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WEDNESDAY, - - MAY 9, 1877.
How about a big corn crop, this year
in the South ? _
Mi'SSßiiMiN is a bad came for a bank
officer just now.
“Marblized” cooking utensils have
been pronounced poisonous.
Ben Butler's course is now pro
nounced uncertain. He is hesitating be
tween the circus and menagerie.
Donn Putt is writing Sunday Medi
tations and talking kindly of Grant e
photograph. Wonders never cease.
m
The Nashville American, which pub
lished an obituary of Mr. Stephens, has
burned it and thinks its conscience is
clear.
Old Hen Wade insists on being a
“wah-hoss.” A little ice-water and cold
milk at the White House would toneliim
down. _
Mk. Evabts had a public reception at
Albany, N. Y., the other day. The
Democratic State officers were invited,
but very few put in an appearance.
The Republicans have about aban
doned the idea of controlling the next
House, and are now trembling lest the
Democrats should control the Senate.
The newly appointed Collector of the
Port, at New Orleans, was one of Pack
ard’s Supreme Judges. He enters the
Custom House and the Court explodes
to slow music.
The “Mrs. Rutherford B. Hates
Temperance Society of Washington,” a
new organization, has members so
straight-laced that they want to prevent
the use of wine for sacramental pur
poses.
TnE painful thought has been evolved,
from some journalist’s inner conscious
ness, that the Russian fleet remains in
New York harbor for the purpose of
bombarding the Turkish bath houses
there.
George Francis Train, having failed
to put up the pea-nut market in Phila
delphia, has become an oculist. He
affirms that Ben Butler is the only man
in America who can see a circus and me
nagerie at one glance.
The Washington Capital, referring to
Ohio’s practical monopoly of so many
fat offices, says the Buckeye State is
"the brain of the country." Her office
seekers certainly possess a considerable
amount of the country’s brass,
At the Cincinnati baby show, the oth
er day, some of the infants had false
hair sewed to their caps. Under such
circumstances, we should be pleased to
learn that the chief prize had been taken
by a “snipe of the valley.”
Rowland H. Macey, the rich New
York merchant, who died recently, left
his fortune, 8500,000, almost in bulk, to
his wife and daughter. His only son
was cut off with 81,000 per annum be
cause he cannot support himself and
will take toddy freely.
The Springfield Republican does not
perceive the beauties of civil service re
form in the appointment of a “disreput
able bummer” like Georoe H. Bctler
as Special Agent of the Post Offioe De
partment. As Gkoege H. is a favorite
nephew of Wicked Ben, there may be
more in it thau meets the eye—the or
dinary eye.
A Buddhist temple is to be erected
in New York, and Chang Wing Foo, a
Chinese missionary, has come to con
vert Christians from their theological
errors. The Theosophical Society, un
der the lead of Colonel Olcott, who
burned the remains of Barou de Palm,
favors the movement.
While the Republican party is dying
of the Hamo cause that completed the
dissolution of the Whig party, some of
its leaders hope to get anew lease of
life by galvanizing a corpse. The Dem
ocracy have not walked into the trap so
cunningly set for thorn, and heuce those
tears.
Mrs. Hayes has a Southern policy too,
having appointed Miss Viroinia Peyton,
a young grand-daughter of the late
Bishop Johns, of Virginia, the gover
ness at tho White House. Miss Peyton
applied to Mrs. Hayes for the position
in person, even without a letter of intro
duction, and so pleased that lady that
after due inquiry she engaged her.
The Br.stou (llobr puts it claasically
thus : “Tnrkey is famous for false re
porting, and Russia for reticence aud
concealment." A glance at the tele
graphic dispatches would seem to war
rant the assertion that the Turks ate
lying behiud their entrenchments while
She Russians lie on the open field.
The Infer- Ocean declares that the
stories about Generals Gbant and John
Looan taking command of the Turkish
army are “ links of the same saoaago,
made out of the same dog. ” The reader
is left in ignorance as to which is the
sausage and which the dog. Darwin
bas been called npon to supply the miss
ing link.
According to an article in Blackwood
for April ou the reconstruction of the
French army, France is now able to de
fend herself against Germany, but is not
yet strong enough to attack her. The
French army, says the writer, is now
1 300,000 strong, and can be increased
to nearly 2,000,000. Yet the Alsace-
Lorraine fortresses alone will keep the
French at home for years.
The Western States hare oora and
■wheat for sale and yet they are not hap
py. The Indianapolis Sentinel a* era
that, so far, nothing has transpired to
compensate the great mass of consum
ers for the terrible tax the war has en
abled speculators to impose upon the
absolute essentials of life. It has not
given idle laborers employment nor has
it advanced the wages of those who
Lave employment, and hence up to the
present moment has i&rdfld no reason
why the European war should be popu
bur iii ill© United states.
Tsars ago, Parson Brownlgw beouatf \
sick that he was thought to be in mortal
danger. Bishop Caters, and other min
isters, came to see how he felt when con
fronted with eternity. The prelate in
quirod of the “ fighting Parson" how
he Mi with grave prospects before him?
Br 0 wj>' answered: “ Well, Bishop,
if 1 had M life to live over again, I
oouhl improve it in maDv respects, and
would try to do s*. However, if the
books have been propertj kept in the
other world, there is a small bauuifcin
my facor. ” He lived long afterward,
bat the improvement was not percepti
ble. We hope the “small balance in his
favor " did not turn out a tight squeeze.
It is stated that over two hnndred
thousand Germans, mostly in indepen
dent circumstances, living in the south
0 f Russia, are preparing to emigrate to
the Eu’ited States to avoid being drafted
into the ■T'-my- Taking7.the:usual esti
mate that evt/y “dolt emigrant is worth
a thousand dollar “> State where be
locates, this host wdl
add two hundred million* 0 e pro<
tive indnstry of the State* wJ lch tne J
may select for their homes in this <x. n
try. We also learn that an attache of a j
foreign legation in Washington has writ
ten to an acquaintance in Augusta say
ing that one hundred and sixty-five
Polish families were coming in a body
to this country and desired ito settle in
Georgia. Cannot something be done to
attract these Germans and Polandere to
this State.; It, would pay us.handsomely
to give them land, for in a few years all
the other.lauds in the State would have
their value trebled.
HOW TO TREAT THE PKKBIDENT.
Let the South treat the Preeideut juatly and
fairly: support him when right, oppose him
when wrong.— Augusta Chronicle.
That is our platform; and as ho is wrong
every minute that through frsed be holds the
offioe of Preeider t, the opposition to him mast
be constant and uncompromising, tack an
example must be made of him that nobody
will ever again dare to repeat the frauds
through which he wae carried into power.
N. Y. Sun.
According to this reasoning, the De
mocracy of the oonntry moat make asses
of themselves by opposing the President
whether he does right or wrong. Be
omse we believe thst his title to the
Presidency is tainted by fraud, though
fraud in which it has not been shown
that he had any part, we most abase
him when he releases South Carolina
from the rule of corruption sustained
by the bayonet, and restores local self
government to Louisiana. The Sun is
too rabid to be reasonable. When the
President does right the Democracy
should applaud him ; when the Presi
dent does wrong the Democracy should
oppose him. This is right, as well as
politic.
THE WAR IN GEORGIA.
It has been no secret for spme time
past that the best feeling doee not exist
between some of the prominent men of
this State. If there was any doubt on
the subject it was removed by the letter
of General Gordon to CoL Billups and
the reply of ex-Goveraor Brown pub
lished in the Chronicle and CoNarrru
tionalist of yesterday.. Gov. Brown
charged Gen. Gordon, substantially,
with having sold ont the Democracy
daring the progress of the electoral
count. General Gordon defied that he
had done this, and Gov. Hbdwn &as re
plied repeating his previous assertion
and offering testimony which he says
proves its correctness. We do not pro
pose at this time to discuss the queo
tious of fact growing ont of thia corres
pondence. Gen. Gordon will doubt
less reply to the last attack and the pub
lication of letters may be continued in
definitely. We have this muob, l ow
ever, to say with regard to Gen. Gor
don’s course when the filibustering was
in progress. It was manifestly impos
sible for filibustering to succeed, for
the publio sentiment of the na
tion was clearly against it. If
success had been possible if
the oount had been defeated—there
is every reason to believe that the
country and the Democratic party
would have sustained far greater in
jury than it baa by the inaugura
tion of Hayes. We would have had
anarchy, or anew election. Pending
this election some such Republican as
Morton would have been President, the
Southern States would have been flood
ed with troops, and the Democracy
would have gone into the fight weaken
ed by charges of bad faith, in refusing
to abide the judgment of a Court which
they themselves had created, and by
dissensions in their own ranks arising
from the opposition to filibustering. In
such an unequal oontest the Democracy
would have been defeated, and disinte
gration would have possibly followed
defeat. The fatal mistake waa made
when the Democrats in Congress sur
rendered the rights of the House by the
passage of the bill creating the Electoral
Commission. But if blame is to be at
tached to this act, the blame must be
shared by the whole party, and not sad
dled upon the Congressmen alone.—
Press and people supported the bill, be
lieving that it offered an easy solution
of existing difficulties. They could not
foresee, any more than Congress could
foresee, that partisanship would defile
the ermine of the Judge and that fraud
would usurp the place of justice. When
the decision of the Commission was
rendered no good could come of oppos
ing it, and mueh barm might have been
the result of such opposition.
