was again acted
apon without dissent tu 1858, in the recognition
oi the government of Louis Napoleon. The gauie
principle was acted upon in the recognition ct
Texas when she seceded or withdrew from the
government of Mexico.
Many at ihe North opposed the admission of
i ettus as a Blate in our then Union. But there
was little, if any, opposition to her recognition as
uu independent outside Republic. Strange to say,
many of those who were then fiercest in their op
position to Texas coming into the Union, sire now
the fiercest in their denial of the unquestioned
right acknowledged to her belore. Woli may any
aad every one, North and South, exclaim, what is
all this for? What have wo done to the North?
When have we ever wronged tr.em? We quit
thirn, it is true, as our ancestors und their i noes
tersquk tils British Government. We quit as
they quit, upon a question of constitutional right.
That question th;y determined tor tbemael vas, and
we have but done the same. What, therefore, is
uli this for? Why this war oa their part against
the uniform principles nud practices of their own
government? There is but one plausible pretext
lor it; that is to exterminate our Boutheru institu
tions. It is to put the African oa inequality with
the white man. It is to conquer and subjugate in
dependent and sovereign States, who deny their
authority rightfully to rule over them. It ia a
war, in short, on their part, against right, ugaiugt
reason, against justice, against nature, and tor
nothing but power, conquest aud robbery.
If asked on our side, whut’ls all this for ? the
reply from every breast ia, that it is for home,
for firesides, for our altars, for cur birthrights,
for property, for honor, for life—iu a word for
everything for which freemen should live, and for
which all deserving to be freemen, should be
willing, i: need be, to die. Bush, doubtless were
the feelings which prompted the other exclama -
tion ou that bloody Held, to which reference has
been made. “Boys,” said the dying Bartow,
“they have killed me, but never give it up.” The
same sentiments animated the breast of every gal
lunt sou of the South who poured forth his life
blood in achieving lout first signal uud glorious
victory to our arms. Those who survived them did
uot give it up, until they succeeded in driving back
tbe invader, the aggressor, the despoiler, and the
robber. Both exclamations may well be treasured
ns mementoes. In whatever trials and sacrifices
this war may bring upon us, when the thought ol
‘what ia All this for,’ comes to the mind, ecoilecl
that it is, on on our part, for everything most
de*' ai d' sacred ; and whatever reverses may
at?,.it us. in a struggle for such objects, let the
watchword of the last survivors be, “never give
it up Lst the world know, aud let history
record the tact, if such should be our unhappy
fate, that though our country may be invaded,
our land laid waste, our cities sacked, our proper
ty destroyed ; the people of the South could die
in defense of their rights, but they could never be
conquered.
On the present condition uud prospect oi our
affairs Mr Stephens said he had nothing new to
say and nothing that was not know nto all. From
the past, we had nothing to be discouraged lor the
future We had met with some reverses, but ot
the eighteen months fighting, we had lost no great
battle We had gained many brilliant victories.
The aggregate ot advantage or the fights on luud
thus far had been decidedly on our aide. This
was no small consideration for hope aud eucour
agement, looking at the od* against us. At the
beginning the enemy bad all the Army, all the
Navv all the revenue, all the credit, as well as
the prestige ct the name of the old government,
on their side. We wore few in number compared
with them : without a regiment or a ship, without
a dollar and without credit, except such as the
righteousness of our cause inspired in the breasts
of our own people secured. Thus we entered the
contest and thus we have maintained it. At first
75 000 men were thought sufficient to conquer us.
This failing, 600,000 were called to the field.—
These too failing, 600,000 more have been added,
with a view to crush us out with numbers. Judg
ing Irom indications, the enemy seems determined
to put forth all their power. This is the present
prospect. We should ba prepared to meet it
to tbe best of our ability. No one should des
oair or even despond, from this array ol asw
iproes to be brought against us. We may uot be
able to match them in numbers We are not able
to do it. and should not attempt it. It is not ne
cessary to do it, to secure ultimate success, if we
avail ourselves of our advantages properly and
wisely- Numbers is one advantage the enemy
has, and had from the beginning. We have ud
vantages on our side which we should avail our
selves of.
