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' ‘ ,i„y „f March. ] ■i•
t ( 'L < on»titiicnt«. to have an
explanation of the n- ent legislation us
CoSgnoiH. It is my Ho tv, a* one of the 1
tor-, to furnish you. as far a* I “ ■ on
with that explanation. It is my pleasure also, on
this occasion, because I address not only um_
stituenta, Hut those who trom my youth,
been my neighbors, and through all ™u»i
--t dee have remained my friends- .
1 VViU n , ot details
U s presume^everv member of the Congress could
.luiSfout something which he desired to change
or could suggest sometumg whioh he desired
to add. Indeed, this legislation, like all of its
kind, in a government where consent and not
power makes law, is a compromise. Ihe man
who will not be content unless he can get what
in all respects, he desires, will not m ike a wise
] -gislutor or a good cTizen tor a popular gov
ernment. Such an one is only lit to govern or
be governed by power.
Asa whole,the legislation is wise, appropri
ate and beneficial. It required unusual nerve
to adopt it; ran be justified only by an unusual
. risisiund will demand unusual patriotism for
a cheerful obedience. The crisis we ail see.
The nerve the Congress lias exhibited. I be
lieve the people will manifest the patriotism.*
On the subject of the currency two evils were
afflicting the country. First, the circulation
■was too great—it was enormous. It was daily,
tioutly increasing. Enemies without, and tel
ons within, had also succeeded in getting a
large amount of counterfeit notes attoat. I‘rices
were inflated in proportion and unless arrested,
bankruptcy, repudiation and failure were in
evitable.
The great object was to get rid of this circu
lation—to retire the currency. This must be
done without paralysis to the government, and
without collapse in commercial and social cir
Cles.
There were but two legitimate methods of
getting rid of the currency: By funding and by
taxation. The first method must be compulso
ry because voluntary funding the Congress
had tried for more than two years with every
form of stimulant and persuasion, and it hail
failed. The second method must be heavy, lie
cause with a heavy increasing debt, and inflit
«and and induing currency, light taxation would
be not only ineffectual, but tiilling. The two
methods go together, assisting each otlici. We
compel funding by taxing the circulation not
funded. We lessen present taxation by fund
ing the circulation and thereby postponing the
day of payment. Having thus stated the mis
chief to be remedied, and the theory adopted
for the remedy, let us now examine in popular
language and style the practical provisions of
that remedy:
1. In payment of your taxes for 1863 and
13(14, an;! in payment of auy debt you may owe
tlm government payable during the year 1804,
except duties on exports and imports, you can
use any genuine treasury note of any denomi
nation, oil cond I iou that von will make such
payment by the first day of April, 1804, or if
. by that day you will change your t reasury notes
Into bonds or certificates. Now, then if you
do not know exactly bow much you will owe
lor taxes or otherwise, or, if for any reason iU>i
not convenient to make payment immediately,
calculate as nearly as you can, bow much von
will owe, goto Ihe nearest funding agent ot the
government and leave your money (treasury
notes of any size,) with him and take from him
u bond or certificate ot the fact and this bond
or certificate the government will receive at
par at any time tor any such debt as I have
mentioned, payable during life year TB6l.
i. It you have mono money than you will
thus owe tin; government, yon can hand it all
to this sdiuo funding agent, by the first of April
and he will hand you a bond for the full a
mount of every dollgr, which bofid w ill bear
Interest at four pef. cent, per annum, payable
in twenty years, and the in leva-1 payable every
isix months. Thus you can find au investment
for your money at par, without paying five
prices for property. <in this bond you will pay
.110 tax in 1864.
;S. If you do not thus use or fund your
treasury notes before the first day of April next,
then on all the notes,-above the denomination
of live dollars, which you hold on or after that
day, you must pay 11 tux of thirty-three and
one third per cent.—or one third of the amount.
Y’ou can still, after that date, use these notes,
excojit those of lire denomination of one him
died dollars, in paying y«nr taxon and such
other dues to the government: and you can
still fund them iu four per cent, bonds, but
you Can only so use them at sixty-six and two
Kurils ecitU in the dollar. You can use five
dollar notes at par until the first day of July
next, but on aud after that date, these also are
taxed one-third. Notes below live dollars are
not taxed at all and are not required to be
landed.
I. After tho first day of April, notes of the
denomination of one hundred dollars are dealt
with still more severely. I'niil the first day of
April you can use 1 notes at par in paying
vour taxes and iu funding. During the month
of April you can only fund them at one-thinl
rdf. After the first of April they ate taxed addi
tionally ten per cent, per month until in six
mid two-third months, ny the first ot November
they expire. They labor under slill another
disadvantage: After the first day of April a
new treasury note will be issued. It is into .d
--,.l to limit this i sue and thus make il always
good. Now if you have treasury notes under
one hundred doljats. and do not need them to
pay taxes, and do not wish to fund them i 1
bonds, the government will lake them up with
the tax of one- third deducted that, is will give
you two dollars of the new notes for three
dollars of the old notes. But Ihe hundred
dollar notes cannot beexelianged in this way.
So you will perceive you can use the hund
red dollar notes in but two wavs: 1. In paying
.voyr taxes or other dues to the govi rnmeiit as
mentioned. 2. In funding them in four per
, -ut. bonds. Y'ou can use them in either way
belbr« the first day ol April next, at par. You
can use them only for Binding during the
month of April—and then at sixty six aud
two-third cents on the dollar, aud for every
month afterwards >pu lose ten per cent, ad
,minted from Ihe face of the note, until all is
taxed away So by all means fund all your
hundred dollar notes before the first day of
April. These remarks do not apply to the in
leient bearing treasury notes. These are now
bonds and ouiy taxed like other properly—-five
»M*r
Well, you will say one third of the note is a
j,eavy tax, and ten per cent. per month addi
tioiml on the hundred dollar notes is .still
heavier. Atul the heaviest tax is still to be
mentioned. It is this On all treasury notes
above tlie dendtoii nation of live dollars not'used
iu payment ol taxes. or ex eh any e.! lot now
notes, or funded by the first day of _ January,
lStio. a tax of one hundred per cent, is levied,
7*ut if you pay either ol these taxes it is your
own limit, and not the fault of the law. If
. , u NV i 11 be prompt and dispose of the notes as
t have told you. by the first day of April, you
*, t pay one cent, of the tax attached to
.to iu- .- vou d 0 not wish to fund them, and
J* _’.i,„ •■rat of April, exchange them for
will, alter tin - nhiion vou will lose uotli-
Jiew notes mmv >•, : „'„ et oa [ y , w 0 dol
ing, tor although >o *-- • uysentlv show.
l;irs for thtee. yetas lunl , •
these two dollars will be worth as mu. “• V.
more than the three are now worth, .a.-
events, I congratulate you that there can he
no temptation to evade this tax on Treasury
notes. This tax sticks to the notes like sin to
the conscience. Vou may darken with seven
fold darkness, if you will, the secret places in
which vou hide the notes, hut the tax will nnd
them as easily as in the sunlight Vou may
1 »olt lUem awuv in strong vaults aiiti iron s.ia >,
it you like, but the tax will break the strong
est bars is easily as cobwebs. Vou may take
up your notes and fly tM-.' the enemy s lines, or
.toss to the oilier continent. but neither fed
eral bayonets not the ocean's waves can pre
vent or delay the collet lion of this tax. W,r
tnav run until, faint with exhaustion, you
moo to rest ou the uttermost bounds of the
i artli. and behold, this inimitable tax collector
t, s kept with your pace, and, without weati
u-ss is by your side.
“ the currency bill is a general
tix bill- Vou will soon fufiy understand its
.lvov’stous, t*f practical instructions, and I will
not devote much space to its consideration. 1
neat it here as a part of the financial scheme
to u tv the debts and carry ou the Government:
I ‘ 'There is a general tax ol five per cent,
mam alt property except on trea isiv notes.
The niopertv taxed U that which was h, Id or
owned mi the d»y of the passage of the act.