BREAD AND WAR.
There is rational surprise manifested
that the United States shonld be so
short of a wheat supply at this particu
lar juncture. If we are to believe the
report of the Agricultural Bureau the
stock on hand is about 50,per cent, less
than at this time last year. But it is
monstrous that a conntry so capable of
feeding itself as the South is should be
compelled, year after year, to buy
bread, aud that most of the wheat
ground by Southern mills should be the
product of distant States. We learn
from the Petersburg Index that a vast
amount of Ihe flour cousumed in that
city aud vicinity is breught from the
North and West, and yet Petersburg is
famous for its mills and water power,
A ooi respondent of the Index suggests
that the “adjacent country, iwhioh was
once famous for the grain it raised,
should once more turn its attention to
that cultivation. The Northwest, which
will furnish Europe with breadstuff’s,
may be made rich by the European war,
and the North and East gain from the
demand for arms, clotbing aud supplies,
but the cotton and tobacco of the South
must suffer, and the South will have to
pay war prices for meat aud breadstuff’s
unless she devotes her fertile soil to the
supply of her own wants ia ttiese re
spects. While the South may not be
able to compete with the great grain
areas o the West and Northwest, it
ought to raise enough for its own con
sumption, and thus avoid paying the in
oreased rates which breadstutfs of all
kinds will command in the North till the
war is over.” The Index, in this con
nection, revives the tradition that when
Commissioner Blair, of Virginia, and
his associates, went to England in 1690,
in the InWcrsts of William and Mary
College of that Attorney-General
Sktmoub received them wthe ungra
cious counsel, “D—n your souls, jaise
tobaooo. ” The Baltimore Sun reverses the
blasphemy of Attorney-General Sey
mour, and gives the more Christian and
pertinent advioe to Southern planter*;
“Bless your souls, raise oorn and meat
and whatever else is neoeasary for the
support of you/ households.
It is, we think, a propo
sition that the war now hangiuff tike a
thunder utoud over Eastern Europe,
threatening to tinrolye the whole conti
nent, is a calamity for the Southern
States of this Union, towww* PW
for a time benefit the Worth and a few |
speculators, who thrive upon the mis
fortunes of others. Our people at the
South who are engaged in planting
should pjjrtail their cotton crop and
increase tiwfti gnia and meat pro
duction. In no otfrif way that we
see can t)iey hope to a
grievous and terrible calami If wheas
bread is too high, we can indulge m
oorn cake, and it would be yell for many
persons if they wen compelled to toftpr*
to the Uttar staff of life. If *>®r rice
fields had not been eo extensively aban
doned or destroyed, we could largely re
ly upon that nutritious food, but rice
has become a luxury comparatively, and
earn, at last, is the great desideratum.
Onr Baltimore contemporary estimates
that maize or Indian oorn is eaten by a
greater number of human beings than
any other grain except rice; ita easiyeis j
shows it to be admirably adapted to sob- ,
tain life and to furnish material ior the
growth of both hum a* beings and do
mestic animals. It famishes a large
share of the breadstaffs of oar fanning i
population, and ahhougfc little consum
ed in cities, it largely tootffhptoa to tire
support of etiy populations to ttto *F
of meats, poultry, butter, Ac. Accord
ing to the Federal censns, the United
States produced more than T00.ftt4.54a
1 bushels of Indian oorn in 1870. Illinois,
Indus!'*' low *’ Kentttak y- ° bio * M “'
Tennessee are the chief com
t'odi.'iiva*.,
State, ate ma Wlktl' 1
rior quality of their ,oort jjl
States it is a more general artida of diet
than elsewhere, and is so prepared M to
make H as palatable as wheat.
Not only is R selfdependence
in food that the Booth should
seek by a diversification of her industry,
but a money-production. The Phila
delphia North American, one of the
most influential Republican papers, and
by no means a lover of this section,
usee these remarkable works : “Unless
some change shall occur in the agricul
ture of the conntry the prospect now
seems to be thst the Sontb, which, be
fore the war, was dependent upon the
North for its necessary articles of food,
will become the main relianoe of the
Northern Atlantic States for vegetable
products. It already commands onr
provision markets to an amazing extent,
and yields at the present time a steadily
increasing surplus of grain. Should
thst section be able to obtain the entire
command of two such immense crops
as cotton and wheat, it would in less
than ten years regain all the losses of
emancipation and civil war.
It is lawfnl to learn from an enemy.
Politically the South is powerful in her
solidarity. Industrially, she will be
come unrivalled and wealthy by diversi
fication. Never was there a time when
this principle shonld be more urgently
put into practice, and we trust that
"cotton mad” will not be written against
ns, on the wrong side of the balance
sheet, next year.
CARLYLE AND MARK TWAIN—THEIR
OPINIONS OF THE WAR.
Thomas Carlyle, the great English
thinker and writer, now a very old man,
but fall of mental fire, ia said to have
written the following letter :
Chelsea, April 20,1877.
Feiend—Von ask what I.think of the mur
der-fooleries now emerging to the eastward ?
I must fain respond, as the burly Backer at
the strife of the Athletes, “ May both win!’’
For thus, in perhaps fantastic Kilkeßny-cat
fashion, shonld the maximum of foolishness
be umjftilatedu and Jnfit .of
land, well manured with the carcasses of those
fighting idiots, be opened to the wholesome
forced labor of some new race of Quashies.—
For fighting fatalistic Turk, all impregnate
with the pride of Mahound, not stolid Russian
mnjik, woodenly servile to God, and above
God to Czar, neither of such can fitly till the
earth of Asia or Europe, nor any earth. Manur
ing is their brightest destiny. Tilth there
shonld be, and the true Gospel dictates that
its produce should be shipped raw to England,
there worked up and its remainder in complete
form—as produce plus thought—shipped back
again to Queshy. And have we not a palace
full of embryo kings waiting for a job ? Not
that I would greatly promote the butchering
business ; but since the soldier is already at
his bloody work, let the fates hasten their
thread-cutting (it is enly letting their scissor
blades fly the faster), and let the young ruler
try his baud. Edinburgh, duke ; Connaught,
duke ; Leopold, what matter ? Occupation of
Egypt will quickly give us all those stolen
Quashies of the Khedive’s, who, under sound
English rule, shall at once obey the hero, the
king or Can-ning man, and shall valiantly re
place the weak culture-efforts of those helpless
fatalists and helpless mujiks. Rightly shall
these have succumbed to the everlasting no.
The tools *o him who can use them, ye
idiotic ! Out! No land, no life for such !
The arohlteot is here; away, mud-daubers!
Quashy to work ; an Englishman to govern :
much raw produce to be raised ; thus (if any)
shall this Gog and Magog strife, as prophesied
of old, introduce a real milleninm. Faithfully
yours, Thomas Carlyle.
This sounds not unlike a soreed from
Ben Wade translated into Teutonic
English. We guess from the text of.the
letter that Mr. Carlyle has the same
choice between Russsian and Turk that
the average man has between the devil
and a witch. It is also apparent that
the sublime snarler of Chelsea has pro
foundly studied Prof. Janes’ report on
the fertilizer problem, not to speak of
some recent legislation of the Georgia
General Assembly. The prime duty of
Muscovite and Moslem, according to
Calltle, is to make a manure heap for
futnTe generations, and afford present
profit to the English manufacturer,
As the raw corpse of a Turk or
Russian is to be exchanged for
produce, pins thought, from Great Brit
ain, we may look out for commercial
ventures in that line such as the “Russo-
Tnrk Raw Bone Company, Limited or
Unlimited,” and the “Mahonnd-Mnjik
Superphosphate Association.” As to the
thought to come from Brittania, in ex
change for slaughtered soldiers and the
massacre of women and children, Greek-
Christian or Islamite, it would be well
to know In advance the nature of the
componnd. If it is to be Carlylean,
let the fact be proclaimed upon the
Pruth and Danube, and at Bt, Peters
burg and Byzantium. If Czar and
Saltan do not make peace forthwith
rather than stand such a risk of literary
garbage and pinchbeck philosophy, we
think they should suffer the fate of lu
natics and die as the deg dietb. Let
them be admonished in time and pre
pare for the dread alternative.
Mr. Mark Twain has given his views.