federiok of Prussia fought all the groat neigh
boring powers ot Europe tor seven years and was
s u-cesstul in the end. The greatest uumber he
coaid bang into the field was 20t),l)0b
aosiust 600,000. YV:th tins disparity of three to
one, they thought they could crush him, but they
dTd aot. ft ia true bis country was overrun, aad
hia Capitol, Berlin, was twio* taken and sacked
doting the war. fit however did not “giva it
ip" Riohmondhas not yet been taken, though
thrge powerful “onward” movements had b ren
made against it. if Richmond sbottld yet tail,
*nd twice lab, we should be no worse off that
Prussia was in a like calamity; nor should we be
less disposed than the great Frederick to “give
it up” for a like canee. The war of onr first in
dependence lasted seven years. Daring thft
struggle, several of the Stales were overrun, oc
cupied and held for loag periods by the enemy
The men 0! that “day tfcat tried meu's souls'' t-It
no ißClination on that account, to “give J u ”
Philadelphia, their. Capitol, was taken, ba:' it and
not “BTe it up," or think of giving up tbe .use.
They fonght on, as we can for tUesam : uei
pies and rights, until final success. Nor h our
gnfferißgs or sacrifices, as great as they a. oaen
anything like as severe, as theirs were, If ti- suf
fered and Bore with patience and lurtiiu-ti-... they
did to aoqnire and establish principles so . ar to
them and to os, well may we, with aqua, pa 1. ace
and fortitude, bear all now upon us, a-, eh that
may hereafter await us, to maintain then:.
The ability of a people to support am wage
war. depends partly upon their rßsmuces, 351
partly noon the skill and economy w th which
they are wielded. W# have resources eminis
ot power lo wage war successfully, ut . auwn to
Frederick or the men of’76. Ail necessaries of hfe,
food and clothing, with the materials and muni
tions ol war, can, with skill ana forc.uei,' e made
and applied within oursalve?. This goedi.' land of
ours is unequalled, or at least, nnsurpa'n.ed, by
any other part of the habitable globe, ia t - oh or
sc ter and variety of its natural products, • o ted to
mat’* waits «md needs .n every enterHe
mineral resources ure also in&ihanstible. It is a
laud well worth fighting for. Oar means are suf
ficient : they have on’v to be properly and akil
fully developed and applied
But. besides the products necessary to sustain
ourselves, to support our armies, aud carry on
war, we have another element of tremendous
power, il properly used and applied—a iosource
and power unknown in European wars, and un
known to our ancestors in ihe war of their revo
lut on. Ms 1 H. here said he alluded to our great
staple, cotton , aud he should not have said more
upon it at this time, thaabai'elv to ask those pres
-ent tu cal. to (hair minds what La had said to mdb!
of them last year upon lhal subject, when lie ad -
dressed them upon the Cotton Loan, but for some
misconceptions that have got iu the public mind
from a paragraphic report of some remarks he
made at a meeting lately in Sparta. Soma, from
that report, said Mr. S , have taken the idea that
I urged upon the planters there to plant largely
of cotton next year. Allow me, in this connec
tion, to say that nothing eculd be further from
the fact. I urged upon the planters there, first
and above ail, to grow grain and stock, for home
consumption, and to supply the army. What I
said at Sparta upon the subject ot cottem many
of you have olteu heard me say m pri; ~o con
versation, and moat of you, in the public speech
last year, to which 1 alluded Cotton, I have
maintained, and do maintain, is one of ihe great
est elements ol power, if uot the greatest, at our
command, if it were but properly uud effectually
used, as it might be.
Ramson's strength was iu his ‘ locks. Our
strength is in our looks—uot of hair or wool, but
in our locks of cotton. 1 believed from the begin
ning that tbe enemy would intiict opon aa more
serious injury by tbe blockade than by uli other
means combined. 11 wa.«, iu the judgment of all,
a matter of the utmost, if not vital importance to
have it raised, removed or broken up. How was
it to be done? That was, and is the question. It
was thought by many that such was the demand
tor cotton iu England, that she would disregard
tho blocxade, as it was, aud bus been all alorg,
not within the terms of tho Paris agreement, that
is, has uot beeu, at any time, entirely effectual,
though close enough to do us great injury. IJi J
not concur in this opinion, as most of you well
know, 1 thought it would have to be done by
ourselves, aud could be douo through the agency
of cotton—uot as a political but as a commercial
and financial power. I was in favor, asyoaknow,
of the GovornmenTo taking ull the cotton that
would be subscribed for eight perceut. bmd i at
u rale or price as high ue ten cents per pouud
Two millions of hates of the iastyear’s crop might
have bean counted upon as eertaiu su this plan.
