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®|e toeeMj) (Efywttitfo & CrnistifttHonaifet
OLO SERIES—VOL. ICII.
NEW SERIES—VOL LI.
Cljromclf anft .gmimtl
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 6. 1877.
EDITORIAL NOTES.
Tee lovdy young woman In the Treasury
Department whom •entler MsDonaldU
•atd to be about to marry D Mr*. Sub Trl
rbt.
Ssnatohs express the opinion (hat an
nnuaually large number of nominations
will be returned to the President without
aetion, at the close of the session.
Twe people of Eastern Maryland are
growling because, in the scarcity of quails,
sora, snipe and woodcoek, they are reduced
to oysters and canvas-back ducks.
A New Orleans man went deck hunt
ing last Sunday and died of apoplexy
while engaged in that sport The leeal
press said : “In his loss our city loses ene
of her beet citizens and the State a patriot’*
Grn. Grant wouldn’t go behind the
scenes at the Grand Opera, Puri?, although
invited by the director.— Exchange. When
General Hhernan read this paragraph he
sighed and said : “The service aint what it
used to be.” —Cinointiali Gatehe.
A boot. Hamid, Sultan of Turkey, is
haviDg built a marble staircase which will
cost $1,350,000. The Providence Toel
Company, which is making arms and am
munitian for the Turks, doea not like ta
hear this any more than it did the fall of
Kars.
According to Buell, that elongated
agony of avarice and treachery which goes
by the aameof John Sherman seems en
dowed with a quality of lock that is abso
lutely Irrepressible. The meaner he is the
more he succeeds. He reverses the old rule
tliat virtue is its own reward.
I dbolabb, in the name of Almighty
God, that no man has the right to be worth
$100,000,000. — Talmage. We declare, with
a full realisation of the awful enormity of
the offense of trying to come in on brother
Talmage, that we are not guilty,— Wor
euUer I‘rtm.
The Baltimore American asserts that there
is a crusade against dancing in Baltimore
society, and nearly all the young ladies who
belong to the church are excluding that
amusement from their parties this season.
The German clubs are also poorly patron
ized this year.
Goi.dwin Smith writes a letter on public
opinion in England on the Husso-Turkish
war. He says the party which stood by the
North during our civil war now stands by
Russia, and the party which sympathized
with tiie South and aided it, sympathizes
now with Tmrkey, and would aid it if it
could.
A lady correspondent of the Cologne Go
estie saw Mkiiemkt A t.t at his house in
Constantinople. While there a telegram
was brought in and he asked her to trans
late it. The message was from Mr. K., of
Amsterdam, and read : “Baw your face in
the papers. Are you my long lost brother
John P”
* Mean of the corruption among Russian
women arises from licentious books which
ure smuggled by booksellers. It is just as
easy to buy a wicked book surreptitiously
as it is to buy a John Stuart Mill or a
-Charles Dickens. The principal seller
- of literature of this kind in Russia is Trik
nikff, a Pole. q
Bismarck is credited with a rather sav
age tnot, apropos of the recent report that
the Duchess of Edinburgh, who is Colonel
■of a Russian regiment, wished to go to the
-war and become an officer in reality as woll
as In name. “Why not f” replied Bismarck,
“The Russians have been led by old women
hitherto ; let them try a young one for a
change.”
Eighteen thousand men are now en
gaged in the express business. Express
and it is estimated that its messengers daily
travel 800,600 miles. Three thousand five
hundred horses are employed, and over
8,000 offices are required to transact their
business in, and an amount of capital Is in
vested not less than $80,000,000.
Ths England of to day, according to the
Missouri Jlejmblican, is a sturdy shop
keeper, who believes in attending to his
own business, letting other people’s alone,
and making money thereby. If insulted,
or if an attempt is made to rob him, he will
fight; but not otherwise. In the present
sase John Bull will bark load and long,
fie will not bite.
4*.
When I was a girl, the gentlemen eame
•out in their true colors over their wine.
Now they are as close ns wax, drinking,
and oveu when they are tipsy they koep
their secrets. Rut once let them get by
themselves and smoke, the very air is soon
'filled with scandalous secrets none of the
ladies in the hou-o ever dreamed of.— Miss
Maitland.