They are not so funny as they might be,
bnt not entirely devoid of sense, and
expressed ip English comfortable enough
not to seem frost bitten. Mang says :
Nicholas is a long-headed man. bnt if he
doesn't keep a sharp lookont all his fat will be
in the Are. But I can't keep the run of the
movements by the oable dispatches. Can t
locate the places on the map. I read that the
ltussiauS will move from Krackyourjawoff via
Bullyboyyonknow on to Crushemallibet. Then
I look on my European map and I don’t find
the places. A European map is like a black
board with nothing on it, leaving the indus
trious Btsdeflf of contemporaneous history to
fill in the outlines. Thp bsrd part of it is that
they'll go on to fightiDg Just as though good
maps were to be had for the asking.
The fat that Nicholas desires is Tur
key fat, and as even Grand Dukes hard
ly prefer it raw, it should be at least on
the fire. In point of fact, without a good
deal of fire, wedonot see how thatTarkey
can be cooked, ala Russe. We advise
Mauk not to exasperate his ponderous
intellect in trying to keep pace with hos
tile moyemouts by reference to the news
paper maps, and a close study of tele-
dispatches- Wo have already
had to pay a monstrous doctor’s bill for
half onr force disabled in tbat mighty
effort. The best way to do is to take
everything for granted, just tike Theo
ppux Hook, who not only expreesed his
'Willingneag to subscribe to the 39 Arti
cles, but piously jriibed he could swear
to The iyh<? fm P re P ared
himself to £gbt through this *ar, jf it
takes him ail SuuHßOr, by referring to a
Herald map, should be instantly seized
by his philanthropic relations and plung
ed daily into an ice bath, followed by
oopious doses of bromide of potassium.
Tt\e disease ia terrible; the remedy must
be as to /ive Russians and ten
Turks.
“PoTEETy,” says Lord Litton, is only
an idea," Wp toil# it to’ * bad dream
realized.
A Riohmonb merchant says (four is so
high because there is a rising in the
y-east. That merchant should pull
down hia west.
to t)?e Southern Loyalist Convention,
Jjjd at Fhiiatofehia m September, 1866,
Parson Bsownlow ended 3 speech thua:
“If I have, after death, to. go to
hell aw heaven, I shall prefer to 2° Wlth
loyal negroes ts fceti than with rebels to
heaven. ’ ’ W e tipst to® b’to ßo .® B°B e
tp heaven unconditionally, but if not,
we venture to gay that it will not be bis
fanlt if he fails to hold a negro”
between himself and the mouth of the
furnaoe.
Some of the metropolitan papers as
sert that tfie carpet-baggers of Louisiana
are fnrious si too appointment of
“ Judge ” John E. Kino to the Kew Or
leans Collectorship. The Democrat,
representing the Nicholls party, re
gards the appointment with aversion,
and asserts tost the “Judge ’ is only
Toja Anderson's proxy. Our uontepapo
rary gohaindes; “The appointment,
we believe and jhope, will be rejected by
the Senate as an iaaati, not only to Lou
isiana, bnt to the whole oaautry. This
done, President Haim will have fulfilled
his part of a disreputable contract, made
by unscrupulous politicians. He will
then be free, we trust, to exercise his
own judgment and sense of propriety,
-d to make such an appointment as
toil eem*T and leaßt reßpeet ’ if n *
commendation."
Old Ben Wade ia called upon tor a
war map. *
GREENE COUNTY MATTERS.
Academical Exercisr*— Farming Operation*—
Too Mach Cotton Aain—All Warning* Un
heeded Large Plantation- and Small
ProSt*.
I CorTegpondenct Chroniclean/t ConHitutumalist .]
Greene Cos., Ga., April 30. —It was
the pleasure of the writer to be present
at “Stonewall” Academy, Woodville,
Ga., on Friday evening last, at which
time the Sabbath School of that place
gave a concert. It was a perfect suc
cess ; in fact, the best of the kind I ever
attended. A large crowd was in attend
ance. The house’s capacity was not
sufficient. Greenesboro, Union Point
and Pentield were well represented. I
noticed from the first place Prof. M.
and lady ; from the second, Capt. H.,
Prof. 8., Col. L., and her devoted local
—Me. ; and from the latter place, Prof.
S. and Lady, all of whom are good
judges of such entertainments, and de
cide it as I do, a perfect success. Much
credit is due to Prof. Cheney, M. D.,
who was chief engineer, and at home, as
also the school lor tbeir proficiency in
rendering the same. The Welcome Ad
dress, by Master Howard Reynolds,
some ten years old, would have reflect
ed credit on older heads. I predict for
him a bright future. Cos . Lumpkin, of
Union Point, delivered the address for
the occasion, giving to little, big, young
and old splendid advice. His illustra
tions were splendid, and the address
well delivered and received. To Prof.
Cheney and the school, we all tender
thanks, many thanks, and beg them to
do so again.
I am sorry to say that this year the cotton
crop is again large; a large majority of the
farmers, or planters, if you please, have
persisted in largo crops and not heeded
the (I think) timely suggestions of onr
State Commissioner of Agriculture, and
planted less cotton and more corn and
peas, which would have been best for
this people, aside from the fact of war
in Russia and Turkey, and possibly
other nations in that locality. When
will our people look at agriculture from
a higher plane ? If only a few acres can
be manured and worked successfully
Ante ii ifj I
of the restlyiDg ont t o bererti
dame nature. Why pay one hundred
dollars for a lazy negro and feed him,
buy guano, all to be applied to thin
land, without any vegetable matter—
that prerequisite so essential to a suc
cessful yield in any crop? It does
not pay to work unproductive lands;
hence is the evil of our Southern
farming. I picture this fact as a
sad commentary on our progress in
agricnltnre. I see and know this: A
poor and exhausted field scratched at
by a mouse sized mule hitched to a rude,
diminutive plow, driven by a sleepy
headed negro, the boss at a store, pos
sibly half a dozen miles off, whittling on
a goods box, discussing, among other
things, with the merchant what he
thinks corn ought to be worth, and very
possibly the next day they—boss, negro
and mule—will lose all the day in going
and returning from the aforementioned
store with—what? Why, corn,
flour and some goods bought of the
merchant at 25 to 50 per cent., and, in
some instances, an hundred per cent.
Now, let me give this trio a credit—four
or five bales of cotton at forty dollars
per bale, and but little else of anything.
Yes, sir, this scratching business on
poor land is a general fighting with no
reserve, with no line of retreat open,
and will al-vays end in disaster. In self
defense, however, let us say, that the
foregoing is not a snap-judgment on
Southern farming, but is the result of
conviotions from a silent and patient
struggle of twelve years since the war on
this line. These are faots, but we do
not press them. The Bible counsels on
these subjects, viz.: “Ephraim is joined
to his idols; let him alone.”
Next week being convention week for
the stockholders of the Georgia Rail
road Company, many of our people will
visit your lovely city. This county is
divided twice by the road, each time in
different directions, therefore will doubt
less have a good representative your city
at that time. Our people generally take
mnoh interest in the well doing aud
success generally of the road. Aud here
let me say, no communicator, with but
few exceptions, ever made a greater
mistake as to the actual facts spoken
of than did “Vindex”when ho intimated
that the Georgia Railroad was run in the
interest of the employees and not the
stockholders. Most every one has rea
sons for believing and many know be
yond a doubt that this company pays its
employees as small if not the smallest
wages of any road in the South for the
same services, aud the stockholders of
this company are due them at least
thanks for their proficiency and prompt
ness in the discharge of their very re
sponsibla amd dangerous duties. I fur
ther believe* in fact know, that no road
has a better, clever or a more proficient
set of officers and employees generally,
from President and Directors, includ
ing the same, down to the eight dollar
laborer. No Superintendent ever man
aged any road bettor, I opine. Road
master, supervisors, agents, conductors,
in fact all. aye first-class men, working
for thp interest pf tj)p company, and at
the very lpwest wages they pap possibly
live on, yet the ro&d ip run, “Viudeyly’’
speaking, in their interest. “All bosh.”
Greenf.
4 GOOD HAUL FOR HEORIHA.
The S(iUp Rppcfvps Npnrly $200,000 From
tho General Government.
The Atlanta Constitution, of yester
day, gives the details of the recovery of
$199,000 by the State from the General
Government:
Abont two weeks ago Governor Col
quitt went to Washington. Two or three
days ago he returned to the capital with
a check for $199,000 to the credit of the
State of Gpprgia in liis pocket. This is
the way it came about: Just after the
war the State of Georgia purchased for
the W. ife A, K. R, a large amouut of
rolling stock from the United States
Government A general settlement was
effected with the Government, under the
direction of three United States Com
missioners, tho State paying a large
amount of money. Some year or so af
terward, Messrs. Bangh & Garlington
proposed to open the settlement on the
ground that an exorbitant amouut had
been pajd by the State. Col. Baugli
had been tiupef iptepdept of the road
under Provisional Governor Jobnsop.—
These gentlemen got the claim into
shape, and presented it at Washington.
It was not pushed to a conclusion, and
Coj. R. 4. Alston was admitted to co
servitm in toU plaipf. General Hpnry R.
Jackson, of Savannah, we bptipye, W 33
also made a party to the prosecution.