This ut ten cents, with bags of tho average com
mercial wcught would haro cost the government
oue hundred millions of bonds. With this amount
of cotton in hand as pledged, any number, short
of fifty, of the beat iron clad etemnera could have
beeu contracted for and built iu Europe—steam
era at the cost of two millions each could be pro
cured every way equal to the Monitor. Thirty
millions would have got fifteen of these, which
might have been enough for oar purpose. Five
might have been ready by the first of January
la3t to open Home one of our ports blockaded on
oar coast. Three of these could have been left to
keep the port open, and two could have conveyed
the cotton across the water, if necessary. Thus,
the debt could have beeu promptly paid with
cotton ut a much higher pri e tbau it cost, and a
channel of trade kept open tiU others, and as
many more as necessary, might have been built
and paid for in the same Way. At a cost of less
then one months present expenditure on our
army, our coast might have been cleared.
la this way cotton, as a great element of power
at oitr command —such an element as no other
people ever had might have been used, not only
in breaking up the blockade bv our own means,
without the aid offoreiga intervention, bntiu sup
plying the Treasury with specie to pay interest
on their bonds, aud thus keep up tho credit ot the
Government. The public credit is as essential as
subsistence iu war. Such ut least was, and ia my
opinion. 'I he Government, bowevea, took a dil
ferent view of the subject. Mauy thought it ua -
constitutional. Some iooked upon it as a project
to relieve ihe planters. Others thought it nothing
short of a South Bea speculation l considered it
then and now, just as'constitutional as to give
bonds for gunpowder, or to buy other munitions
of war, u was not with t» view to relieve tho
planters, though its incidental accommodation to
them would not have been objectionable; but
with tho view of wielding effectually the element
of the greatest power we could command, that 1
wished this course adopted. This resource, then ;
this element of power, we still hare—though no:
to the same extern. There ia enough, however,
to effect wonderful results, if property used, as it
cun he. We may have lost a year or two, but we
are far short of a seven years war yet, YViih our
ports open many of tho presetstevils and hardships
of the war would be relieved. We would no longer
have to give fifty dollars for a bushel of Liverpool
salt, or ten dollars for the roughest sort of shoes.
With ports open and this staple in hand, we
should be much better able to make it a Peiope
sian struggle, if car ouemy choose so to make it.
This view, and one other idea 1 presented to the
people at Sparta, upon the subject of cotton,
which I will repeat here.
Many to be met with, suppose that by abandon
ing the growth of cotton aud burning what we
have, we can force our ieeogoition abroad. This
1 told the people there, and tell yon, is in my
judgment, a radical and fundamental erre.—
England will never be controlled by such a policy.
Ocr cotton should be treasured up aa gold— more
than sold—for il is more powerful as a smew of
war, than gold is Like gold and everything else
of value, it should be destroyed’if need be, to pre
vent its falling into the hands of the enemy, but
with no view to a foreign policy, nor should the
production of cotton be abandoned, with such a
view. You could not please Lord Palmerston
better then to let him know that there would not
bs grown a pound of cotton in the Southern Con
federacy for twenty yeats. Tbe power of cotton
is weil known to aud felt by British Statesmen.—
Thoy know it is King iu its proper sphere, and
hence tuay want the seep're of this King for tneir
own use. The great err *of those who suppose
that King Cotton would compel tbe English Min
istry to recognize our Government and raise tho
blockade, and who still look for the same result
from the total abandonment of its culture,consists
in mistaking the nature ot the Kingdom of this
Potentate. His power ia commercial and finan -
cial—aot political. It has betm oue of the loading
objects of Lord Palmerston ever since lie has been
iu office to stimulate the production of cotton iu
his own dominions —or those ol his sovereign—so
as not to bi dependent upou us for u 3Upply.—
This hi canuot Jo to any extent, while hia inex
perienced producers have to compete witb us.—
Cotton cau be raised in their East India posses
sions Ind those on the Western coast of Africa
at 16 or 20 cents a pound; but it Canuot be
raisid there profitably to any extent in competi -
lion with us at SorlOceLts. HassuredboweVer
of no competition from this quarter they could,
or it is believed would, after a whiie, get to pro
ducing it as cheaply as wo can.