TnE general committees on church ex
tension of the Methodist Episcopal Church,
at its session in Philadelphia, adopted a
report of the committee on the amounta
asked for in various localities. These in
clude for Alabama and South Carolina
$1,500 each; Virginia and West Virginia,
$1 ,000 each ; Florida, Georgia and Tennes
see, SBOO each ; Delaware, S(H).
Sharon at first thought of coining, and
it was so announced, hut ho telegraphed,
under date of Thursday, from San Fran
• cisco, in a private dispatch to Geo. C. Gor
ham, Clerk of the Seuate, as follows : “I
have 3,000 tons of silver bricks waiting for
the Silver Bill to pass, and am engineering
■.a movement in Ophir stock. Senate can go
to hell 1” Hence it would be useloes to wait
for him.
Continental Europe has 19.500,00fi
spi utiles and Great Britain 89, 000,000. But
Ike continental spindle takes fifty-three
guilds at a time, while the English takes
thi'.riy-thres pounds. This country has
10,00'0,000 spindles, each taking sixty-three
pounds. The annual consumption ia the
United S , * tes *® 830,000,000 pounds; on the
Continent, 1,088,000,000 pounds; and #reat
Britain, I,S*'Boo,ooo pouads.
Mb. M. L. B.ve’bergf.k, a wholesale wine
dealer of Berlin, ha,s lately publishetl the
eoiupouent parts of iJ*e various brands of
German, French, and Spanish wines on
sale in Germany. All weve analysed, and
found to contain deleterioits matter. But
few were made from grapes, and two wers
found entirely destitute Jf natitral product.
Is this a sample of France’s terrible re
venge ?
Thk Boston Globe has this item : “While
A. H. Stephens, of Georgia, voted for the
Silver bill and will rote for the Resumption
n tpeal bill, be is of opinion that it will be
dis. N * ,rou * to tha country if the anti-re*
sump tionists gain control of the country. —
And h. w Mr. Stephens no conscience in
this matt, v ? 18 he deliberately voting for a
measure th %t ** ruinous to the interests
of the natio.' £ix ** Mr.
Stephens she v uid explain.
It appears tha ' 2# Republicans and 104
Democrats voted l"* r llle repeal of the re
sumption act, while . Republicans and 88
Democrats voted again '•* **• rw England
voted solid against re pea/- except Ben But
lbr, who dodged, and Ph Democrat,
of Connectieut New YorWe ,New Jersey,
Michigan, California. Oregon, Jifvada and
Nebraska, without regard to th# party,
voted solidly against repeal. N'orth Caro
lina, (leorgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Kleu'-
tucky. Arkansas, Kansas, and A Vest Vir
ginia voted solidly in favor of re pea.’,. "She
East cast fourteen for repeal and dixty
aeven against. The West, a matter of sur
prise to all, cast only thirty-nine for to
forty-one against. The South, seventy
nine for and thirteen against. Of these
thirteen, nino were Republicans, being all
feat one of the Republicans from Mm Seath.
THE UEOKHIA MABBHAMRIF.
We publish this morning a letter from
Senator Gokdcs to Mr. W. A. Busy, of
Macon, correcting some misapprehen
sion* of the latter concerning the Geor
gia Marshalahip, and incidentally show
ing that it is a dangerous game for even
the shrewdest politician to assume the
Janur- like part of affecting to be a Re
publican and Democrat simnltaneoasly,
and, like Orator PtwWv having two tones
to his Yoice.
Senator Gordon exposes Mr. Hu Ye so
completely that no further words are
necessary from ns. The President seems
to have been disgnsted with the sharp
practice attempted, and hence the very
acts deemed most potent to defeat 001,
O. P. FmasiMONß were effectual in his
favor with an Execntive who “rises
above party” and is “every inch a man.”
RBPUBMOAN KACm.