A long and stubborn contest for a
settlement ensued, and finally Colonel
Alston went to Washington, just in the
nick of the Presidential contest, and
succeeded in putting the claim through
both JJonses just before the adjourn
ment of Congress. The matter then
caugb'iu PepVtffiPht; apd general
Gordon nursed it along' for a week or
two, when he summoned the Governor
to oome on to Washington. The Gov
ernor went expecting to be absent only
a day or two. He was delayed at every
tarn in the departments. Every clerk
that he was referred to demanded that
the matter be explained to him, and the
original bill bp submitted to his searcli
inggaie. ' He toon invariably demand
ed a Tub 4ay to"’d.e£i'djs wpetwar of not
he would pass the thing along. At
length, the last outpost was carried, and
the Governor buttoned his coat closely,
having the check enclosed in his pocket.
The amount paid was one hundred and
ninety-nine thousand dollars—a pretty
good plum to pluck from the national
pudding in these miserably stringent
days. The State really overpaid the
General Government abont in
the settlement alluded to, bnt conld only
recover about '$00,000: JjFe do "not
know ybfi amount the State paid her
agents and buyers for this work. The
contract made by .4°?efU0 r Smith with
the parties prescribed that tpey ghpnld
be paid no absolute fee, and that the
contingent fee should not exceed 25 per
cent, of the net amount recovered. If
Governor Colquitt allows 25 percent,
for the work, the fee will amount to
forty-nine thousand dollars. We are
not advised as to whether he will reach
to ttifi limiJ or will grade the remanera
up9B * lower efiaiv.
ISRAELITE* INTERVIEWING HAYES.
Washington, May 2.—A deputation
from the Board of Delegates of American
Israelites waited MiKmto* to
day. Hon. Benj. S’. £eii.oti adJpesasd
the President in behalf of the persecut
ed Hebrews of Roumania, and Roocrder
Wolf, Vice-President of the Board, pre
sented a written statement respecting
the recent barbarities practiced on the
Jews of Giurgeve, Roumania. The
President appeared deeply touched by
the unhappy condition of the helpless
people, and re*erthe deputation to
Secretary Evarts, whom hs requested to
take such action as the exigency re
quires. Pursuant to this advice the
delegation called on Mr. Evarts and
held .quite a protracted interview. It
was suggoamd tjjst the
late at Bucharest’ abolito" 1 Bin ce Mr.
Peixott’s return, be ana
gentleman urgently requested the ap
pointaaaut of Dr. Adolph Stem, who
baa actod asyicufpohsirl during his res
idence at the Court ,0 f priupp Charles,
ha appointed United States Consul, the
deputation *Uo urged the Sectary of
State to cabla our minister* at 7 ienna,
Constantinople and St, Petersburg, re
questing them to act in conjunction
with tha representatives of those powers
in endeavoring to repress farther atroc
ities. Mr. Evarts took the snbjcct un
der copaideratioD, and will, no' uoubt,
promptly.
THE WAR IN GEORGIA.
THE HOSTILE ARMIES TAKING
POSITION.
The Irrepressible Conflict Beano— -Ex-Gov.
Drown vs. Senator Gordon—The Electoral
Cook—Wa* Tlldeo Defeated by Demo
crat*?—The Alleged Bargain Governor
Brown’s Virw-He Thiok* John Yoimg
Brown and Gordon Sold Out Too Cheaply.
Atlanta, May 1, 1877.
Editors Constitution : In my two ar
ticles which have appeared in your pa
per, signed “citizen,” I have referred
to the coanting ont of Governor Tilden
and the counting in of Governor Hayes
as President of the United States. A
great wrong was perpetrated by this
transaction npon the American people,
and especially npon the Democratic par
ty. Governor Tilden had been elected
President by almost a million majority
of the white voters of the United States,
and by over a quarter of a million ma
jority of all the votes, including both
colors. And he had carried a decided
majority of the electoral college on the
popular vote. Yet, strange to say, in
the face of all these undoubted facts,
he was counted ont, and his opponent,
who carried a minority of both the pop
ular vote and of the electoral college,
was connted in and inaugurated.
A heavy responsibility for this trans
notion rests upon the shoulders of some
of our public men, and at the proper
time the people will be apt to locate
the responsibility where it belongs, and
to reward their public servants accord
ingly.
I took the position, in my articles
above referred to, that this responsibili
ty rests mainly npon the shoulders of
the Hon. John B. Gordon, United States
Senator from Georgia, and the Hon
John Young Brown, Representative from
Kentucky; that they had entered into a
contract, or capital understanding, with
the Hon. Charles Foster, and possibly
others of the Republican leaders, to per
mit the coant to proceed, at a time when
the disposition of the Democrats in the
House Ut-Dtpyenf, its completion was so
that
and when a large proportion of the
Democratic Representatives were ready
to defeat its consummation by dilatory
motions and parliamentary tactics, could
scarcely be controlled. And that the re
sult of this bargain, contract or capital
understanding was to count in Hayes,
who otherwise would not have been
counted in, and to count, out TildeD, who
otherwise would have been inaugurated.
And that the only consideration that the
conntry or the Democracy received in
return for this great concession was the
promise of the removal of the troops
from South Carolina and Louisiana, aud
that this was no consideration, for the
reason that the first act of President
Tilden’s administration would have been
to make this very removal. These were
substantially the points taken in my ar
ticles signed “ Citizen.”
Since the appearance of those articles
there was published in your paper what
purported to be part of a letter from
Seuator Gordon to Colonel Billups, in
which the Senator makes the following
emphatic denial as to his connection
with that transaction. I quote his lan
guage:
“I was not a member of the House ;
had no vote in the House, and, therefore,
had no responsibility in the matter of
completing or defeating the count
for President. I never influenced nor
sought to influence the votes or ac
tions of those gentlemen in the House
who resisted the ‘ filibusterers,’ nor of
any one of them ; nor did I seek in any
way to control the votes or actions of
any one of the latter class.
“The charge that I made any bargain
of any sort, or had any understanding
of any character with Foster, whom I
saw, or with Stanley Matthews, whom I
did not see, until after the inaugura
tion, looking either to the Presidential
count, or.to the action of any Democrat
in reference to the future organization
of the House or parties, is basely false
in every syllable, and in every sense."
This is a full and emphatic denial of
the charge by General Gordon. Why
he should go further and deDy that
he either did or agreed to do any
thing in reference to the future or
ganization of the House or parties, I do
not know. I had not made any such
charge, and had not seen or hoard of
any such in this State, The Senator
seems to have had some reason, how
ever, for adding to the denial of the
charge about the bargain or understand
ing the further denial that he was to
aid in the fnture organization of the
House or parties to suit the Republi
cans. I am not discussing that ques
tion, and I make no allegation in refer
ence to it.
But I assume the burden of proof and
shall proceed to establish the charge
made in my said articles, that he was a
party to the contract or capital under
standing, in reference to the Presiden
tial count, which has already been men
tioned. And lam quite sure I shall
have no difficulty ig satisfying such of
your readers, as are not hfs strong par
tisans, that the evidence of his connec
tion with tjiat affair is jrresistable and
conclusive, notwithstanding the denial.
I shall now quote at considerable
length from the published statement of
the Hon. John Young Brown, of Ken
tucky, who was the other party acting
with Senator Gordon in making the
bargain, or ponsnmmating the under
standing that resulted in counting Gov.
Hayes into the Presidency, when he oth
erwise could not have been counted in.
I shall italicise certain parts of Mr.
Brown’s language, to call the attention
of the reader more particularly to it. I
shall first quote what he says relating to
the contract or understanding itself,
leaving Gen. Gordon out of that part of
it; and shall then proceed to show his
connection with fhe whole affair.
After stating how the interview was
brought about between himself, Qordon
aud Foster, Brown gives tfie substance
of the transaction. The following quo
tations are taken from his published ac
count of it :
“I told Mr. Foster that I had, as he
knew, been voting against all dilutor.,
motions, and had in a speech advocated
the inflexible execution of the electoral
bill; had stated in the Democratic cau
cus that I would so vote if I were the
only man from the South to do so.
“ I further sjiid to him, that there was
bnt one thing which woqld change me,
and that was, if I thought that by voting
to complete the count which was to re
sult in the inauguration of Mr. lJayes, I
would be aiding fjireptly or indirectly in
perpetuating fbp °f Pack
ard and Chamberlain, in the gtates of
Louisiana and South Carolina, I would
reserve my action and do my very ut
most to defeat the execution of the bill,
regardless of consequences, calamitous
to the country as I believed they would
be.