lmproveaieuts in Agriculture are slower in
their progress than in any other department of
life. No oue can safely or wisely say bow cheap
ly cotton way or may not be grown in those
countri-a, with a lew year’s absolute control of
the market, nor that toe qual ty of the article
may uot be us good. No one cau tell what may
be effected by improvements in agriculture and
the introduction of new varieties suitable to
climate and soil. More mouey can be made here
by growing cotton now at 8 cents a pound, than ]
could bo made at 18 cents forty years ago The
0 luy is also greatly superior to the old bines
ei . More persons can now pick 300 pounds a
i y . tin could pick 100 when 1 can first recollect;
am 01 tifiod and horse or mule can cultivate
twice wv - J.ch land. It is u great mistake; l think,
tos*g|r «i'toncannot be grown as cheaply,
and-*? ti. ood a staple —tine a fibre—in other
con-i. fkjLican in tb s-not in uli places
wire. 1 v . town, but in some. There is
noth t o' tieboupdaof human knowledge
on wir D . r.< e can be placed with such cer
tainty as'io result ,ns ujonthe laws of nature.
It is on these laws governing the races of men.
that our institutions ale based. Hence, we felt
so sure of our ultimate success. And there is
nothing better sscrrtained in the Floral Kingdom
ti aii.tnat ou the game geo ogica! formation,
within the same lines of ai. 1
climatic conditions (either from Altitude or Lati -
tude) the same spevie; and varte’ies of plants
will grow, each prodneing its like under similar
cultnre to as great perfection in oae hemisphere
ac the other, and upon one continent as another.
,‘1 e have oneAdvautage in the production of col
ton which thlj have notin the British Frovincts.
this has no reference to climate, soil or varieties.
It is our system of labor. On our advantage in
thi* particular, and to this extent (which is no
iccons.derable .tem) we may rely in looking at
th* prospect of competition in the future, with
these coaotriss, should they, by a continuation
of our blockade, or our necessary abandonment
of tbe culture for a time, have the market ol tbe
world to themselves. ~ . , . , .
We should not, therefore, think ol abandoning
the production of cotton, with any idea of there
by advancing our interaita—politically abroad.
This would be but playing into the hand* of those
power* who are trying w break it uowa. We
have had to curtail ti, and shall have to curtail it
while the war iMta—especially while the blockade
continues. Duty and patriotism as wed as neces
sity, require this The first great object es ail
now, should be tu sustain onr eauae; to feed, as
wc.r&s ciolh£ men in the field. To do this besides
raising sufficient provisions for nome consump
tion, wiii necessarily require larger grain crops,
Io have an abundance lor borne consumption and
for the army, sboaid be tbe object ot every one.—
This is dictated by the highest considerations of
home pokey, and not from any view of advancing
! our interests abroad. Oa tbe contrary, afteT snt
! Scient provisions are made tor bom* consumption
and to supply the army, tbe more cotton that can
be grown the better. How to regulate this, I
know i* a diScnit matter, Wfc»a tt* duty reft*
VOL. LXXV.-—NEW SERIES VGL. XXV* MO 47.
r pots aU alike io grow gram and raise stock for
‘ood, some may be disposed to uegiect it. How
to meet tl. s difficulty, is iiseii a difficult question.
It might perhaps be done by each State’s passing
« sin. iar law upon tho subject limiting the pro
duction of each hand engaged in its culture. This
would require concert of action. V. hat the
limitation should he. I am not prepared to sa,.
I have not the aecessaiy estimates and statistics.
On the subject of Foreign recognition, Mr.
Stephens said he saw no change in the prospect.
Foreign governments, hd thought, tvete very
much disposed to stand aloof from tins cooteri.
lie did not believe they ready sympathised with
either side—he meant the ruling classes. The
musses ot the people, uud the commercial inter
ests generally, he thought did sympathise with us.
Not so with their rniors. They care but little lor
ihe success of either the North or the South.
Some of our people were disposed to think that
their sympathies were with the North, while the
Northern papers were eburgiug them with sympa
thy for us. He thought they had no kindieetfugs
tor , ilher, but rather rejoiced to see Republicans
cutting each others throats. Ue thought the re
mark reported to have lately been uttered by
Carlyle in bis quaint style, ouioo.-iad iu u uu label i
the Diplomatic .eeliug’, '7.. to ye towuids the
cause ou both sites. The remark was that, “it
was the foulest chimney that had been ou fire for
a century, uud the best way is to let it burn it
self out.”