The Republican papers all over the
country are howling at Sharon for re
maining away from the Senate and at
Pattrrbon and Oonothb for voting with
ths Democrats and thus, for the first
time sinse 1861, securing a party tri
umph to what has hitherto been con
sidered the minority of the npper
House of Congress. Great stress is
laid npon the faot that this disoomfitnre
has been brought abont by carpet-bag
gers. It is a case of righteous retri
bution. The oarpet-bag Senators were
created for a certain infamous
purpose. They were used as long as
suoh a thing oonld be done with im
punity, but times have changed and the
few carpet-baggers in the Senate are
only following the fashion set them by
higher powers. The ability to back up
carpet-bag governments in the South,
ala Grant, no longer exists. Patter
son and Conover understand this, and
they very properly look out for them
selves and endeavor to make amends
for long years of villainy. The con
tract is broken on both sides by fail
ure on one side The Repub
lican Senators surely do not in
sist that they made these men in the
image ef slavery t Are they not peers
of Edmunds and Conklino ? Did not
those worthies and their colleagues so
constitute them T Are Senators to be
bulldozed ? Shame npon Republicans
for snch arrant treachery to truly loyal
principles and the boasted rights of
man, without distinction of color and
condition 1
Sinoe Mr. Summit was displaoed
from the Chairmanship of the Commit
tee od Foreign Relations, principally by
the votes of carpet-bag Senators, who
owed everything they had politically
to him and his machinations, the mills
of the gods have been grinding slowly
and snrely. Retribntion has been on
the march and it will not stop nntil the
crimes of Radicalism are fully punished.
Ay, the Avenger is abroad, and the chief
instrumentalities of vindication are jnst
those weapons employed to destroy the
South. “Time,” says a contemporary,
“makes all things even, and it is bntthe
justice of fate that the usurpation which
a single vote made possible should be
so completely undone by a single vote,
less than a twelvemonth after the parti
san majority in the electoral tribunal
set their seal upon the fraud. Oontrol
ing neither the President nor the lower
branch of the national legislature the
Republican party now finds itself abont
to be dispossessed of its only remaining
remnant of power. It is the old story
over again and the orimes by which thejf
have sought to perpetuate their power
have only served to speed its ending the
faster.”
Patterson and Conover may be
whipped-back into the traces. Blainb
may break his pair with Grover,
and Sharon may come in the
niok of time to preserve temporarily the
ascendency of the Revolutionary party
daring this session. Bnt the hand
writing is on the wall, and, before many
months, the Democratic party will con
trol the Senate as it controls the Honse,
and as it will control the whole country
in 1880.
A NOTABLE WBDDINB.
The marriage of the Duke of Norfolk
to Lady Flora Hastings ia the aooial
event of the day in high life. The pres
ent Dnke is the fifteenth of the line and
head of the illustrious family of How
ard. After royalty, he stands at the
head of the English nobility, being
Premier Duke and Hereditary Earl
Marshal. He is 80 years of age and
more oonspioious for a blameless life
and religious prominenoe than for world
ly ambition or great talents. His gifts
are eminently praotieal and a large part
of his 81,500,000 annual income is
devoted to the improvement of bis
tenantry. The Duke and his wife are
Roman Catholics, the one born so and
the other by recent adoption. The
Earldom of the Duke dates from 1185
iu the family of Biod, and the Duke
dom from 1488, in the family of Howard,
the latter title having been granted by
Richard HI to the Lord High Admiral
of England SDd France, who was killed
at Bosworth Field. The seoond Dnke
was the famous victor of Flodden
Field. The third Duke repeatedly in
vaded Scotland at the head of English
armies, and presided over the tribunal
that condemned Anns Bolbtx. His niece
was the third Queen of Henry VIII. The
poet of the family, Hhnrt Howard, Earl
of, Suekht, aspired to the hand of Princess
Mart and was beheaded. His eon be
came fourth Duke, intrigued for the
hand of the Queen of Scots, Mart, and
also lost his life. The title has been
often attainted, but always restored. The
most celebrated member of the family
was probably Lord Howard, of Effing
ham, who destroyed the Spanish Ar-
mada.
The New York World gives a most
interesting sketch of the bride and her
surroundings. We are informed that
the first Marquis of Hastings was
our old Revolutionary friend, Lord
Rawdow, who divided with Tableton the
honors, suoh as they were, of the British
campaigns in Virginia and the Oaro
linas. In 1793, by the death of his
father, he became Earl of Moira, and
in 1804 he married Flora Campbex*,,
Countess of Loudoun, in her own right.