“I furthermore told him that if I
changed my position, I knew of several
pro'pijneji't jgefTtlenien who wojiid join
me j and if at thaj critical hour, when
the daily and nightly scenes surpassed
by far, in wild excitement and violence
anything ever witnessed in the legisla
tive history of the country, the line of
the Democrats who were voting to ex
ecute the law should be broken, it would
result in a stampede among them, and
Hayes would no more be President than
he; Foster, would be. Foster said he
belieyea this- ’" ’ ' ‘
“I have the highest respect for
Charles Foster. I believe him to be an
honorable gentleman; and I told him
that it was my confidence in him that
had brought me to him. He represented
the district of Governor Hayes. He had
j ust made a manly and patriotic speech,
in which he had said that, under Presi
dent Hayes, if inaugurated, the flag
shall float over States, not provinces;
over freemen, nbt (subjects. 1 referred
to this speech, and told him I had come
to request of him written assurance's
if Governor Hayes was inaugurated
Pmidpni. pegtord'jjdme rule
in the States of Louisiana and South
Carolina; and that the people of those
States should control their own affairs,
in their ova way, as free from any in
tervention by the Federal anthority as
the State of Ohio. This conversation
was long and earnest.
“He agreed to give me the desired
letter, and said he would also request
tfla Honorable Stanley Matthews to
sign it. ;
“On the next day he came to my desk,
in the House of Representatives, and
handed me an unsigned letter. I read
it, took my; pen and erased one para
graph, and told Iti® it could be
made fuller ana sponger,- hflt that, from
the honorable fnefl who‘gay* ft m feood
faith, it was snffiaient. In an hour af
terwards 1 went to his desk, and he de
livered me a letter signed by himself
and Mr. Matthews. I observed that it
was in a different handwriting, read it
hastily, and remarked to him that it con
tained some generalities I did not like.
Re replied that Mr. Matthews bad re
written if < and added: ‘Brow;, it is in
tended to cover the wfioieeu*-., and I gas
promise you there will be no doubt
about the fulfillment of all the assur
ances 1 have given
original letter on his uess,
‘sign also.’ And he replied, ‘Cer
tainly, With pleasure.’ 4? J was leaving
be called me back and fold me that
President Grant would, as soon as the
count was completed, issue a certain or
der to Gen. Augur, in Louisiana. He
requested me not tb inention this fact
for sevpisl days/bnt ejpreiwly Rave me
permission to make any use of the let
ters I might desire. The order referred
to was issued by President Grant. J
gave copies of the letters to Messrs.
Levy, Ellis and Burke, of Louisiana,
and to Gen. M. C. Butler, of South
Carolina, with authority to use them
whenever they pleased.
“Had I believed that the policy of
Mr. Hayes, if inaugurated, would not
relieve them from the hateful and nnre
publican supervision by the army and
the further plundering and oppression
by men alien to them in birth and sym
pathies, I should never have voted as I
did. The Hon. Charles Foster seotjrbd
the inauguration of the President;
but for his speech and these letters
the result would never have been
reached. The conversation and con
tents of the letters were made known to
many. Tne confidence of the Demo
crats in him and in his authorization to
say what he did, composed the Repre
sentatives and caused them to remain
UNSHAKEN in doing what they believed
was right, amid the storm which was
raging around them, and in the face of
the earnest remoustrauees of their con
stituents. If u few had faltered, thepauic
would have been general; the work of
the Commission would have been fruit
less.
“In conclusion, I will say that I have
full faith in the fulfillment of the as
surances contained in the letters of
Messrs. Foster nnd Matthews. They
are honorable men. I cannot believe
that they would attempt deliberate de
ception. Tney are the intimate friends
of the President; they know his views
and express them in these letters. Au
honest construction of their language
means that the autonomy of Louisiana
and South Carolina should be restored.”
Can any sane man read the above quo
tations from the language of the Hon.
John Young Brown without coming to
the conclusion that there was a very ear
nest and serious negotiation going on
between the in reference to the
completion of the Presidential count,
and the removal of the troops from
South Carolina and Louisiana? The
evidence establishes thut proposition too
clearly to require further comment. But
Senator Gordon says : “The charge that
I made any bargain of any sort, or had
any understanding of any character with
Foster, ‘is basely false in every syllable
and in every sense.’ ”
Now let us see what the Hon. John
Young Brown Senator Gor
'dUlWwmuelSLlbll Ireffsrwtios.v
which Gordon so emphatically denies.
I shall again quote his own language,
as contained in bis published statement.
He says :
“Herewith I publish the letters of the
Hon. Charles Foster and Stanley Mat
thews, addressed to the Hon. John B.
Gordon and myself. The circumstances
attending their origin are, in brief, as
follows : On the 26th of February last,
I sent a page from the House of liepre
sentatives to the Seuate Chamber, for
my distinguished friend, Gen. Gordon,
and he came over in a few minutes, I
told him that I wanted an interview with
the Hon. Charles Foster,’at which I de
sired his presence. I outlined to Gen.
Gordon what I intended to say to Mr.
Foster, and he said he would with plea
sure accompany me. We found Mr.
Foster in the room of the Committee on
Appropriations. No one else was pres
ent during the interview.”
Again he says, “I told him (Foster)
that I desired a written assurance from
him that the policy of Mr. Hayes would
be as indicated, and from him specially,
by reason of his very intimate relations
with Governor Hayes. His reply to all
this was frank, full, earnest and satis
factory to my friend General Gordon
and myself. Indeed, Mr. Foster said he
had a letter in his pocket, just received
from Governor Hayes, thanking him for
the speech to which 1 have alluded
endorsing it. He offered this let. and
General Gordon and myself to rea ter to
we declined it.” and, but
Again he says, “He (Foster) promised
to meet me that night at my rooms. He
came about midnight, and said by rea
son of his interview with General Gor
don and myself he had that eveuiug pro
cured a meeting of some gentlemen from
Louisiana and South Carolina at Worm
ley’s hotel, at which also the Hon. Henry
Watterson was present. At the conclu
sion of the conference these geutlemen
had expressed great satisfaction at what
had been| said to them. On leaving he
remarked that I should have the letters
next morning.”
These quotations show conclusively
that, while Brown may have done most
of the talking, Gordon was present by
previous arrangement, and a party to
the whole TRANSACTION; that the state
ment was outlined to him before it was
made, and that ho fully understood it
all. The interview was private, Foster,
Gordon and Brown alone being present,
and Brown says it was long and earnest,
and satisfactory to his friend General
Gordon and himse'f.
But the letters themselves also show
Gordon’s connection with the transac
tion beyond all quoslion. They are ad
dressed, not to Brown alone, but to
Brown and Gordon, and read as follows:
“House op Representatives, (
Washington, D. C., Feb. 26, 1877. (
“Gentlemen— Referring to the conver
sation had with you yesterday, iu which
Governor Hayes' policy as to the status
of certain Southern States was discuss
ed, we desire to say in reply that wo can
assure you, in the strongest possible
manner, of our great desire to have
adopted such a policy as will give to the
people of the States of South Carolina
and Louisiana the right to control their
own affairs iu thoir own way; and to say
further, that we feel authorized from au
acquaintance with and knowledge ef
Governor Hayes and his views on this
question, to pledge ourselves to you for
him that such will be his policy.
Chari.es Foster.
1 ‘ To Hon. John Young Brown and John
B. Gordon:"
Washington City, February 27, 1877.
Gentlemen— Referring to thp conver
sation with you yesterday, in which
Governor Hayes’ policy as to the status
of certain Southern States was discuss
ed, we desire to say that we can assure
you, in the strongest possible manner,
of opr great desire fo k a Y° hire adopt
such a pplipy as will give to the people
of the States of South Carolina and
Louisiana the right to control their own
affairs in their own way, subject only to
the Constitution of the United States
and the laws made in pursuance thereof;
and to say further, that from an ac
quaintance with and knowledge of Gov
ernor Hayes and his views, we havo the
most complete confidence that spcji will
be the policy of his administration.
Respectfully,
Stanley Matthews,
Chahoes Foster,
To JjLon. Jghn M. foreign and Jqhty
Young Brown.'*’
BJovy I submit the question to eveyy
honpst, pandid citizen of Georgia, who
reads the above quofotjops from Rfown’s
published statements, and the letters
addressed to Brown and Gordon, the
one signed by Foster alone and the
other by Foster and Matthews, whether
there is any room for reasonable doubt
that Senator Gordon fully understood
the whole negotiations and transaction,
and was a party to the bargain, contract
or underatagijing, it tffcateyer yon
may, by wM&h"it w*as agreed that the
count should proceed and Hayes should
be inaugurated; and when inaugurated
he should remove the troops from South
Carolina and Louisiana. Otherwise
why were Brown and Gordon discussing
the policy of Hayes’ administration
with Foster before the count was com
pleted ?
Gen. Gordon cannot by alleg
ing that' he saitT nothing during the
transaction. It is true Brown does not
quote the language of Gordon, but he
tells us that he outlined what he intend
ed to say to Foster to Gordon in ad
vance; and Gordon said he would go
with him with plearure. Gordon was
present during the whole conversation,
heard it all and doubtless participated
in it. As Brown says it was long and
earnest and satisfactory to his friend
Gordon and himself.