T'be property is to he assessed according to its
value In ISob, uuless it he land, slaves, cotton
or tobacco purchased sin ■ the first day of
January, 186.'. which must he assessed at tlie
xv paid in the purchase
pi. *fn profits iu trade mid business, there is a
' 4 X ot ten per cent., and ou tlie profits
' cout \ iiu<lt? by biiiks mui
’ njpauies in 1>63 and’ there
.tint stt :-' K '' u ' t^yohU-live per cent, ou such
Is also a i-' x
«?sees*. f., w exemptions from taxation.
o. There are a . Idieis and their families,
smedyiug chietly to so -. r operty, and to pro
to vddireb and scluroi t injured bv the
petty i« posseasiou of, or
mietuy, but these
Vow. tfis ituportmd totvu.emhei w . (J hy
taxes at. in addition to ti e taxes
the tax act of ! f*' 1 '
yre to be paid in irfif. *
led, is biUt it force, but tile tanner i c allowed
to deduct the value of his lithe- from the five
per cent, levied on so much of his property as
he lias employed in agriculture.
Will the means adopted accomplish the end
proposed.' Will the currency be retired?
The circulation ot non-interest bearing trea
sury notes on the first day ot January, 1861,
amounted in round numbeis to ,oU.OOO, 000 of
dollars. lam satisfied that the ch dilation on
the first dav o! April next will be nine hundred
millions. If the people do not fund and ex
change their notes, as provided By the law.
they will all be taxed out of existence, except
about eighty millions of the denomination of
live dollars and under by the Ist day of Jan
uary next. 1 assume, therefore, that these old
notes will be either funded or exchanged. The
hundred dollar notes will all be funded or
used in payment of taxes. They cannot be ex
changed. This will compel a large funding,
say 200,000,000 over and above the amount
absorbed by taxes. The taxes for l&bo have
not yet been deducted, which will amount to
one hundred millions. The old law will raise
one hundred millions more for 1861. The
new tax bill will raise two hundred millions,
and perhaps more. There will be left three
hundred millions, which will be exchanged for
now notes, which will retire one hundred mil
lions. This will reduce the circulation of nine
hundred millions to two hundred millions.
Let me recapitulate':
Circulation out 1.-t April, 1 -<; 1. $81)0,000,000,
From this de iuct— ——
1. Taxes for 1-du!, 100,000,000
2. ’faxes lor 1804 underact of W,:;. 100.01t0.000
■’>. Tuxes for 1*64 under act oi l 864. 200.00ii,U00
t. Amount funded by act of 1864,
above amount required to pay
taxes. ’ 200,000,000
One third of the balance as tax in
exchange for new issue. 100,000,000
Making a total absorbed and retired
of 700.000.000
Leaving a balance in circulation of
only ’ $200,000,000.
This balance of two hundred millions will be
all of the new issue, and in addition to g' 'ting
rid of seven hundred millions of genuine circu
lation, we get rid of the millions of counterfeit
notes in circulation, and which have also
swelled the currency. The amount thus left
in circulation is not to be increased except as
may be absolutely necessary, and (lie necessity
is to be avoided as fur as possible, for the Sec
retary of the Treasury is authorized to meet
the future wants of the government by the.
sale of bonds. And most tempting bonds are
offered for this purpose. They are to run thir
ty years, to hear six per cent interest, payable
semiannually, in specie or its equivalent, and
to be for ever free from taxation. All the
present duties on imports And all future duties
ou exports of cotton, tobacco av.d naval stores
are pleged tor the payment of this interest.
Nor have 1 included in my calculation the
large amount of notes that cannot get to (tea
Treasury to be paid, funded or exchanged.
They are in the enemy’s Hues.—many of them
held by our enemies, and many carried away
by blockade runners. Thousands, yea, millions
ol them w ill be cancelled by the one hundred
per eent.fctax to lake effect on them In January
next, and ns to (hat extent we will not have to
give two for three, the circulation will be still
further reduced.
In any event I calculate the legislation will
reduce tlie circulation from !);)O,0O(),000 to
200,000,000, and will certainly get rid of all
the counterfeit notes in circulation. If these
results do not follow, my e.xpeetatio'ns will be
disappointed to the extent of the failure. Cer
tainly very great results iu this direction will
follow. And will they not fie glorious results ?
Did any legislation in the world's history ever
do more'?
And how much are you damaged ? Suppose
yon do not fund your notes before the first of
April, and thereby lose, nominally, one-third
of the amount, by exchanging them three for
two ? Don't every mail see the new notes will
bo wortii more than three dollars in the pres
ent issue ? Is it not plain that two dollars of a
circulation of two hundred millions an worth
more than three dollars of a circulation of
nine hundred millions ? Will they not buy
more ?
Don’t be in baste, therefore, to get rid of
your money by buying property. It is the cer
tain wav to pay actually the tax of one-third.
Traders have taken advantage of the simple but
natural panic which they knew this legislation
would at first create. They have added 011 tlie
thirty three and one-third per cent., and iu
many instances far more than this, to the price.
of their properly. .When you buy, therefore,,
you eerttiianly pay the tax. and in many cast's,
you pay that tax, four-fold. Besides, yon
will find that in a few months, the proper
ty, for which you now pay so extravagantly
just to get rid ol your money, will have to be
valued in the new and reduced currency, and if
you wish to sell it, you will be able to get not
more than one-half, one-fomth, or perhaps, one
tenth of what you paid. You can out wit the
selfish trader, if you will. Let him keep bis
goods, wares and merchandise until he must,
sell them lor the new currency, and then he
must do what he has not done lately -spend a
little time com.ting his gains on tiro wrong
side. .
Five per cent, on properly valued as in 1800,
and in the present enrrenev, is not an extrava
gant tax. Ten, fifteen or twenty-five per cent,
on actual profits ought to he most cheerfully
paid. No man should complain if he ’hall to
pay all his profits 1 Many have not made prof
its during this war, and yet pay taxes and com
plain not.
Thus without stopping the government, with
out shocking commercial credit, and without
serious burdens upon the people, we shall in
one year, extinguish five hundred millions of
the public debt, retire two hundred millions of
currency besides, and reduce a circulation of
nine hundred millions to two hundred millions 1
Nor are those all the glorious results. This
very reduction of the currency will lessen the.
prices of subsistence to both the government
and the people, and will reduce one-half she
annual expenses of conducting the war, and
double in value the pay of the heroic defenders
of our homes and liberties. Still more: This vig
orous legislation will awaken tresh confidence
and zeal in our own borders, and will carry
startling eonv'u.tion to our enemies and to tlie
world of the practical wisdom of the govern
ment which enacted it, an the determined earn
est ness of Hu-people who responded to its re
quirements.
But it mailers not how wise or unwise may
b: the legislation of Congress on the finances,
we. must have military successes or all else is
valueless. ,
Whether our treasury notes Ire many or few",
they rest at last on the credit of the Govern
ment, and no government can have credit
which cannot maintain its existence against
the assaults of external foes. But the efficien
cy of the army must depend very much upon
the laws ot the Congress, and 1 will therefore
explain briefly what may in stiictness be
termed the military legislation of the late ses
sion.
1. The first act tance is the general
military bill—" the act to organize forces for
tlie war." This a. i conscribcs for the war all
persons hr tween the ages ot 17 and fit).
Those above -to ami under 18 are,
however, to be organized only for local
defence and for home service. The object is to
take tJis thousands of regular soidVrs who are
iw.'v acting as agents, laborers, and employees
cm post diii.V, nqd in forcing the various laws
of Congress', and return them to the field fin
al live service, and require these local duties to
lie discharged by ilc'Sc icr- able to pel term lield
service.
The number of actual exemptions from st rv
iee is much lessened, and the president is au
thorized. by special exemption or dot ail, to e.x
tend the list when it appears the applicant can
render more service fi! home than in the field.
All who are exempted arc upon tlie express
ground of the public good and not for individ
ual benefit, and if they do not labor iu rood
faith, for the public good, they ought to be,
and will be. put in the service.
•>. 'The repeal of the exemption granted to
persons who had already' employed substitute
operated hardly in some cases. But bauds. and
not choice made the repeal necessary. Thousands
had certificates that they had employed sub Li
totes who ready had not furnished them.
Thousands furnished substitutes, known to be
•worthless. Four out of fivgof those employ
ed us substitutes, deseited. Vou who live m
the country enu form- no conception ot the
abuses practiced ou -the government under this
privilege of employing substitutes. 1 greatly de
sired to restrict the law so as to respect the ca
ses of such as had acted in good faith, and
whose substitutes made good soldiers, but Ihe
majority thought it best to get rid entirely of
the system. The agricultural clausein the rnN
itary, bill w ill perhaps, relieve the greater pot
tiou of those who are entitled to consideration.