They were aguinst Republicanism. They are
hostile to the principle that man is capable of self
government. They are doubtless iu hopes that
this priuoipie will be extinguished ou both sides
cf the line before the coutesl ends. They wi re
wise enough to see that the North (Irom the course
commenced there) would soon ruu into uuarehy
or despotism, and they are perhaps looking for
the same fate to beful us. This hue usually been
the late ot Republics; and.oue oi tbe highest du
ties we have to perform to ourselves amt posteri
ty, wns to see that their expectations shall fail So
far as we are concerned. We have a high mission
to perf .rin ; aud Mr. Stephens trusted the people
of the South would prove themselves equul to
the task of U3 performance. We our indepen
dence to achieve, and our constitutional liberty to.
mamtaiu. With us now rests the hopes ol the
world. The North has already become a despot
ism. The people there, while nominally free, are
m uo better eouditiou, practically, than sens.—
Tbe only plausibility they have lor yhe war, is to
make tree meu of staves, and those ot an inferior
race. While their efforts in this unnatural cru
sade thus far has resulted in nothing but making
slaves oi themselves. Presidential proclamations
supersede uud ect aside both laws and constitu -
tions. Liberty with them is but a name aud a
mockery. Iu separating from them, we qu.t the
Union, but wo resent'd ine coustitutiou. This wa3
the Ark of the Covenant of our lathers. It is
our high duty to keep it, aud hold it, and preserve
it forever. Independence was with us, said Mr.
8., a great object; but no greater than the uiuiu
tainance and perpetuation of constitutional liber
ty. Tfie latter was even more important than the
other. Indepeudeuco was resorted to as tho only
moans to secure aad maintain for ourselves con
stitutional rights. Let both independence and
coutitutional liberty ho kept constantly in view.
Away with tho idea of getting independence first,
uud looking alter liberty afterwards. Our iiber
ties ouce lost, will be forever lost.
On this point Mr. Stephens dwelt at length, as
the one from which be bad felt tbe most appre
hensions from the beginning; but, with virtue,
Intelligence, patriotism, fortitude, and vigilance,
ou the part ojf the people, every one doing his
duty, ai! would yet he well.
m conclusion, he again appealed to ail, in
whatever position in lite, to do their whole duty;
the soldier in the fielß would do ims; let the plant
or, the tradesmuu, the tanner, the Rboemaker, and
ull at home, do theirs.
Let no one think of gains white the war lasts,
except gaining otu independent;” and securing
our liberties; and to accomplish tluso ends, let
every energy oi the whole public, and every re
source of tho whole country ba put forth to its
fullest extent, und utmost capacity.
MUUera uiut sitinga in Uenerai ai the
North,
A gentleman who lately made a trip from Rich
mond into Lincoln’s dominion and back furnishes
the Richmoud Examiner with a description of
what he saw when there ; he also gives an ac
count of the tyrannical despotism which exists in
Lincoln’s dominion, lie says:
“After 1 landed ou the Maryland shore I went
to the house of a planter. Being seated, be began
to narrate the petty acts of despotism to which he
bad been subjected. His house had been searched
without warrant; hig beds turned upside down;
bis private papers scrutinized ; the privaoy of bis
wile’s chamber violated ; ins children insulted, and
his own feelings, as a father, outraged ; his ne
groes corrupted aad bribed as opies, aud bis very
fife and liberty threatened. I went out on the
porch to watch Yankee gunboat lying in view ;
ne came to me, and in an excited manner ex
claimed, “do not stand out Ihera, air; you will
be seen, and in thirty minutea my house will ba
made the scene of an official visit. Gome in and
keep yourself concealed or you must seek some
other place of safety.” Poor man I I could not
hiame him, Ha was liable to be seized at any
moment; torn from the bosom of his family ;
dragged avyay to prison, aad confined there with
out law and without merey. -iny vie miscreant,
ou the testimony of his bribed sieves, could con
demn him as a Southern sympathizer, confiscate
his property, and turn his helpless family us beg
gars upon tbe world. The Black Republicanism
of America, liko the Red Republicanism of France,
is hell-bom: und well migiit Madam Roland ex
claim, “Oh Liberty! YVbui crimes are perpetrated
in thy name.”
WHAT HZ SAW IN WASHINGTON.
We proceeded tu Washington every where meet
ing with the same evidences of insult and oppres
sion. Men cast their eyes around before speak
ing, speak iu whispers and ‘.reatble in the pres
ence of a brutal and insolent soldiery. The first
things striking the eyes of a traveler on approach
ing the city are the Forts. They are more nu
merous than I imagined, but not very formidable.