The duty of a Senator in that case was
very plain. When Brown outlined the
statement to him which he intended to
make to Foster, Losing to ifoe oafgain,
hp Should promptly” haye rejected it,
and refused to have anything to do with
the transaction. He coaid with great
propriety have said that the honor of a
Democrotic Senator of Georgia would
not permit him to consider such a prop
osition of bargain and sale for a mo
ment.
Then he could have justly denied
that he made any “ bargain of any sort;
or had anv understanding of jny char
acter,” with Foster, looking to the
Presidential cdnnt. But how can he
do so, in the face of the statements
made by Brown as to his connection
with the whole affair? And in the
face of the fact that the letters were
both addressed jointly tw pub aud
Brown-,' reiemng to a conversation lud
with them, iff which Hayes' policy as
to th 6 stains of certain Southern States
was discussed ? Why discussed ? Part
of the House were filibustering to pre
vent the completion of the fraudulent
connt. That caused the discussion.
Both Gordon and Brown, as I under
stand them, allege that the Demo
cratic victory was already lost. In the
language of Gordon ; “Tilden’s csuse
was hopelessly lost.” > \i So, why was it
that Foster and Matthews, the special
friends of Governor Hayes, were so anx
ious to satisfy Brown and Gordon that
Hayes, if inaugurated, would remove
the troops, as they desired ? Why should
one sidp demand and tne other side give
written assurances of that fact, after the
victory was already won 2 Why give
express permission to make any use of
the letters, that Brown might desire?
What necessity for their use, and what
possible good conld result to the Repub
licans, by giving such written assur
ances, and snch permission to use them,
if there was no possible chance for Til
den? If everybody knew that Tilden
stood no chance, why was it necessary
for Foster and Matthews to give written
assurances to any one as to what would
be the policy of Hayes when inaugurat
ed ? And why should Foster offer to
show Brown and Gordon, who belonged
to the opposition, a letter from Gover
nor Hayes, defining his policy? If the
victory was already wod, they had only
to say : “Wait and see, you will learn
his policy by his acts.”
But this was not true. Hayes’ pros
pect for defeat, by delay in the House,
was still imminent; and both parties
felt and knew it. The Hayes men saw
that tnere was great danger that a Dem
ocratic stampede would defeat the com
pletion of the fraudulent count till the
fourth of March; hence their readiness
to negotiate, and their anxiety to give
satisfaction to such Democrats os were
ready to trade with them. Both parties
feeling that the matter was undisposed
of, they went to negotiating, ar.d Brown
told Foster, in substance, that if he did
not get the written assurances demand
ed, he would reverse his action, and do
his utmost to defeat the execution of
the bill; and if he changed, several
prominent gentlemen would join him,
and if a few faltered, the panic would
become general, and the work of the
Commission would be fruitless ; and
that Hayes would staud no more chance
to be Presideut than he (Foster) would.
Foster agreed to all this, by sayiDg he
believed it. And after a “long and
earnest” conversation, Foster agreed to
give the desired letter, containing the
written assurance which was demanded,
and to get Matthews, who is the relative
by marriage of Hayes, to sign it with
him. This looked at least like the ne
gotiation’had reached the point of au
"understanding.”
If there was no chance for Tilden, and
both the Republicans and the Demo
crats knew this, why all this negotia
tion ? and why did Brown and Gordon,
leading Democrats, meet Foster, the
friend of Governor Hayes, representing
his Congressional District, to discuss
Hayes’ policy if inaugurated ? Why the
midnight meeting referred to in Brown’s
statement above qneted ? Why did Fos
ter call together a portion of the delega
tion from South Carolina and Louisiana,
and inform them of what had occurred ?
What other purpose eould Foster have
had in seeking an interview with the
delegations from those States, after the
interview with Brown and Gordon, but
to give them such assurances as would
cause them to stand firmly in the House
for the completion of the count ? And
after having given the letters, why
should Foster call Brown back, and tell
him of an order that Presideut Grant
was to issue as soon as the count was
completed, enjoined secrecy ou that
point for a few days, and authorize an
unlimited use of the letters ? Why these
confidential relations between Brown
and Go don and Foster, who are ou op
posite sides, communicating political
secrets that were to be kept for the
present? Aud why, as Brown states,
was the conversation and contents of the
letters made known to so many ? Brown
gives us the key to the answer to these
questions in this seuteuce : “The con
fidence of the Democrats in him (Fos
ter), and in his authorization to say
what he did, composed the Representa
tives, and caused them to remain un
shaken in doing what they believed
right, etc.” In other words, it strength
ened them in standing up for the com
pletion of the count, and the inaugura
tion of Hayes.
But there is another sentence in Sena
tor Gordon’s letter to 001. Billups which
throws additional light upon his con
nection with this transaction. He says:
“My only agency, my only effort in this
Presidential count was this : When I
saw that Mr. Tilden’s cause was hope
lessly lost; lost by want of conoert of
aotion prior to the passage of the Elec
toral bill; lost beyond the power of res
cue by any man or set of men ; I deter
mined to do all in my power to save
from the self-government to
South Carolina and Louisiana.”
Permit me, in all candor, to inquire
how GeD. Gordon saved from the wreck
local self-government to Louisiana and
South Carolina, if he had no connection
with the bargain made between Brown
and Foster and Matthews, by which tho
count was to proceed, Hayes to be inau
gurated and the troops to be removed ?
He says distinctly, he never influenced
nor sought to influence the votes or ac
tions of those gentlemen in the House
who resisted the filibusters, nor of any
one of them; nor did he seek in any
way to control the votes or action of any
one of the latter class. No one can
doubt that President Hayes removed the
troops in accordance with that under
standing. If Gordon was no party to it
he rendered no aid in securing the re
moval. In what other way did ho save
local self-government to the two unfor
tunate States above mentioned ? Will
he tell the country how he did it, when
he did it, and the means used to do it,
or what act ho did which contributed to
that end ? Certainly tho public is not
informed of anything else except this
trade or understanding between him and
Brown, on the one part, and Foster and
Mattews upon the othor. If he had no
connection with them, was not a party
to any contract, or to any understanding
about it, as be now affirms, then what
right has he to cliarn any oredit for any
thing he did to restore local self-govern
ment to those States. Why put on pea
cock’s feathers aud strut, or the lion’s
skin and attempt to roar over an achieve
ment in which he took no part.
The truth is, the statement of General
Gordon, contained in the last quotation
above, amounts to an admission on his
part that ho was a party to this most un
fortunate and unjustifiable transaction,
by which the rights of the National De
mocracy, to inaugurate the President of
their choice, were bartered away for tbo
promise that the Republican candidate,
when inaugurated, would do an act
which no one doubts would have beep
performed by F r o r *d en fc T'Utew. As I
stated ip a fp.ynmf article, wo were sold
opt too oheapiy. We got uo considera
tion for the immense concession made.
In this whole discussion I have delt with
only the public acts of General Gordon
as a Senator. It has been no part of my
purpose to make any assault upon bis
personal or private character. T'hni has
nothing to do with this Jiseassion. But
I notice the attempt is being made, by
part of his little puffing brigade in Geor
gia, to divert popular attention from the
true issue—his public acts—by assailing
me. I shall not permit myspfo however,
to be drawn away fob discussion pf
the poipt fo ftsfle. by a,ny of these at
tempts to get ftp iss.ues. I will
attend tp them', if they should deserve
attentipu, at the propey time, Nor shall
I be drawn away from the issue by the
attempt of any of his newspaper scrib
blers to shoot slime at me from pop
guns. lam dealing now with the public
acts of General Gordon, and not with
the private assaults of his over zealous
partisans.
As I have seen in q claiming
respectability, which Popiea to foe de
fence of G®b. 'Gordon, a suggestion thar.
I desire the place he now occupies, and
that I am assailing his course because I
wish to be elected at the end of his pres
ent term to fill his place; and also a ref
erence to my course in 1867-8, I will
simply remark on those points ttat I
am not a candidate for jon tjo the
United States Senate, fo Qir foe place
now filled by h*en. , ‘G°i'don at foe eipi
ratiofi 6’fhis term; npr {a ft B>y purpose
to he a candidate lor that position.