S. The law regulating impressments has been
amended to meet a decision of th supreme
Court of Georgia. The Commissioners are
still authorised to tlx as. iiednle of prices. Ail
who are not willing to accept the prices fixed
by this schedule, are entitled to have a local
appraisement at the-time and place of seizure—
each party having the right of appeal t ■ the
Commissioner-, whose decision shall b final.
Malcon etits have used lids law mo." hulws
triouslv to create dissatisfaction v.fth tit •.iov
erumeai. 'aw. I wish here t> state few pr* p
cfcitions which should only satisfy the pri>-
pie with tie law. butwni<*i stu aid shame
liter-v who have used it a* a pretext for charg
ing oppression on the Governmeut.
1. Tie great purpose ot the law is not to op
press the citizen, but to protect him from op
pression. Such, also is its effect.
2. The law was not intended, and docs not
intend, to place the military above (fie civil
power; but does in all respects, and by express
provisions, keep the military subordinate to
the civil power. The military officer is not
permitted to judge, in a single instauce, cither
how much subsistence he can take from the
eitizeu, nor how much shad be paid as just
compensation. These, and all like questions,
are expressly to be decided by neighbors or by
commissioners in no way connected with, or
controlled by, the military authorities.
No officer ha.-; a right to impress any prop
erty except in case of “absolute necessity:” nor
can he impress at all, except when the
property absolutely needed cannot be procured
in auy other way'.
4. L ntil -■* late act. to which I shall allude
directly, no officer could impress auy thing
from any citizen but his surplus; and no officer
is allowed in any case, to be the judge of what
is a surplus. This question must be determ
ined b y disinterested neighbors; and from their
decision ou this point, the officer can have no
appeal.
No officer can impress anything without
paying jost compensation, to be ascertained in
all cases by disinterested neighbors, or civil
comrai-ssioners, and in no case to be determined
by tine impressing officer.
if. therefore any property has been impressed
contrary to either of these propositions, it bus
been illegally impressed: and the fault is with
the. officer who acted without law, and with the
citizen who submitted without necessity, and
w?;hout reporting the officer who thus violated
tbt- law. and who, for such violation, is subject
tf> be croshiered and put in the ranks.
Whoever attempts to seize your property
contrary to the law is a trespasser and, as such,
you have a right to treat him, and the law and
the Government, from the President down, will
approve and protect you in so treating him.
Umier a recent act authority is given to make
pecii',l impressments ot meat for the army.
If a man luih the usual supply for his family
sufficient for one year, a portion, not to exceed
one-half, may be taken. But the necessity
must be made plainly to appear, and the man
lier of impressment is very carefully guarded.
I hope it'may never be necessary to execute
this law, but if it he. necessary to execute; it to
tlie fullerzt extent,it will only amount to put
ting the people ou half rations, ot meat, and
If has been the lot of our gallant army often
and for w eeks together. Are we at home more
entitled to full rations than they ? Besides we
can ge t vegetables, and many other things
denied to the soldier. Let it be our pleasure
to live on less if our country Shall so require.
An Act was also passed authorizing the im
pressment of free negroes and one-fifth ol the
male slaves within the military ages. The ob
ject is to employ them as cooks, wagoners ami
laborers generally about the camps and in the
aruij. It, is believed that this arrangement
alone will return twenty thousand soldiers to
their muskets who are now discharging services
which negroes and slaves can discharge as
well.
4. The last act to which I deem it necessary
In allude is t he act suspending the writ of Habeas
Corpus. 1 could not approve this Uw. • The
suspension to a more limited extent, I admit
was required. Tin; public safety in a few looal
ttes and ill a few given cases demanded that
this- writ should be supended. The suspension,
though not general, is too general, as I think.
It i *ie great writ without which nothing else
can secure liberty, and I would touch it ten
derly. 'But I allude to the subject now chiefly
to say that in my opinion there need be no un
easiness with patriotic people on account of
this suspension.
The President, Is a wise, prudent and safe
man, and will use no power greedily, or with
unnecessary oppression; and I predict that no
man will bo unjustly deprived of his liberty
during the present suspension of this writ.—
Again, the sbsji ension of Habeas Corpus does
not, and cannot, authorize or justify an illegal
arrest, He res, tea no star chamber court, and
gat es license to no lettres de catchet. There
fore. i shall, submit to this law, and sincerely
hope no issue will be made upon it, especially
in advance of its abuse. Good men need not
fear, but spies would do well to depart and
traitors would do equally well to keep quiet.
Then de of safety now is to be above su.-picion.
Several other important measures were
adopted -especially some of a commercial
character, but ins they do not affect you per
sonally and immediately I need not review
them.
Thus, my friends have I briefly brought in
review before you the most important acts of
legislation adopted by the Congress at its late
session.
The session was short, the work has been
.great. This legislation will he memorable in
history. It has no precedent because the cir
cumstances which demanded it have no paral
*el. it must fix beyond change the character
ot the Congress which enacted it. It must
demonstrate above example the patriotism, aud
1 trust, establish forever the liberties of the
people who will obey it.
I now propose to add some reflections of a
more general character, having reference to
the issues now presented by this struggle, the
manner ol meeting those issues and the pros
nects of a termination of the war. In doing so
« -shall give* expression to some opinions long
aud earnestly entertained, and which, though
often expressed to individual friends, and, per
haps, ini imated on a tew public occasions, I
have never before discussed in any public ad
dress.
The occasion of secession was the election of
Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency in 18li0, But
that election was not the cause of secession.—
The cause was the idea which became domin
ant bv that election. The idea was believed,
by the States seceding, to be not only hostile to
but inconsistent with, the existence of State
Sovereignty, State equality, and individual
rights as secured by the States, and respected
by the Federal Constitution. This idea was
made dominant by a,sectional organization; so
sectional in principles and purposes as neces
sarily to exclude from its membership the
States and people now composing the Confed
erate States. To submit to the administration
of a common government upon such an Idea,
and by such an organization, was felt to be
submitting to an enemy— not only a political
party enemy—but an enemyfin principles, in
feeling ami in fact, and to State sovereignty
and individual right. Submission to such an
enemy implied superiority in tlie governing
and inferiority in the governed. Here lies the
true main spring of Southern secession. Noth
ing less than this conviction could ever have
induced the people ,of these States to have brok
en up a government to which they were so
earnestly devoted. Different degrees of evi
dence were needed to bring she different. States
and different individuals in each of the States
to ,hls conclusion. Some were satisfied by the
previous history of the organization and the
public declarations of its chosen chiefs. Others
waited for official action. Virginia and the
border States refused to be convinced until
actually called upon to join jn giving the blow
which was to destroy fhyir own sovereignty.—
But all when convinced, took the same action.
Between tjie two divided parts soon erected
into two separate wholes, three years of war
have been waged. It has been bloody, waste
ful and revengeful almost, if not entirely be
yond precedent. A half million of men have
been buried. A half million more have been
wounded. Four thousand millions of debt
have been contracted, and six thousand mil
lions of property have been destroyed. And
what is now the issue and what the condition
an,(‘purposes Qf the combatants? As our en
emies are the aggressive party; they alone can
maky the issue. Indeed their will is the thing
t,> he defeated or submitted to; and therefore
their will is the issue. What is that will? By
the progress of the struggle that will has made
manv changes. By every change it has become
darker, more malignant and more desperate,
The issues of revolution always change du
ring the progress of the revolution. As I said
In The words of warning in the beginning, so 1
repeat now as verified the. hundredth time by
history: madness may begin a revolution* to ae
compiish a given purpose, but the greatest
wisdom mav not be able to direct it to thatipur
p, phe issue ot revolution is like the wave
of the maddened sea;—every man can see it
rushing on. but no man can mark in advance
its track. Revolution is like the lightning.
Vnveye cm sec it leaping in sheets of tfarae
Srom the bosom of the angry cloud,but no eye
, in precede its zig-zag flight, and discern whith
er'it will go or on what it will spend its fury,
-meli is the nature and such the history of rev
olutions; and it would, indeed be strange if this
one of the most gigantic, w icked and desperate
in human annals, did not change its issues of
ten and greatly during its progress
At first. Mr. Lincoln declared his purpose,
in the use offeree, to be to retake the forts,
arsenals and other public works which the ee
eedingStates had seized.
He next called for armed men to suppress
an organized, but factious resistance to his
Gov, Foment —a resistance info which, he sa,
States had been inveigled against the will of
the majority ot the people.