Thirty-three frowning fortifications stand ready
to belch forth their fires ot destruction upon the
heads of victorious Southerners; More are daily
building. I saw three ou the Folesville side of
the city unfinished and not yet mounted, They
all seem to he in the form of u circle with thick
dirt wails guarded by a deep ditch, and mounted
with fascines (or dirt baskets) to protect them
from them from the attack ot musketry.
The most painful sight to a lover of liberty is
the huge prison, constructed out of the old Capi
tol. With inexpressible pain, 1 saw palefaces
peering from behind iron bars upou the symbols
of despotism beneath. How little did that uoble
army of the revolutionary patriots dream that
before their grand children were men, the hails
coneeorated by a splendid eloquence uud uup&r
aileied devotion to freedom ot opinion and free
dom of speech, should become a loathsome abid
ing place for their sons, charged with no crime
but love for their land of nativity. If there is a
spot on the green earth where the philosopher
should come to meditate upon the lolly, the wick
edness and stupidity of the human species, it is
here.
The Southern and general aspect of Washing
ton hag passed away. Its best citizens are virtu
ally prisoners of war in their own houses. De
spiaing their hateful oppressors, the slreetß have
been shunned as places upon every turn of which
ure seen evidences of their presence. Strangeis
ad citizens of another commonwealth have
haughtily crowded out the gay, beautiful, and
patriotic natives of a by-gone period.
TSS TTBAKNT OF AgOUTION ROLE.
When i entered Washington the same cordial
welcome and greeting was anticipated which
was hitherto extended, but my best friends bebeid
me with terror—they shunned me as if I had
been a mad dog. I sent for one, he came, and we
met in a darkened chamber to convetse iu a low
whisper less the dumb wails should hear and
proclaim the conclave. “You must leave the
city” were aimost his first words, “or in twenty
four hours you wiii be arrested und imprisoned.'’
But who knoos it, I asked. “Everybody will
know it. There are spies in the street ana In the
house, and yoor best friend may bstray you- —
Money had coirupted tfca best, und the dun
geon terrified tha bravest- No man b*?* 18
sure ot bis liberty for a nay, much less a Con
federate. No longer than yesterday they arrest
ed a citizen of Georgetown, aad carried him to
the old Capitol. My advice is to leave, aud that
instantly.” . , , ,
YVe met again by appointment, and it wag
amasing to watch his nervous deportment aud
the anxious solicitude depicted on hi# countenance,
1 entered his office as stealthily as a tbie. He
closed the window bhnd.=, locked the door, and
drew hia chair close to me, that we might con
verse in a whispt-r. During the .'ouvsfoation I
forgot the despotia around an J about me, and
bega Ito speak in tbe tones of a freeman. He
[ooked op in alarm, crying, hush! I coaidjuot
bat ask ia this the land of liberty? At the expi
ration of aa hour, he signified it was time to
withdraw Alter the compliments oftbe evening,
I approached the door, he caught me by the arm
and drew me aside, assumed a listening attitude
for a tew seconds, then turned off the g&», un
locked the door, reoonuQitered the street, aud
bsckoned me to mov* on. We proceeded cau
tiously for two or three squares, when he halted,
frankly jtoid ms he could see me no more, and
hid me farewell.
WOMBS OF MißTtAJfa.
Much lias been said concerning the Southern
Heroines, so much indeed that one is disposed
sornstimeato imagine the bounds of probability
have been overstepped, Not so; too much can
not be said.
The Maryland women are as hrave as any the
ms ever shoae os They ere tbe only noble
spirits I saw who had not veer, eru hed into o.
servile aud cowardly submission to the dfEpotisin...
Everywhere and always they were intensely
Sout eta, otid dared to express it, even in ths>
lace oi Yankee ■fficera In Georgetown ther*
was a dance the night previous to our departure;
in the same Bet was a Mist D ut, from Charles
county, Maryland, and a Yankee Captain, with
whom she obstinately refused to turn, because ho
was such, He revenged himseif by having her
arrested and searched before she reached home,.
A not>ie woman ol Washington said to at
“ go back and tell the South wo'love her yet, and
ud the mean villainy of the Lincoln Government
is unable tr extinguish it 1 intend to have m®
a broach made of the button:! irom Ooniederata
officers, und I ahull we:.t r. n the sire eta of Wash
ington,”
YVo would be happy hers tu irCuant some ol th.#
witty aud brilliant expressions and sarcastic*
thrusts drawn from another highly gd'tod woman,
by tbe boorish speeches ot Federal Colonels and
-Majors, but as we were afraid to commit them ti>
paper, we will uot hazard their beauty and force
by quoting from memory.