Qn the other point, I will only state
that I acquiesced in the reconstruction
acts and in the proposed constitutional
amendments in 1868 because I saw
there was no other way out of the
difficulty. And I apfoq then in
good faith wifo foe party that uns
tained the carrying oat oi those meas
: ures, ’ At that time, after solving the
long donbt which side he should take,
General Gordon, if I am correctly in
formed as to his position, assured the
people of Georgia, upon tbo atqmp,
that the Democratic party ‘Which he
then supported Vonld set aside all
: those reconstruction measures; and
that the proposed constitntional
amendments were unconstitutional
and void; and would never be car
ried into effect. Since then, on enter
ing Congress, he has sworn to snpport
the Constitution with those amendments !
in it. And the Democratic party, ip
two last national platforms have un
qualifiedly and unreservedly acquiesced
in the of the reconstruction
measures and in the constitutional
amendments. In the last national plat
form of the party, adopted at St. Lonis,
they have even expressed their devotion
to said constitutional amendments.' Tiiis
if further than I ever gone. As al
ready gfofod, while the party fought
madly against them, I did not sustain it;
but so soon as It declared its acquies
cence in them, in 1872, I acted with it,
and have done so ever sinee. In a word,
I saw no reckon foe abandoning the po
sition which I had in 1867 and
1868, because the Democratic party and
Gen. Gordon thought proper afterwards
to change their course and plant them
selves upon the same position of, acqui
escence in the measures
ani] the ooustUntional amendments
which t then fieonpied. 1
I have never at any time since I have
been old enough to vote failed to sup
port the Democratic candidate for pres
ident and Vice-President except the can
didate of IBCS,. At that time the then
so-called Democratic party stood upon
neither the platform of the Democratic
prior to the war nor the Democrat
ic platform of 1872 and 1876,_ I
therefore, never failed in a single in
stance tq support the nominees of the
Democrat jc party when the candidates
stood upon the principles of the Demo
cratic party as recognized prior to the
war or as at present recognized.
General Gordon’s partisans cannot,
therefore, justly charge me with any
such act of disloyalty to the party as I
have proved he committed. I never was
a party to the sale (call it by wbat name
you may) of four years of Democratic
administration for the performance of a
single act by the opposition. And I cer
tainly never would assume the responsi
bility as he did of making a trade for
my party, if I could not make a better
one than was made by him and his asso
ciate.
I ask, as an act of justice, that each
paper in the State which published
General Gordon’s denial of the charge
I made against him publish this reply,
containing the evidence upon which it
was predicated. If some of you as edi
tors are not my friends, or if you are
even the partisans of General Gordon,
fair play and justice to your readers,
who doubtless desire to see both sides
in a controversy involving a question of
such vital importance, require that you
should give them that opportunity. You
can neither acquit your friend by attempt
ing to suppress the evidence against
him; nor can you divert popular atten
tion by raising collateral issue. Is he
guilty ? That is the question, I have
shown by incontrovertable evidence that
in this transaction an enormous weight
of political guilt rests upon his shoul
ders. Joseph E. Brown.
HOW TO HE MAKKIEI).
Tlie Very Latent Forms that English Etiquette
Dirt U dm.
The old timo fancy for distributing
wedding favors is again iu vogue ; di
rectly after the ceremouy and while the
newly married pair, with the immediate
relatives, are signing the register, the
bridesmaids are dispense them. The
gifts desigued for the lady guests con
sist of small bows of white satin rib
bon tying little sprays of jasmine; those
for the gentlemen are a spray of oak
leaves aud acorns without ribbon, while
the bridesmaids’ favors have some dis
tinctive mark, such as a spray of for
get-me-not. Their banquets are tbegift
of the bridegroom, and are sent before
the ceremony with the locket or other
souvenir which he presents them. He
also furnishes the bride with her flowers
for the occasion. When the service
tfitesf place in ohuroh, the ceremony, is
generally performed entirely at the com
munion rails ; but in high churches the
actual ceremony, in Eugland particular
ly, takes place in the body of the church,
and the bridal party, preceded by the
officiating olergy, moves on iuto the
chancel for tho subsequent portion of
the service. All arrangements as to fees,
etc., are confided to the best man; while
tho chief bridesmaid’s duty is to take
the bride’s bouquet and gloves when the
service begins.
Tho interval between tho arrival of the
guests at the house aud tho breakfast is
generally employed in an inspection of
the wedding presents, which are spread
out for examination on a variety of ta
bles—one for plate, another for jewelry,
one for china, one for glass ornaments,
etc., each gift being accompanied by a
slip of paper bearing the name of the
donor. Wedding breakfasts are now of
ten arranged on the plan of a ball sup
per, with several round tables and a
long buffet, where the majority of the
company take their lunch standing, the
tables baing appropriated to the rela
tives of the bridegroom aud the princi
pal guests. Frequently, however, the
old custom of sitting-down breakfast
is adhered to, and if it is the wedding
cake is placed iu the centre of the table
and the bride and bridegroom take their
places opposite to it. In the former
plan tho cake is placed in the centre of the
buffet. Wheu breakfast is announced the
bride and bridegroom lead the way to the
dining room, the bride’s father follows
with the bridegroom’s mother, and seats
himself next to his daughter; the bride
groom’s father comes next with the
bride’s mother, and places her beside
the bridegroom. Very frequently the
bride’s maids all sit opposite to the
bride, accompanied by the gentlemen
who have been desired by the hostess to
take them down; the best man invariably
taking the chief bridesmaid. Speeohes
are now confined, when there are any at
all, to the health of the bride and bride
groom, proposed in a few words—the
fewer the better—by the gentleman of
the highest rank present. The bride
groom in returning thanks sometimes
proposes the health of tho biidesmaids,
for whom the best man briefly responds.
There should be no other toasts, and
even these may well be dispensed with.
The bride puts tho knife into the cake,
which has been cut before the drinking
of the healths, and it is expected that
every one will out a small piece for
“good luck.”
When the bride comes into the draw
ing room in her traveling dress to say
good-bye, white satin slippers and lice
are thrown, tho best man and brides
maids dispensing the former, while the
latter is showered upon the departing
pair exclusively by matrons. The lash
ion of sending cards aud cake has gone
entirely out of style. When a widow
marries the wedding differs in several
points. There is neither bridesmaids
nor favors, and the lady is debarred
wearing white, a bridal veil, or orange
flowers; indeed, she must wear a bonnet,
acoording to English etiquette. If a
young lady, however, marries a widower,
there is no difference made between the
arrangements for her wedding and those
described.
GENERAL. GARY'S POSITION.
Why He ffogoxea the Election of Willard.
[letter to Edgefield Advertiser.]
Messrs. Editors— l see yon have
copied in the last issue of the Adver
tiser the allusion to streak rumors of my
iutention of joining the Republican
party, or words to this effect, contained
in the Charleston News and Courier.
There has been no word or act of mine
that conld have given the slightest color
for the origin of such a malicious and
slanderous lie. I have refused to en
dorse Hayes’ Southern policy, which is
to form anew party composed of “old
Whigs,” "conservative Democrals,” and
'.‘liberal Republicans,” or to ally myself
with them to build up such a party, and
thereby destroy the solidity qf the vote
of the South. I have refused to
vote for Associate Justice Willard for
the highest office in the gift of the Gen
eral A BBRIn *dy> foe °ffi° e of Chief Jus
tice. I have not forgotten that ho first
came to Sonth Qaiolina as the Judge
Advocate on the Staff of Major-General
Sickle?, and that while acting in that
capaoity he had the following citizens of
Edgefield : S. B. Griffin, James T. Ba
con, Jnlins Day, James Lanham, W. L.
Coleman, M. P. Lowrey, Emsley Lott,
James Mitchell, David Strother, Jesse
Gomillion, Phillip Cook, Ww, Reuse ri,
P. J. Coleman, M-. W. Gary, and others
paraes J d° not now remember,
qrresied and thrown into prison, which
! imprisonment caused the death of James
Banham, James Gomillion, and Emsley
Lott, and great annoyance and expense
to all of us. I havo not forgotten that as
a carpet-bagger he allied, with
the Republican party nn<J has remained
with it during oi, its past disgraceful
qui t a jinking ship, and become a head
ffght in th§ new party, being a splendid
representative of the “Liberal Repub
licans” of this State. N- r have I for
gotten the charge of bribery and cor
ruption made against him in regard to
his decree delivered in the ease of Mor
ton, Bliss & Go. *. ©omptroller-Geneial
4t.. vol, Riph., No. 8, page 430. He
is the s£foioe of Governor Hampton for
H the high office of Chief Justice. I have
| announced my unalterable determina
tion not to vote for Willard, although he
| should become the candidate of a Do
| mocratic caucus, which it now is
' a foregone conclusion, choice is at
the dictation Qoyeraor Hampton.
This YrOulcJ he carrying out “strict party
qiucipline” a,nd “drawing the lines of
; party tight” with a vengeance. There
are many political sins of commission
and omission. If I am not the same
straight-out Democrat I have always
been, it is only becanae I have grown
straighter as we are getting control of
the government.
Yours, foapectfnlly,
M. W. Gary.
HAVES NOT A MONK*.
What the Negroes Thlpk of im hi Houtli
Carolina—Turn adAwny.
W ASIfINCiToN, April 30. —Silas M. Pat
terson, oi South Carolina Supreme
Court notoriety, a son of Honest John,
who represents South Carolina in the
Senate, has jnet returned Sroa Colum
bia, where he hah Lam in the interest of
the Congressional Executive Committee
of this city. He declares that Hayes has
sent the Radical party to the devil, and
that a Republican convention will never
be held in that State again. Bte says
the South Carolina negroes are very bit
ter against Hayes, and that if the Pres
ident were to undertake a tonr of that
State, they would- pelt him with rotten
eggs. Patterson says he is mortified to
think that his father is obliged to min
gle with such men as Hayes and Bvarts,
both of- whom think Returning Boards
are good enough to make Presidents,
but not cteoent enough to make Gover
nor?’