He next, and again, and -'till again, called for
grand armies to restore the I'uiou—both he
and his Congress disclaiming any right or in
dication to interfere with the established insti
tution? or to impair the equa'ity of the sepa
rate Slates. Wr.. 'be peopje of the lo eded
State*, did not, and cotrid fiof, eredft sqcb dis- 1
chooser, .because they v.ora utterly iaconkU- I
tent with the means invoked to accotnpHeh
the pretended purpose. On these issues the
struggle progressed until September, 1882.
when anew purpose was announced This
purpose was to emancipate the slaves, aud
thus not only to interfere with, but to destroy,
the established institutions of the seceded
States. Bloody battles were fought during this
phase of the revolution. In tlie summer ot
1863 our arms met with several, and very se
rious reverses. Our reverses have but increased
the malignity of our enemies: and the proba
bility, in their minds, of success hes converted
the heretofore unadmitted hope, into the avow
ed purpose, of conquest. Not only is State
equality to be inpaired, but the very" forms of
State Government which our fathers estab
lished, and under which we have so long liv
ed, are to be overturned: and the rule of one
tenth over nine-tenths of the people, is to be
maintained by foreign bayonets as the oniv le
gitimate popular government i
It this tenth caunot be procured, then our
States are to be converted into so many terri
tories, or. perhaps, into one vast territory to
be governed by commission from the central
power. Our lands are to be seized aud cur
property confiscated.- The negro and the Yan
kee are to become the joint stock owners ol
our homes, the mutually protected despoilers
of our relics, and the mutually assisted rav
ishers of our motuers, wives and daughters.
Our leaders, civil and military, are to be slain;
and, if any, after being robbed and dishonor
ed, shall be perm tted to breathe the air of
these our bright native hills, it will be on the
wretched c ondition that they will submit to b
judged by the Yankee, tried by the negro, and
scourged by the slave 1 1 tell you, my country
men and neighbors, these are not extravagant
words. T.iey but express the necessary and
logical conclusion of that fanatical spirit which
seeks your submission. Mr. Lincoln did not
iuteud all this in the beginning-; but lib'ts the
creature of the idea that elected him -ot the
power that has controlled, and must .continue
to control him. That power is fanaticism—a
disappointed, mail, exasperated and progress
ing fanaticism. Every outrage, to which I
have alluded, has been repeated over and
over again, in the portions of our Confederacy
in the powei of the enemy : ami who can point
me to the single case which Mr. Lincoln Ims
condemned, or the single criminal he has pun
ished ; or name a single press, or agent 01
leader of this fanatical party, who has not ae
quiesced in, or encouraged these barbarities !
If these things he so in the green tree, what
may we expect in the dry'? If these be the
timid invader’s acts w hen we have arms inom
hands, what will be the insolent conqueror’s
demands when we are helpless at liis feet '?
We began this issue with the North to pre
vent the degradation of inequality in the Union.
A majority of our people, losing hope of secur
ing that, sought independence out of the Union.
But the independence of these Confederate .Sta
tes is now hut a secondary question in tlris terri
ble issue—secondary in fact and secondary in
importance. Constitutional government on this
Continent ; the separate sovereignty .of any
State of the late Union; government in any
form founded on the consent of the white race
in the Southern States ; the political, civil and
social superiority, or even equality ot the white
race in tile South ; property, liberty, life, honor,
either social or personal, either now or in hope
tor us or our children ; all, all that any govern
ment could secure, or any freeman enjoy, are
involved in the present issue which fanaticism
makes in this fearful struggle, and invokes a
million of bayonets to decide ! I repeat, not the
form of government, hut the substance of gov
ernment ; not who shall he associated in govern
ment ; hut who shall have State government,
who free government, and who government at
all, is the issue.
Not only to us, then,-hot to every man no)
victimized by fanaticism on this Continent, cer
tainly to every rational man in the United States
the query becomes of absorbing interest: Where
and by what means shall this contest be deter
mined 1 I answer: The contest wili continue
as long as the power and the idea, represented
by Lincoln, are dominant in the Uni
ted States. It will end when that power is de
feated and that idea is repudiated by the people
of the Northern States. The contest can certain
ly never end until that idea is repudiated, and I
do think it can ho repudiated except by the de
feat, at the ballot box, of the power which sus
tains and is sustained by that idea. 1 do not
believe there is any rational hope that either Mr.
Lincoln, or any other representative of that idea,
will ever repudiate the idea or the purpose as
long as he has the power.
The accession of the party, organized upon
that idea to power, was the culmination of that
sectional hatred which resulted ill disiffptirm and
war, and all the consequent evils. The declen
sion of that party and its idea from both power
and respectability, is the only natural, proper or
effective remedy lor those evils. And the people
who did the wrong must correct it. The people
who gave power to fanaticism, must Withdraw
that power, and must repudiate and utterly
crush out that fanaticism. If Mr. Lincoln 01
any representative of his party be chosen Presi
dent in 1864, that choice must he accepted by
us, and by the world, as a popular ratification,
not only of abolitionism, hut of the war, of the
policy of the war ; and of the system on which
the war is waged; and of the'purposes for which
it is waged. Thus ratified, tile war must con
tinue four years longer. On the other hand, the
defeat of Mr. Liucoln, or any representative ol
his party, in this election, will be accepted by
the people of these States as arepudiation of the
war, of the policy of the war, and of the purpo
ses lor which it is waged ; and thus, a door will
he opened for negotiation, which will result in
peace on a basis altogether compatible with the
honor and most conductive to the interests of
both parties. The presidential election in the
United States, in 1864, then, is the event which
must determine the issue of peace or war, and
with it, the destinies of both countries • For
Lincoln’s defeat, then, let soldiers fight, let pat
riots hope and let Christians pray !
Had our arms been successful, in 1863, the
war, as now waged might have been terminated;
But it would have resulted 111 an intestine war
in Ihe United Stales. The present ruling p wver
would ha\e been overthrown, but overthrown bj
violence and in blood. The recurrence ot the
presidential election, during the present year,
will furnish an opportunity for the peaceful over
throw of that power, and for the consequent ter
mination of the war without entirely subverting
society and order throughout the North.
W’iil the. Statesmen ot the two Confederacies
prove equal to the crisis, and. so use the occa
sion, as to end tlie present flow of blood, ami
prevent the further progress of disorder, and
secure good governments to all the parlies to the
contest 1 However maiiv Confederacies may
result between the States of the former United.
States, it is certainly the interest, and ought to
he the earnest desire, of every Slate and of
every citizen in eßcli State, that eaeh Confedera
cy should have a good government; should, he
established upon the best ami surest foundations;
and that the most liberal relations of amity and
commerce should exist between the whole.—
Between peoples, who have a common origin,
speak a common language, have common tradi
tion/, and whose territories are separated only
hv mountains, rivers and air lines, tlißfe"may
exist commercial unity, without political union.
That will be a narrow statesmanship which
docs not comprehend that all tliese Slates, how
ever divided, have a unity of interests; and,
which leaving neighbors .whom God has joined
by soil, climate, productions and relationships,
should seek the'stranger beyond the seas for an
ally.
But this is looking beyond the point at which
wars, troubles and disorders will begin to end,
am! from which new ideas, hopes and energies
will spring—that trysting point of American pa
triots —the deteat of that power, which Mr. Lin
coln is now the representative, at the ballot-box,
and its utter ejection from place and respecta
bility. Until that happy point is reached there
can he neither peace, nor hope, nor any good to
the deluded combatants or their descendants,
except after indefinite war and unmeasurable
waste apd j:uin«
The practical • question then is: What can
ye of the Confederate States, do to aid in this
defeat 1 In my opinion we can do much. In
truth my language is not stronger than my
convictions when I say we can control that
election.
The first agency which we can exert to tTiis
end is to defeat Mr Lincoln's armies in the fast
approaching campaigns. Without this nothing
else, we can do, will, or can, avail. With this,
first accomplished, wc can secure any rational —
even the most desn-able results. Proposals of
negotiations from us, as matters now stand, are
inconsistent with honor and futile lor good.
Mr. Lincoln will nM negotiate, and he is deter
mined we shall not. To this end lie keeps the*
•issue in sueix-shape as to make it dishonorable
even an evidence of weakness—in us to propose
negotiation. Madness is his argument; subju
gation is his policy ; and Infantry, Artillery and
Cavalry are his only fit commissioners. But
Mr. Lincoln and his adherents do not constitute
all the North. There are many, very many,
there who oppose his war, who oppose the sys
tem on which his war is waged, and the purj(ose>-
for which it is waged. These believe that
Christian and civilized people ought at least, to
attempt the adjustment of their difficulties by
the Christian and civilized agencies’of peace-
V>.- cannot propose uegotiairousTo these.because
they cannot respond They cannot now propose
negotiations to us because they are not in
authority. But they declare their willingness to
discuss, to negotiate, whenever they get that au
thority. They will ap[>cal for that authority to
the ballot-box in November next.