Twelve years afterward he was created
Marqnis of Hastings. He died in 1886;
his oldest daughter, Lady Flora Hast
ings, was a lady to the bed ehamber to
the Duchess of Khjw, the mother of
Queen Victoria. After her aooession to
the crown the yonng Queen, it
was said, conceived a certain jealousy
of Lady Fbora, in connection with the
attentions paid her by a nobleman, Lord
Elphinstonu, for whom, it has always
been rumored, the youthful sovereign
felt a regard not recognised by the roy
al marriage aot of Great Britain. Be
this as it may, suspicions were provoked
as to the conduct of Lady Flora, which
led to decisive action on the part of the
young Queen and to a terrible social scan
dal in London. The friends of the yonng
lady were intensely exasperated by the
course pursued by the Queen, and the
young lady herself fairly broke down
died under the shame and suffering
inflicted on her by the notoriety of the
whole affair. After her death in 1889 an
autopsy demonstrated her entire inno
oenoe, and naturally evanomed the views
taken by her widespread and powerful
family connection of the whole mat
ter. Lady Flora’s brother, the eeo
ond Marquis of Hahtinos, married the
Baroness Gbbt db Ruthin in 1881, and
died in 18*4, leaving by her two sons
and fonr daughters. The eldest son,
who succeeded as third Marquis, lived
only seven years after accession, and
was succeeded by his younger brother,
Hbnbt - Wbsvord - Chaslbs- Plantaga
wet, fourth and last Marquis. This
yonng noblemas, born in 1842, died in
1868, having contrived in his short lifa
to “ran through” his magnificent pa
trimony in a career of splendid dissipa
tion and reckless gambling quite un
rivaled since the days of the wioked
Duke of Wharton. Fonr years before
his death the last Marquis married Lady
Florbhch Paoht, a daughter of the
Marquis of Anolmssa, who, after appear
ing one night at the opera as the afflano
ed bride of Mr. Hbnby Chitlin, the next
day drove to a shop in Oxford street,
passed through it, came out in Vere
street, got into another oarriage, and
wont'off to become Marchioness of Hant
15os. On the death of the fourth Mar
quis all his titles except his Scotch hon
ors became extinot or fell to abeyanoe,
and his sister, Lady Elkh Maud Hast-
ings, succeeded him as Oountess of Lou
doun, Baroness of Loudoun, Farrinyean
and Mauchline in the peerage of Soot
land. In 1871 she became also Baroness
of Botreanx, Hungerfard, Hastings and
de Molevns in the peerage of England.
With extraordinary energy she devoted
herself to clearing off thejinenmbranoes
left upon the great family estates by her
spendthrift brother, and before her
death in 1874 she succeeded completely
in doing this, so that her son, the pres
ent Earl of Loudoun, and the brother of
the newly made Duohess of Norfolk, en
tered then npon the enjoyment of a
noble property pnt into order by the
skill, patience and oonrage of his moth
er. At her death the Gonntess of Lou
doun, who had never set foot in the
Court of Queen Viotobia, charged her
heirs to out pff her right hand and to
bury it olenched under a column of
white marble, ornamented by a cross, at
an angle of her seat of Donnington
Park, in Derbyshire, which overlooked
a long range of the railway over which
the Queer; yearly travels northward to
Balmoral. On the oolnmn she ordered
them to inscribe the grim and menacing
motto : “I byde my time.” So stem and
superstitious a hatred, belonging it
wonld seem to other times than onrs,
testifies at least to the resolute and fear
less temper of the blood whioh flows
through the veins of the yonng bride.
AT BAT.
The Republican Senators are reduced
to their last ditoh, and tremendously do
they struggle to extricate themselves
from a very unpleasant predioament. To
be at the mercy of Patterson and Con
over is gall and wormwood to Conklino
and Edmunds, bnt they are simply
drinking from the ohalioe so long com
mended to Southern lips. The Presi
dent they antagonise has, it is said, been
appealed to for help in persuading Con
over to retnrn, bnt he does not seem in
clined to do anything of the kind. Fail
ing in this, they try to drive him clean
over into the Democratic oamp, so that
they oan raise the same hneand cry they
raised against Andrew Johnson ; bnt
the President remains neutral. Any
thing in reason he will no donbt do to
please his party friends, bnt he does not
intend to throw over Lamar, Gordon,
Stbthbns and other Democrats who
have dealt with him most kindly and
honorably.
The New York limes, with ill-oon
oealed wrath, says : “The events of the
next few days will show whether the
Democrats are engaged in the man
rauvre which is attributed to them, and
whether the votes of Messrs. Conover
and Patterson have been obtained by
them. If they are so engagod, and if
they snooeed for the time being, we ad
vise them, before they go any farther,
to refresh their memories as to the fate
of the party whioh sought to rule
through Andrew Johnson.”