\V itb such mothers Maryland must and shall bo
free. Let uo man dooot. it is the mothers who
give shape and cast and mouM to the next gener
ation, ami tho next generation in Maty land wi!
prove tine to the patriotic instruction:, of such
worthy and uev rto be torgottan instructors. In
my humble opiuion, could tbe pressure of military
power be now removed, there would baa tremen
dous rebouud in favor of aa eterual separation
from the North. The men are crushed, insulted
and outraged, but the volcano of ifeiing is only
smothered, and sooner ot later must come forth
in floods oi wrath overwhelming Ih. oppressors
with a fiety indignation.
TBS M RAN NESS AND COBB OPTION OF LINCOLN’S
oFI'ICSKS.
Ou the day we lest Washington,* two : ? :rme«
from the city, Uio stage was arrested all tho
pasrengers subjech dto u wo: . eurch. This
was done bv the detcoi ? ,110 most biutul
manner. The ladies-v/ ...t allowed to occupy
a separate room uniter the surveillance of an
officer, hr- i usiraintd to sit and witness
tbe s nd stripping
Th- ; - requested to retire during tie perfor
- ; no, they must remain. Otio 01 Shorn, in
-arue for so gross an ou: rage, l.id her h ad he
bind a window curiam, winch, upon seeing, oca
of 'be brutes cried out "jiudaqi, ta 0 tl a iurtuin
Irom yottr face.”
Another lady, whose homo was in Richmond,
haviu-; visited Phiiadelplna to toe her o ily child,
was attempting tj make Jier way back Sim call
ed ou Uoi. Pffillibrowu, o! II r >c-r’s Ferry , to give
her a pass, lie not only re u ;ed this, but accused
her of being a spy, and searched her carpet bag
aud basket. Finding nothing there to criminate
her, he used the most insulting language towards
her, and threatened to strip and search her him
self. She sani, “never, never,” aud drawing a
repeater, cocked >t atut Said, “ touch me if you
dare.” The cowardly aad lascivious scoundrel
called in his guards, and after wards sent into the
tent two prostitutes to carry out his orders.
These vile women, through this pink Jof Yankee
perfection, made the most infamous proposals, de
claring if she would consent, the Colonel would
have her conducted ea!ely uto our lines, frt.e re -
jected the proposal with horror, aud remained a
prisoner live days before she could escape. Hach
are the men against whom the South is to tight,
but from such infamy and corruption w haTe
nothing to fear.
WU.vr Hit THINKS WILL BE THE EFFECT OF lU*
uIiMOCRVriC VICTOHI s.
In my jndgnv at, httla ui not; .r.g can ba looked
for from the Ferro cratic party. It would be wil
ling to suspend hostilities to 'negotiate a recon
struction oft 1... Union, lo consent 10 an eternal
separation it will uot uo v. Tho Mouth may ax
pact help from no other source but from God, and
the success of her galleut sons. There is no doubt
in the world that the Abolition Government is
making gigantic effoits to accomplish whatsha
has hitherto failed to do. i saw nothing but the
most untiring activity aad energy in every de
partment. If we can defeat them in one more
great battle, we may begin to look for signs of
peace. Then, 1 bn'ieve th Democratic party will
be transmuted into a peace party, and the plat
form ol R u Word, wh, -.e speech of fits ‘il d of
May, the Now York Herald published or. the day
of election, will be accepted by Dent cratic lead
ers- this is peace or. any terms.
Corrtspondtnce .Savannah Republican.
Deplorable Condition of tbe Army in Vir»
sinia.
Richhonk, Noy. \i, 1662.
The course pursued by tho newspapers in tha
interest of the Government, and thsunpardonable
misrepresentations of officers in tbe y mrtormas
ters’ Department, have had the effect, I tear, to
mislead the people in regard to the deplorable
condition oi iho Army >n Virginia. With every
disposition to give the authorities c.edit tor what
they are doing, I have accepted their statements
ainco my return ta Richmond lor tbe truth, and
have felt the smeerest satisfaction in notifying ta
the public that sufficient supplies of shoes und
clothing had been forwarded to tho army to afford
av.inast temporary relief to the more destitute. It
would now appear that not only the peopio at a
distance, but tne residents of Richmond, who are
in daily intercourse with Government officials,
have been deceived, and that whilst partial sup
plies of clothing and blankets have been sent up
to ti o army, the condition of the troops is still as
wretehed as it can be.