Now, therefore, I think that we of the Con
federate States, both government and people,
ought to declare that, it the people ol the United
States will, at that election, withdraw authority
from those who will not themselves honorably
propose, and will not permit us, in honor, to
propose, negotiations for peace ; and will confer
authority on those who are willing either to
make, or to respond, to such honorable proposal,
that wc are then ready and willing to make, or
to receive, such proposal, and to agree to terms
consistent with the honor of both peoples,—
and conducive to the interests of all parties.
Thus the issue will be: Whether the people
of the l nited States will elect Mr. Lincoln and
continue the w ar, or whether they will defeat
him and accept an honorable peace. We can
make that the issue. We do make that the
issue. Let us all agree that that is the issue.—
The people ol the North alone can decide that
issue; and with them must rest the responsibili
ty. T his issue thus made. I believe the people
ot the United States will decide in the onlv way
in which Christianity, civilization, or even ordi
nary interests, common intelligence and com
mon humanity can decide it. I believe the
hideous Moloch of fanaticism and war will be
driven from power, anvl driven so-emphatically
that every hand will he willing to strip it to it's
nakedness, and the spirit of patriotism enraged
at the infamy of its doings, will scourge it as the
tn'ost hateful of culprits’ through all generations.
But suppose they decide otherwise. Suppose
they ratify at the ballot-box this hateful war
and its more hateful policy and purpose. It can
bo no worse with us. We shall have discharged
one more and the last duty in the cause of peace
by means other than the sword. We shall know
even more distinctly our task and our destiny.
Not an arm in our service but will grow stronger
not a sword but will become sharper and keener;
and not a soul Worthy the sunlight of our South
ern skies but will say that war with honor is
preferable to peace with shame, and war in its
direst extremities is a happy alternative to sub
mission to a people so insane with every wicked
passion.
Bv what agency shall such negotiation be
conducted and perfected ! If the main point be
reached, to wit: a willingness on both sides to
negotiate, a removal of all obstacles in the way
of an honorable negotiation, will soon follow, and
the manner of negotiation will be easily agreed
upon.
The agency may be a convention composed of
commissioners appointed by the respective cen
tral governments; or, a convention composed
ol .delegates appointed by the several Stales, or
of both conventions.
Commissioners appointed by the two govern
ments may agree, in preliminary articles, to re
commend to their respective governments the
reference of all or any portion ol the issues be
tween them to a convention of the States ; or,
wflliout the appointment of such commissioners
the States might appoint delegates to such a
convention upon the invitation of the two
governments their Con
gresses. -Hati
Indeed, why may not the State, -as such, in
augutate such a convention ? The object is not
to torm a compact between two or more States,
nor between a State and a foreign power. The
object is to settle a controversy between belliger
ent parties composed of the several States. It
France or England can intervene or mediate,
why may not the separate States, as original
sovereign powers, intervene or mediute in a con
troversy between their own agents? In either
case it would be better, that the intervention or
mediation should be responsive to the invitation,
or by the consent of the two belligerents. It
would be strange, indeed, if the belligerents
could invite or consent to the intervention or
mediation of a foreign power, and not to their
own principals. If the general governments
were willing to such convention of the States,
none hut the States could have any right to ob
ject to such action by their agents ; and the
response of the States would cure any possible
irregularities. But there will be no conflict. —
When the separate States move, the govern
ments will he willing.^
111 the contingency supposed, (the defeat of
Lincoln,'-and'the repudiation ot his war, its poli
cy and its purpose,) I am willing to a convention
in either mode. I desire the concurrence of the
general and State governments in cither mode.
There are several reasons whieh make a conven
tion of delegates from the several States, ill my
judgment, preferable.
1. It will make prominent the central idea ot
American politics, and rescue from all possible
danger the central issue of this war—the sepa
rate identity and sovereignty of the States.
2. Questions must be passed upon in this ne
gotiation which affect solely and seriously
the States as separate political communities, and
as separate governments,- and it would seem
proper that the States, as such, should pass up
on these questions.
3. Since the 4th of July, 1776, questions af
feeling the integrity, tormation
and government, of the separate States, have not
been passed upon except by tire States them
selves, either separately or in a convention of tlie
States.
4. In my opinion questions will be involved
in that negotiation, essential to the permanence
of any settlement and future well-being of all
parties, of which no power can take such'com
plete and appropriate jurisdictions ns the States
in convention. •
5. This mode will furnish tluf greatest safety
to the minority and to each State, since each
State, as is usual, will reserve the right of ratify
ing whatever the convention may propose.
But we need not now discuss these questions,
ragain repeat that the condition precedent to
any honorable negotiation is the defeat of ,\fr.
Lincoln and tQe repudiation of his policy and
purpose by the people of the United States. The
condition precedent to that defeat and repudin-
tion is the defeat of his armies on the battle-field.
Mr: Lincoln will never relent while in power,
because the spirit that controls him is enmity to
sound reason and true patriotism. And ho will
remain in power until his military arm is broken
He will never be able to propose —even to per
ceive—any terms of peace which our honor can
entertain. Nor will he, or the people of the
United States, ever see or admit our strength
until his armies are defeated. If we talk to turn
of peace his stupidity or fatuity cun find no
meaning to our words but weakness. Like the
insolent and self-sufficient Lycurgus, when he
stood all over the soil of thg Carthageninn terri
tory, and thought he had conquered the spirit
of the people,.he would make no response to our
most venerable rnessengeis of ppace except “that
a people who were fit for anything, must either
conquer, or submit to their betters.” Let us do
as the Garthagenians did ; gather up all our en
ergies, and make tlie haughty invader and ruth
less robber learn in disaster what he cannot com
prehend in success, that an honorable people
are never weak enough to submit to force, and
are never so strong as when they have nn hope
but in victory’.
And while-we are under every necessity for
energy, we have no reason to despond. Even
if every other resource had failed, Mr. Lincoln’s
policy and deportment towards us would make
t impossible for us to yield. He healed all our
divisions when we were unable to heal them.—
He gave us the border States after they had, by
solemn vote, refused to go with us. He has re
conciled us to u war which too many of our
statesmen 'did not anticipate. In every trial Ids
folly has been sufficient for us, and that folly
was never so great as now. As if to strengthen
us in the hour of our reverses he intensifies tin
madness of his policy, strips bare the treachery
of his faith, and increases the barbarity of his in
vasion. Lest we might doubt whether he would
make our very negroes our masters, hi^ gives us
in advance a foretaste of their rule, and turns
them over as fit Butler to capture
and ifisult our women ! Fear not. Mr. Lincoln
never intends to restore the Union! He has
never uttered a word, nor did an act, which in
spirit and by effect did not tend to make reunion
impossible. He will compel you to independence
because he has never yet employed his power,
except in a manner which, must convince you
that, in resistance only is freedom, and in sub
mission certainly is slavery.
But in ourselves we were never stronger. No
campaign has opened with fairer prospects of
success to our arms if we but do our duty. *
We had gloomy days in the winter because
we saw that reverses had prolonged and increas
ed the weight of the task before us. The first
word of cheer came from those who have borne
and-rr,ust b?ar that task most heavily—our noble
'army in the field. Before Congress could ma
ture the bill on the subject these tireless soldiers
commissioned the fleet heeled lightning to hear
us the message ‘-we have re-enlisted for the
war.F’ Tennessee led the van in this the most
glorious movement of patriotic heroes ! When
her noble Senator (Mr. Henry) with his face all
aglow with Confederate patriotism, and his steps
elastic with State pride, advanced from his
place and moved that “the Congress do thank
jhe troops re-enlisting for the war from Tennes
see," I never saw the sunshine breaking so pal
pably [and brightly through.the parting clouds.
Noble’Tennessee ! I’oremoAt among th* brave—
Bates'Brigade ! Henceforth and forever proud
names lor Freedom's immortal record What
l-hough the enctuv Head on her soil, aud some of
her own sons prove false to their mother?—
These, her Confederate veterans, arc enough to
cover her with renown. Yea, they have cawed
her name so high in glory that no false son can
ever tarnish it, and no base enemy can ever ef
face it.