The Mayen Ciunj.
Counsel for charged with mur
der, have applied for a continuance of
the ease, on the ground that his mental
imbecility is such that they are unable
to confer with him in regard to the case.
Argnment on the motion will be heard
Deservedly popular. We mean Dr,
Bull’s Cough Syrup, for it never fails.
Physicians recommend it,
THE STATE.
THK PEOPLE AND THE PAPERS.
Flux prevails in Macon.
Greenville has a brass band.
Dooly county plants cranberries.
Rome reviews her firemen, May 8.
Milledgeville organizes a L. M. A.
Wheat is not fair in Walton county,
Walton county had frost on May day.
South Georgia blackberries are ripe.
The New Holland Springs are under
weigh.
Court in Lincoln county, second Mon
day in May.
Roseola, and not measles, prevail iu
Waltoii county.
Good Templarism is gaining ground
in Social Circle.
The stand of corn in Lincoln county
is very irregular.
The Carolina Rifle Battalion is on a
visit to Charleston.
Thomas county has not bought any
Western corn so far.
Macon is fitting up her park for Sun
day School festivals.
Mr. Wade S. Cothran, of Rome, is in
a low state of health.
Beu Hill was born iu Jasper county,
and is 54 years of age.
The Covii gton fishing party has re
turned from Port Royal.
Methodist revivals are going on iu
many parts of tho State.
A plentitude of eggs aud a scarcity of
butter prevail in Dalton.
It seems that the multitude have sat
down upon the Bullock bouds.
Five illicit distillers have recently
been arrested iu Cbatooga county.
The days of strawberries and conven
tion communications are numbered.
G. H. P. Tanuer, Esq., of Atlanta, has
beeu admitted to the bar in that place.
The Grand Lodge of Odd Fellows of
the State will meet in Gaiuesville next
August.
Mr. V. H. Crawley, of Walton county,
planted 12 acres of cotton in 10 hours,
with two mules.
Oapt. John C. Rutherford, of Maoon,
delivers the Sophomore prizes at Mercer
University, this year.
An attempt was made in Savannah
Saturday to burn the Anderson Street
Presbyterian Church. „ .
Geo. D. Case, Esq., delivers an ad
dress before the Milledgeville Sunday
School Union, May 6th.
A petrified turtle was found by two
geutlemen while fishing iu Georgia
waters iu Hall county a few days ago.
A man named Philips iu Dalton was
recently found dead, aud Charles Far
rell, Esq., is charged with the murder.
Mr. W. A Cook died at bis residence,
iu Newton county, ou Friday last, the
27th ult., of consumption, aged about
43 years.
The Air-Liue Railroad Company have
contracted with Col. Tom Alexander to
widen and slope the cuts north of
Gainesville.
The “ raised check” war is still ra
ging in Atlanta; the affair implicating
two promiuout citizens creatos much in
tersst there.
Senator L. Q. C. Lamar, of Mississip
di, is a native of Putnam county, Geor
gia, aud is a graduato ef Emory
He is 52 years of age.
The Atlanta Presbytery, now iu ses
sion in Atlanta, has a delegation of 18
ministers and 22 elders. Raised during
the fiscal year, $23,067.
Henry Dunaway was shot by Pleas.
Gunner, both colored, at the home of
the latter, near Pine Grove Church, in
McDuffie county, last week.
Mrs. Mike Shaw, of Baldwin county,
was, last Monday morning, horribly mur
dered by two negroes. Her brains wero
beaten out with a lightwood knot.
The trial of Geo. Clark, son of Judge
R. H. Clark, charged with the murder
of T. F. Tolbert, of Atlanta, last Novem
ber, has been commenced iu that city.
A Talbot county farmer promises to
utilize tho surplus labor on liis farm this
year, which finds its embodiment in lit
tle nigs, by saving the blackberry crop.
The following are the Sophomore
speakers of Mercer University: Cullen
Battle, T. N. Burke, I. S. Chuppel, R.
R. Calhoun, M. T. Freeman, S. S. Gaul
den, L. C. Goneke, D. Harris Holoman,
P. S. Jessup, Goode Price, E. N. Reid,
Orosby Smith, Credo Sasser, H. T.
Smith, R. H. Walker.
Atlanta eats over 1,000 chickens a day.
Chicken cholera prevails in Gwinnett
county.
The Eucelypti Gobuli are dying out in
Albany.
Warrenton now enforces her dog or
dinance,
Mrs. Mary Hazelton, of Rome, is 103
years old.
Grain and fruit promise well iu Gwin
nett county.
The Barnesvillo Cat Fish Club has re
ceived its tents.
The pointer dog poisoner is working
around Newnan.
Cerebo-spinal meningetis has appear
ed in Fort Valley.
Hancock county is putting in too
much cotton, it is feared.
The Cave Spring rats are now killed
from treeß like squirrels.
The Dade county furnace averages
forty tons of iron per day.
Pike county is raising a fowl which
has two heads and three eyes.
The Macon police have been furnished
with new suits of blue flannel.
Anew mineral spring has been dis
covered in Washington county.
Good milch cowp, as well as beef cat
tle, are scarce in North Georgia.
The Y. M. C. A., of Newnan, is still
conducting a most interesting revival.
Albany has sold this seasou about one
million aud a half dollars worth of cot
ton.
Every man in Lawreneeville is a farm
er and all drink out of the same mineral
spring.
A Rome divine is represented as say
ing that all those who have no money
and can’t get any need not come to
eh n rob.
The body of Mr. Cheek, drowned at
Jewell’s some time since, has been re
covered.
Beck, who was hung in Chattooga
county last week, met his fate calmly
and firmly.
Mr. Thad. Holt has been appointed
by Gov. Colquitt Judge of the Bibb
County Court.
Dade county is still electing sheriffs
and tax collectors, the first turn of offi
cers failing to qualify.
A crowd of Fayette county rr.wdies re
cently got up a row in Palmetto and
came near wiping out the toiyn.
Arrangements are being made to build
anew bridge across the, Ogeecbee at
Rock Mills, in Hancock county.
Young Givens, in frwinnett county,
had his pistol to discharge in his body,
the ball passing thrc.ngh his body.
The weekly payers with a mortgage
upon the press, nn agricultural column
and Washington correspondence, now
begin to pine a way.
The Court House in Thomaston has
been undergoing repairs, and, says the
Herald , “looks like a pretty maiden
crowned Queen of May.”
Aamon A. Murphey, Esq., is now sole
editor of the Barnesville Weekly. This
paper is printed by horse power, and is
no ODe-horse affair either.
A widow in Washington county and
her vonng daughter, last year, cultivated
and picked without assistance nine bales
of cotton and cribbed two hundred
bushels of corn.
The Columbus Times furnishes the
only correct map we have yet seen of
the Eastern war. The “Beautiful blue”
Dannbe is so natural that one can almost
see the “moonbeams quiver.”
Judge John T. Shewmake writes a let
ter the Handersville Georgian relative
to the rejection of Mr. Luugmade for
the County Judgship of Washington.
A Columbus man now declares that
the farmers are planting more cotton
and less corn than last year. If death
must come, why i.ot starvation, after all?
A young girl in Warren county, Miss
Chalker by name, was recently thrown
from a male which she was riding and
dragged a considerable distance. She
survived her injuries only a few hours.
AN APPARITION IN COURT.
Alexander 11. Stephen# Argue* a Case Be
fore tile Mu|l-eme Bench.
Washington, April 30.— An argnment
of peculiar interest was beard yesterday
in the Supreme Court room before a full
bench. It was a very complicated ease,
involving the question whether the old
Confederate money had any rights un
der the laws of Georgia which the
: United States Government was bound
to protect. A mortgage bad been fore
closed after payment had been tendered
in Confederate scrip and refused, and
the plaintiff claimed that the tender was
legal, and that all rights of property ac
cruing under the act of foreclosure
should be set aside. The plaintiff’s at
torneys were Alexander H. Stephens
and Colonel Thomas Swann, of West
Virginia. Mr. Stephens was wheeled
into Court in his big, green chair, and
looked healthier than for many months.
His treatment of the ease was specially
remarkable as showing his marvelous
powers of memory. He spoke for a long
while in presenting and arguing the
case, and during his remarks alluded
constantly to dates and figures uud inci
dents without consulting notes. It was
particularly noticed that in unraveling
the complications of the case, bis mind
and powers of analysis were as wonder
fully deve'oped as ever, and that bin
body alone was under a cloud. He
wore white gloves all the time, and
spoke in a nervous, piping voioe, but his
language was vigorous and powerful.
The scene created quite a sensation
among those present, who could hardly
believe that the half-decayed statesman
still had his brain under suoh good con
trol.