I suppose it wdi be necessary to sustain Ibis
assertion by some show of proof; for it weuld ap
pear that the speculators aud extortioners who
ure growing tat and rich by a l ' unholy traffic iu
the life and blood of their own defenders, require
every statement which involves an appeal to theur
sordid souls to be suppor ca by incontrovertible
evidence before they will open ihetr swollen
purses and flinty hearts.
Let us then proceed w■ th the proofs :
1. The Secretary of War, who ought to be weii
informed upon the subject, in answer to an inqui
ry from the Editor of the Bavunnah Republican,
says tbe government wants all the clothing, blan
kets and slice i the people can furnish
2. An officer, just arrived hore from toe army,
makes an earueit appeal through the morning
papers for shoes and clothing, tie says there are
2,60 0 men in a siuglo corps of the army who are
now barefooted ! This, too, at a time when the
snow was four inches deep in Richmoud, and pos
sibly a foot deep in thu mountains, upon whose
bleak spurs these barefooted men wisro keepiug
guard I Aud this, too, notwithstanding the sup
plies the government liaß sent up to the relief 01
the army ! An appeal ia now made to the people'
of Richmoud for their old ahoes aud clothes to
put on the frozen feet and naked backs of onr de
fenders !
A brigade, compooed for the moat part, if not
entirely, of Houth Caroiiuians, passed through
this city yesterday, many of too men in wh eh
were badiy clothed and destitute of shoes. Their
feet were as naked as when they first came into
the world; and yet they marched over the frozen
streets through a ioiious snow storm, and right
under the eye of the Government office: s by whom
they have been so cruelly and eham fully neg
tected ! They passed along the street just io trfint
of the War Office, whether by design or accident
lam unable to say. Nor do i know what brought
them to Richmond, nor whither they aro going
I only know that the snow clad streets of the t' o “
federate capital have been crimsoned by tbe bleed
ing feet of its own deteders.
Such is the ev deuce. Is it sufficient to reacb
the hearts of the speculator and extortioner ( Ot
course ti is not. They are the bitter enemies ct
the army—the enemies, indeed, of tbs Gon.efer
ate States, and of freedom itself—and ti would re
quire the same proof to make tuen. our friend*
that would to win over the Abolitionists them
selves These soulless extortioners- these sebern--
mp, hard-hearted speculators who go up and
down the earth, buying all the wool and leather
aud other necessaries of lite they can lay the. r
greedy hands upon, and hide them away tor euot
mous profits, they are the moat dangerous and
implacable enemies with whom the South has to
contend in this fearful struggle for liberty. They
are fast destrojin ■ our currency, 1 are doing
ell they can t < put it out oi the power ot the peo
pie to cover the naked feet ana at.,:r- ag limb# of
the army.
That the eartlfdors notopeu and swallow scab,
meu up, is evidence oLly of the inSn te mercy cf
God. They may “flourish for w #s son. ” bat
their iil-got and blood-stained gains will bring
them neither honor or happiness Living they
will be the scorn of theirfellow men, ss thetrai
tor Arnold was, and dying, they wiiicry out, as
Dives did in the pit of the dammd for a drop of
water to cool their parched tongues. When
peace shall have been declared and the army re
turned home, the men .who have gr own rich up
on the suffering 0, the soldier who perilled hia
life for his country, will be branded as Lain
was, and driven out from the waL* oi tne goods,
the scorn of bis felbwaand a vagabond upon the
earth.
Tas Yankees in Nashvillk.— Recent advices
from Nashville represent a strong probability that
that city will be the theatre of active hostilities
within a very few days There are said to be
afiout eight thousand Abolition troop# in the city.
Tneae are under tbe command of General Nagi#y,
the hero ot “Hog Mountain,” near Chattanooga-
His reinforcement# are represented at being out
off on the Louisville and Nashville railroad, by
our bridge burning guernlias. All tba roaaa
leading to Nashville are represented as being
strongly invested by our cavalry, and we have a.
large picked force of infantry advene and from
Laverue. General Breckinridge a headquarters
are at Murfreesboro’, thirty miles from > -
by the Pike road, twenty-eigat by railroad. M
would appear from this aocouot of the situation,
that the enemy in Nashville ia cut off from sup
plies, and is, altogether tn