Tast as the electric messenger could flash the
messages, Louisiana, North Carolina, Alabama,
and all the other State*, followed in quick, al
most simultaneous, movement until all were
abreast and in line for indefinite battle, if our
toes shall so will it. Glorious army ! Ever to
be honored twelve months men! First to the
front, always in the front, they will never he
found in the rear until returning from the last
struggle with fanaticism, we read on their wav
ing banners the words “Liberty and Honor,” as
the worthy reward of an hundred battles !
Let every man at home emulate their example
and spring afresh to duty.
1 aimers, will you not labor cheerfully to feed
such an army ! \\ ill you hide away the food
when such heroes are hungry 1 Will you delay
to deliver it for a little higher price ! Ifit become
necessary to divide with them, are you not wil
ling to live on halt rations or quarter ratioue as
they have long and often lived ’
Ladies, you have done much, but there is
now a work for you to do whieh none else can
Jo so well. There are laggards still behind.—
Do not, with your electric touch and enslaving
voice, ask them to “stay a little longer”, but
tell them : Go haste to the battle. Urge them
to the battle ; if need be shame them to the bat
tle, tor you and all besides they can love, are in
volved in the issue.
Coats with star-collars and brass buttons were
never intended parlor costumes, :md%oldiers,
who loiter from duty, are not the most trusty
protectors of lovelv women.
'Traders, will you not forbear your gains for a
season 1 It is the season which must determine
whether airy thing you now have, or can ever
hope to have, shall be valuable. 1 will not say
that trade is criminal. But the thirst feu- gain
ami investment has inflated prices and increased
and depreciated the currency. It has discourag.
ed the truest of all men- our soldiers, to see you
so intent upon winning what they alone can
protect v It has weakened your efforts and les
sened your zeal in this struggle. Therefore, for
one year labor to secure, rather tha.ll to increase,
your gams.
And let the doubting and the critic take cour
age and cease complaining for a few months.—
\mi may led badly, but you will never feel bet
ter by hunting lor reasons against your deliver
ance. The laws are not perfect,-—they may not
he as good as you may think you could have
made them, hut the best amendment you can
now make to them is cheerful obedience to their
requirements. Complaints will tlpprove neither
you, nor the laws, nor the country.-*.
Now, my friends all, let us cheer up. There
is a silver lining to the clouds. We have a terri
tory twelve .hundred miles long and four hun
dred miles broad, in which no enemy has yet
found lodgment. If our enemy does advance in
to this interior we can crush him In re. If he
advance not, the scepter will fall from his grasp
at home, and demoralized, divided and despised
by* the people he has so long deluded, betrayed
and ruined, lie will never reach power again.
Then shall peace return in all our borders, and
good will bless all our countries forever !
EAUL IUBSELL A.\D IHE.VLABAMA.
Explanatory Statement in the Horse (,f Lords
—Yankee Claims eor Reparation Repudiated.
In the Br tish House of Lords, on the 16th
of February, Lord Carnarvon asked for further
information as to claims made by the United
Ultajes' Government on the Government ol
Great Britain for damages to American ships
by the Alabama and other Confederate cruisers,
lie censured an admission made by Lord Rus
sel to Mr. Adams, that “Her Majesty’s Gov
ernment jnay well be content to await the time
when a culm and candid examination of the
facts and principles involved in the case of the
Alabama may in the opinion of the Govern
ment of the United States, usefully be under
taken.” The effect of this admission, lie ar
gued, was to encourage the Federal Govern
ment to press the claims for damages -estima
ted to amount to 02,500.000. He thought it
most important that her Majesty’s Government
should bring this matter to a settlement one
way or tlie oilier.
Earl Russell, in reply, expressed his indebt
edness to the noble Earl for enabling him lo
clear up a misconception, which, as it had af
fected his (Earl Carnarvon's) mind, may al.-o
haw.; affected others in the same way- lie then,
proceeds to say :
“My lords, her Majesty’s government have
always maintained that they were iu no' way
responsible for the hostilities against the mer
chant ships of the United States committed by
the Alabama. We have maintained that posi
tion from the begining ; we shall maintain it to
the end. The noble Earl seems to suppose
that in a letter of mine of Ihe 20th of October,
1 admitted that these questions would after
wards be referred to a commission. My lords,
I admitted nothing of the kind. 1 stated then,
as 1 have already stated, that her Majesty’s
government was not responsible for the acts of
the Alabama.
The United StMes Minister may have in view
some kind of commission or arbitration ; but
her Majesty’s government have never consent
ed, and never would consent, to a commission
or arbitration. According 10 all the principles
of international law, her Majesty's government
are in no way responsible for tin; doings of the
vessel referred to. There lias been a question
of a commission, but we liave always thought
that a commission would* be of no use, pecans ;
the United States would be sure to propose that
tlie case of the Alabatna should be referred to
that commission, and it is quite impossible that
wo could consent to that. Therefore we have
never proposed what under ordinary circum
stances would lea ]>roper course—we have
never proposed a commission 10 consider the
respective claims of the subjects of each coun
try, and which the United States government
intimated they were ready to agio.; to, because
we knew that it would be proposed to include
the case of the Alabama which we we v; ere de
termined not to consent to. 1 say, therefore,
the government may well await the time when
a calm consideration of the principles involved
in the case of the Alabama can be given. liv
ery one is aware, that for a long time there has
been;;real excitement in America upon the sub
ject of tire Alabama ; that she lias been called a
British pirate, and the American nation has
been roused to anger against this country for
the doings of tlie Alabama. Isay that when
the United Slates Government say they do not
wish to press that question further now, it is
fair to believe that a time may come when the
United States Government * considering all the
precedents laid down by their own judges, as
well as by British Judges, will be satisfied that
they have no claim against this country oil ac
count of tlie Alabama. My impression was not
intended to convey the notion that the British
Government would change their minds, but
that, the United States Government would
change theirs when the excitement of the mo
ment passed away. Therefore I goon to say:
The British Government must, decline to be
responsible for tho acts of parties who fit out a
seeming merchant ship, send her to a port or
Jo waters far from the jurisdiction of British
courts, and there commission, equip and man
her us a vessel of war.
_ And I further say that if “ an admitted prin
ciple was ihus made elastic to meet a particu
lar case, the trade of shipbuilding in tiffs coun
try would be seriously embarrassed.” The no
ble earl, in a manner unaccountable to me—
for it never from the time I wrote that letter
until now occurred to me that such a meaning
could be applied to it, and that it could be un
derstood as admitting a future examination of
the case—tlie noble earl says it is desirable that
these cases should not be open, but that they
should be settled at once. I quite agree with
him if there is any amicable way in which they
can be settled. The American Government
says, ‘‘We have a clear and undoubted case
for reparation on account of the Alabama.”
We say, “ We have a clear and undoubted case
for refusing reparation in the case of the Ala
bama. ” Who is to be arbitrator, unless we
resort to that method of arbitration which the
noble earl thinks I agree to? in no way can
this question be settled miles? the United States
should push ns to the verge of war for the pur
pose of getting this question settled. The Uni
ted States Government say, ‘‘We have a good
case, but we are ready to keep it in abeyance,
and to continue on terms of amity and friendly
relations with Great Britain, if Great Britain
will consent to do so. " Am I to say, “We
will not agree to anything of tbe .sort. Why
do you not make war upon ns ? Why not push
your claims to the utmost extremity That
is the case of the noble earl. He says it is de
sirable to have these questions settled, and not
to have them hanging over us. It is desirable,
indeed ; but how is it to be done while the po
sitions of the two countries are so entirely op-
The noble earl seems to be much shocked
because I said that the case of the Alabama
was a scandal and in some degree a reproach
upon British law. I say that hete, as I said in
that despatch, I do consider that, havjng pass
ed a law to prevent the enlistment of her Ma
jesty's subjects in the service of a foreign pow
er, to prevent tbe fitting out of shipping, with
in her Majesty's dominions, of vessels for war
like purposes without her Majesty's sanction
I say that, baring passed mch a law In (he
year it is a scandal aud reproach that one
ct thelrelligeveuts iu this American contest
has been enabled, at the order of the Confed
erate Government, to fit out a vessel at Liver
pool in such way that she was capable of being
made a vessel war; that, after going to an
other port in her Majesty’s dominions to ship
a portion of her crew, she proceeded to a port
in neutral territory and there completed her
crew and equipments as a vessel of war, so that
she has since been able to capture nnd destroy
innocent merchant vessels belonging to the
other belligerent. (Hear.) Having been thus
equipped by au evasion of the law, I say it is a
scandal to our law that we should not be able
to prevent such belligerent operations. I ven
ture to say as much, because at the Foreign
Office I feel this to be very inconvenient.—
Ts you choose to say, as you might have said in
former times. “Let vessels be fitted out and
sold; let a vessel go to Charleston, and there
be sold to any agent of the Confederate Gov
ernment," I could understand such a state of
things. But if we have a law to prevent the
fitting out of war-like vessels without the li
cense of her Majesty, I do say this case of the
Alabama is a scandal and reptoach. Avery
learned judge lias said that we might drive,
not a coach and six, but a whole fleet of ships
through that act of Parliament. If that bon
correct description of our law, then I say we
•light to have the law made more clear and in
telligible. This law was said to be passed to
secure the peace and welfare of this nation, and
I trust it may be found in the end sufficient for
iliat purpose. 1 6ay, however, that while the
law remains in its present state its purpose is
obviously defeated, and its enactment made of
no effect by British subjects who defy the
Queen's proclamation of neutrality.
TUB WRIT OK HABEAS CORKUB.
The Selma Reporter publishes the annexed
very appropriate remarks upon the action of
the late Congress in the suspension of the ha
beas corpus writ :
What is this writ'' It has been ours, nnd we
are now deprived of it—at least for a time—it
may be for all time—and it seems to us not in
appropriate to enquire what it is, that we may
know what is the nature and extent of our loss,
the more especially as it was our birth right,
descended to us by a succession of nearly sev en
hundred years, and hallowed by streams of
blood shed in one of the noblest struggles ever
made for human freedom.
It is called by the sages of English law “The
Writ of Liberty,” “The Bulwark of the Con
stitution.” “The most celebrated writ, in Eng
lish law,” “Another Magna Charla ” It is a
writ by which any one illegally or oppressively
imprisoned or deprived of his liberty may, up
on petition to a judge, have himself and the
person confining him, with the cause of his ar
rest. brought before the judge and inquiry had
whether his commitment be legal, or the offense
bailable, and if illegally detained, he is dis
charged, and if committed for a bailable of
fense, he is released upon giving bail. Person
al liberty is an inherent, inalienable right, se-
cured by our Constitution to every citizen of
this Confederacy The writ of habeas corpus
is the easy and efficacious means of enforcing
that inestimable right. It is the protection of
the poor, the friendless, the stranger, the virtu
ous, tlie good, whelp persecuted by (he rich, the
powerful, the violent, the wicked, the unjust—
they can all fly to it with the fullest assurance
of relief; the lather for his child, the mother
for her son, the friend for his friend—no mattei
how humble, how unknown, how ignorant they
may be—can ripply for, and through this writ
can have the relief which the law guarantees
alike to all. It is both a sword and u shield to
the people. It defends aud protects them
against illegal aud unjust oppression.
As long as this writ is iu force it is scarcely
posible that any man can be deprived olb is lib
erty, unless be has forfeited his right to it by
crime. And the people vrtio have this writ
must be free: we might add, iu fearful conform
ity to human experience that the people who
have it not are slaves Benevolent and humane
and propitious to justice and personal freedom
as has been the operation of this writ; anil
cherished as it is by our people, yet, happily
for 11s its chiefest value has deeu traditional
aud historical—not experimental. As we recur
to its history, the vista of centuries,
proud memories thiong, nnd immortal names
cluster around it. In the first manly, united
stand, made by our ancestors in belmlf of per
sonal right against oppressive customs and un
abridged despotism—out of tlie struggle be
tween a portion of the people aud the usurper
and tyrant, was eliminated the great puiucipie
upon which this wiit of habeas corpus wms
founded, and throughout the long struggle be
tween tyranny and aud freedom in our father
land which followed this writ has ever been a
subject of strife; for it our ancestors made En
gland’s soil red with the blood of Englishmen;
for it they gave up rank, fortune, courtly favor
power—life itself that they might hand it down
to theiiqehildreu as their undisputed and inal
ienable birth right. Ages, thisconflict between
courts of High cqni mission, the Star-Chamber,
Lords of tlie Council, and other arbitrary tri
bunals through which kingly prerogative
sought to maintain itself, and the writ of habeas
corpus, with its co-relative light that no man
shall be. punished criminally but iu accordance
with the forms of- lnw, continued till finally
tyranny was over thrown, this writwas estab
lished upon a firm basis, and the liberties of
the people of England made secure. We have
inherited it from them. Have we also inher
ited the spirit which will defend and preserve
it ?
Those who were obnoxious to kiugly prerog
ative in England, and whom it wished to pun
ish without the privilege of this writ, were po
litical offenders. As we before intimated our
country in the past has been happily free from
such offenders, or the laws which enacted sueb
offences. The single prov ision in our Constitu
tion against treason was all that was deemed,
and has proven to be all that was necessary lo
provide for offences of a political character, uu
til the session of the recent Congress. That
Congress promulgates to the people a series,
of political offences, set forth in fourteen differ
ent articles, from which maybe manufactured
whatever number of crimes ambition, malice,
suspicion, prejudice, or tyranny may choose to
invent; and from all such offences withdraws
the aid of the writ of habeas coipn-i. We have
not space to analyse and comment upon these
fourteen articles. They have to our sense a strong
Oder of the days ol the Stuarts. We ask our read
ers. each to read them carefully, and thoughtfully
and then answer to himself, does he know, or
can he conjecture any offender or offences
to be in the Southern Confederacy which would
require or justify the passage of these laws, and
the suspension of that law which alone renders
all other laws for the protection of the person
al liberty of the people of any avail ?
The danger which would justifiy the suspec
sion of the writ of habeas corpus should be great,
imminent, and necessarily known. The dangers
which influenced Congress in this action are
know to none. Some which are set forth are
obviously mere pretences. If the occasion for
them has ever existed, ithas passed away. Our
people are now more united -more determined
to resist our common enemy—more embittered
against that enemy, than at any previous peri
od of the war ; and that determination and ha-
tied is growing more intense every day. If
there is disaffection, it is not towards the Govern
ment but towards the administration of that
Government. It is tbe people’s Government,
and they have the right to scrutinize and con
demn, or approve the nctiuu of their agents in
administering it. More than this they have not
done, nor do we believe (hey will attempt to
do more except in accordance with law and es-
tablished forms
The Congress say in the act, in strangely
unparliamentary language, “811(1 whereas, the
President having asked for a suspension of the
writ of habeas corpus,"Ac, therefore it was en
acted that the writ be suspended. Had the
Parliaments of England been as complaisant,
Charles would have never come to the block,
nor the English ever have been free. But
though importuned and entreated, and com
rmmded, the Parliament always
denied and resisted the right ofjbe King to im
prison his subjects, or to deprive them of the
writ of habeas corpus; and demanded and ex
torted from royalty the ratification of their de
mand. and the fullest guarantees for this “
“writ of liberty,"at the cost of the peace of the
kingdom, tlm life of the king, and the lives of
thousands of their people. And there It is,
after the lapse of more than two centuries, the
chief corner-stone of the liberties ot a great
people, venerable in age, but fresh in strength
and beauty; and were the Quern of England
now to ask and an English Parliament to grant
a suspension of the writ of corpus, it
would convulse in revolution that vaspnpire,
upon which it is said, the suv never sett*—Sel -
ma Reporter.
A Fepkrm, Opinion or Lincoln's Rkconstrlc
tion Ideas. —A member of the Federal Con
gress, in speaking of Lincoln’s plan of re-con
structing the Union, remarked thus :
The President has presented a scheme for re
construction more destructive than the old
doctrine of State Rights. The scheme was
mapped out by the master builder with a pen
cil dipped in blood. Persons arc to vote just
as the President may direct. The effect was
tbe iron tread of despotism was crushing out
the last vestige of constitutional liberty, and
leaving nothing but desolation. It would es
tablish tbe most odious Abolition OUgatcbyof
a savage and duel character, and it was enough
to fire any titan's veins in wtjicji run a drop pf
Revolutionary bloc*}.
fttOtUKATIOX
BV TUB raNIMSXT OF THE OONFEDYRATB STAVES OF
AMERICA.
*be Senate and Ileus; of Representatives of
the Confederate States of America have signi
fied their desire that a day* mav be recommend
ed to the neople, to be set apart and observed
as it day of humiliation, fasting and prayer, in
the language following, to wit:
‘■Kevorently recognizing the Providence of
(rod m the affairs ot man, and gratefully re
membering the guidance, support and deliver
auco granted to our l'atiiot Fathers iu the
memorable war which resulted in the independ
ence of the American Colonies, and now repos
ing in Him our supreme confidence aud hope
in the present struggle for Civil and Religious
Freedom, and for Ihe right to live under a gov
ernment of our own choice, and deeply impiert
ed with the conviction that without Him no
thing is strong, nothing wise and nothing en
during; in oidcr that the people of this Con
federacy may have the opportunity at the same
time, of ofi'eriug their adoration to the great
Sovereign of the Universe, of penitently con
fessing their sins and strengthening their vows
and purposes of amendment in bumble reliance
upon lli> Gracious ami Almighty power - _
The Congress of the Confederate States of
America do resolve, That it be recommended to
the people of these States, that FRIDAY', the
Blh day of April next, beset apart and observed
as a day of Humiliation, Fasting aud Prayer,
that Almighty God would so preside over 0111
public counsels and authorities; that He would
so inspire our armies and their leaders with
wisdom, courage and perseverance; and so
manifest Himself in the greatness ot Ilia good
ness and majesty of His power, that we may
be safe'v and successfully led through the
chastening to which wc are being subjected, to
the attainment of an honorable peace; so that
while we enjoy thebiessings of a tree and hap
py Government, we may escribe to Him the
ii#nor and the glory ol onr independence ami
prosperity.
A recommendation so congenial to the feel
ings of the people will receive their hearty con
enrrenee; and it is « grateful duty to the exe
cutive to unite with their representatives in
inviting them to meet in the Courts ot the Most
High. Recent events awaken fresh gratitude
to the Supreme Ruler of nations. Our enemies
have suffered repeated defeats, and a nefarious
scliemo to burn and plunder our Capitol, and
to destroy our civil Government by putting to
. death tlie chosen servants of the people, has
been balded and set at naught. Our unities
have been streugthend; our finances promise
rapid progress to satisfactory condition; and
our whole country is animated with a lnpelul.
spirit and a fixed determination to achieve
independence.
In these circumstances it becomes ns, with
thankful hearts, to bow ourselves before the
throne of the Most High, while gratefully
acknowledging so many liieieies, c.Oll (era ifiut
our sins ns a people have justly exposed us to
His chastisement, le tus recognise the suffer
ings which we have been called upon to en
dure, us administered by a fatherly baud for
our improvement, and with resolute courage
and put tent endurance let us wait on Him ter
our deli vol um e.
In furtherance of these objects, now therefore,
I, .1 EFDKU.SON DAN 18, President of the Con
fedeate Btni.es of America, do issue this my
proclamation, calling upon tbe people of the
said Stales, in conformity with the desire ex
pressed by their representatives, to set spurt
Ettin.w. the Bth of April, us a, day of Humilia
tion, Fasting and Prayer, and, 1 do hert by in
vite them on that day to repair to 1 heir several
places of public worship aud beseech Almighty
God “to preside over ompubliccounfels and so
inspire teir armies and leaders with wisdom,
couragh and perseverance; ami so to manifest
llimaelf in the greatness of Ids guoijness and
in the majesty ol'Jlis power, that we may secure
tlie blessings of an honorable peace amt of free
government; and that we, as a people, may
ascribe all to (be Honor and Glory of His Nairn;.’ ’
.- Given under inv hand and the seat
(gy j ) of tin; Confederate Ntutes of America,
“ J ' ) at the eit vof Richmond, on this 12th
*-—>— -* day of March, in the year of opr
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four.
JEFFERSON DAVIS.
By the President.
J. I’. Benjamin, Secretary of State.
DKt l.VfilON <>l- .!< II MIIIIK
Seacqkn S. Brown 1 ! I abeas Corpus, before tbs
vs. | Judge <d the Kuperior
C. 11. Anmikws', j Court of’Morgan County,
Unrolling Officer, J (Hon. 1. L. Harris)
The petition of Seaborn S. Brown, claiming
exemption tioia conscription as the Bailiff of
the Moth District. G. M.. having been appoint
ed by Philip F>l is Justice of the Peace for
said District, on the “and day of January, 18(71,
such appointment being made to till a vacancy
until an election should iako place. BubmitjUM
as evidence the certificate of appointment ol
said Justice Fslis, and the Load given, and the
certificate of the Ci rk of the Couit that said
bond had been given.
* The defendant, C. 11. Andrews, denied the
said S. S. Brown being a Bailiff—lst, because
the Justice of the District had not the power
to appoint in this ease, as the appointment had
not been made in thirty days alter vacancy oc
curred ; therefore the power to appoint passed
from the hands of Hie Justice Os the District
into the bands of the Justices of the Inferior
Court of the county, (l’ar. 1(0 New Code of
Ga.) 2d, Because the bond given by the raht
S. S. Brown had not been submitted to the In
ferior Couit for approval, apd did not bear the
approving signatures of fit least-three Justices
of tlie Interior Court of the county. (Bar. 11.7
Code of Ga.) -.
Brought forward evidence that the vacancy
to which S. S. Brown bail been, appointed, was
many years standing that the Records of
the Court did not show who.was, or when he
was last Bailiff in this District.
The Judge decided—
-Ist, That ti e Justice of (lie district, as lie did"
not’appoint-in thirty days after the vacancy,
occurred had not tlie rigid, to appoint.
2d, That the Bond to be valid should bear
the approval of the Jn (ices of the Inferior
Court of tie; county, wlikh it did not in this
case.
31, That the certificate of the Clerk of (ho
Court, to net Commission, should state if
the Bailiff is appointed and by whom, or if
elected, that he had taken the oath prescribed,
that he had given the Bond required, that the
Bond had been approved of by the Justices of
the Inferior Court of the county—the certificate
in this case did not.
The pel it. oner was therefore remanded to*
the custody of tlie Enrolling officer us one
liable to Conscription
Brau i.vi ib soi Fokbhwdoxingca -Thk r-..
potation oi Cotton and Tobacco. Tlie i rea
sury and War Department of tlie Confederate
States have published a joint circular of the
regulations and restrictions to be imposed upon
tin; foreign trade of the Confederacy under the
recent legislation oi Congress, 'the substance
of these nay be brietly stated for the benefit
of Hie geueral publ-e
It is to lie required of all vessels going out.
of onr poits that onc-lialfof tbo tonage of the
said vessel'may he-employed by the Confeder
ate Goverment for its own use, both on the
outward and homeward voyage. The owners
of the vessels are also required to execute u
boud conditioned that tlie vessel will pursue
upon the voyage designated, and that she will
return with reasonable despatch to a Coofeder
ate port after her outwaid cargo shall be di--
charged with a cargo, consisting one -half ol -
articles not prohibited by the law of the Con
federate Government, and the other ball ot
such articles as the Government shall offer lor
shipment from ‘•itch port.
The freight to be paid by the Confederate
States on all cotton an.l tobacco shipped from
a Confederate port shall he five pence sterling
per pound, payable on delivery at she port, of
destination, in coin or sterling' exchange. Iff .
turn freight shall be at the rale of twenty live
Pounds per ton, payable on its delivery in the
Confederate port in cotton, at ten pence sterling
per pound, lor middling uplands, and at a pro
portionate price for cotton of other qualities.
In calculating the ton of freight by weight.
2,210 pounds shall he allowed; by measure,
forty cubit feet shall be allowed.
If the outward bound vessel shall consent, at
the request of the Government, to take two
thirds her cargo for account of the Confederate -
States, the outward freight shall be sir pmre
sterling per pound; and whenever the Govern
ment is not prepared to fill up any portion of
the tonnage reserved for its use at the time
at which any vessel may be made ready to .
sail, her owners may till up the same on their
own account; hut no vessel shall, without con
sent ol the Government, sail on her outward
voyage until one-third ot her cargo shall bo
laden for the use of the Government.
A body of furloughed drunken soldiers have
sacked a store at Schuylkill Haven, Pa.
The Federal commandant in Arkansas lias
boen ordered to hang or shoot every Confeder
ate guerilla he captures.
A commission bus been appointed by the
federal Secretaiy of Mar to visit the cam,,?
where all rebel prisoners are confined, and ad
minister to them the oath of allegiance, under
Lincoln s recent amnesty proclamation.
.-several New Hampshire regkueoU were or
dered home to take part in the State election’
Gilmore, the Abolition candidate foiGoveraorL
hats beep elected bv 5.U00 majority ||