The Times before it goes any farther
should remember that this is 18T7 ; that
the days of Johnson and Grant have
gone never to return ; that Morton is
in his grave, and that Radicalism will
soon be bnried or at ail events made
harmless. By no feat of necromancy
oan the Times make its menace a prac
ticality. It is too late. The tables are
turned. Old goblins and spectres have
oeased to materialize.
U RUMINATION AND RECRIMINATION.
While the liberal journals of all par
ties peroeive that the so-ealled carpet
bag defection in the Senate is simply a
case of retributive justice, the hide
bound organs of Radicalism fairly foam
at the mouth, but in the midst of their
rage they oonfess to the faot that all of
their attempts to “circumvent God”
have been vain. Hear the Tribune:
Now the carpet-bagger is abont to retire, un •
regretted and nnhonored, from the field on
which he has been so long a conspicuous fig
ore, it is pertinent to inquire, as he goes
wriggling away, “Did it pay to keep those
fellows in pnblio life in order to maintain the
party organisation in the Southern States ?
Take Mr. Oonovbb, of Florida, and Mr. Pat
terson, of South Carolina, for instanoe ; were
either of these men ever of any serviee to the
party that sustained them ? The simple truth
is that, after the Republican party has dishon
ored itself and forfeited the oonfldenoe of the
country to an extent sufficient to endanger its
supremacy by upholding and defending these
men. they turn around at the only time they
oan give it any servioe in return and deliber
ately betray it. Is it not pretty clear that it
does not pay to uphold such men ? It has oost
the Republican party several Northern and all
the Southern States, and what it has got for it
In return the present condition of things in the
Senate shows.
This is only a sample of “late re
morse.” The carpet-bag Senators, Rep
resentatives and Governments saved the
Republican party from overthrow time
and again. It is true that they finally
worked dire disaster to the oanse they
espoused, but it was in the naturo of
things that such should be the ease. If
it had happened otherwise ; if an&ohy,
ignorance and vioe had been permanently
enthroned in the Sonth, society would
have perished and God would have in
deed been “circumvented” by mac. This
could not be, and so the replacing of
the pyramid on its apex entailed the de
molition of the whole Radioal plan,
which the New York Tribune did so
much to foster. The carpet-baggers did
their level best to dislocate soeiety and
perpetuate the inverted pyramid. It is
base ingratitude for “loyal” brethren at
the East or West to abase them now.
We observe, too, that one of the viotims
of this abnse is disinclined to receive
wholesale obloquy without retort. In
answer to a charge made in the National
Republican that Gen. Bctlbb profanely
ordered Patterson Thursday to go and
vote for a certain motion, that per
acn sends the following oard for publi
cation:
“'Washis*tos, D. C., November 53,187 T.
"Hon. A. 31. Ctapp, KdtLcr Sectional Republi
tan ;
Dear 8m —You have been misinformed, and
I ask you to publieh this statement of what
actually did occur. I ask this ae an act of jns
tioe to General Butler as well as myself. My
son oalled me out of the Chamber into the cor
ridor of the Senate. It was just after the mo
tion was made to strike out the name of M. C.
Bwtlkb and insert the name W. P. Kellogg.
I met General Butler in the oorridor, and he
said to me: * I cannot expect you to vote
against the motion, ae it* will plane you in a
false position with your own party. I have
AUGUST A, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 5, 1577.
told Senator Conover the same, and I wonld
advise yon to refuse to vote.’ I went into the
Chamber and ascertained the qiact state of the
question, and voted against the motion, contra
ry to the adviee of General Bunas. I did so
because I wanted the motion of Senator Tkfb
jca* to bring the case of General Butler be
fore the Senate, and then I wm ready to vote
for a eeparate motion to bring the ease of Mr.
Kellooo before the Senate. Hid the latter
been made before the motion of Senator Thur
man I would have voted for it. I am not re
sponsible for that neglect. General Butlsb's
language was on that occasion, as on all others
in hie intercourse with me, courteous and re
spectful. Very respectful lly.
"John J. Pattkbson.”
In addition to this, Mr. Patterson has
submitted himself to the interviewer,
from which manipulation we learn that
he had agreed early last Spring to vote
for Butler’s admission ; had published
a letter stating that he should so vote,
and that every Senator on the floor
onght to have known it from the free
dom with which he had announced his
intention; that there was no canse for
surprise. He stated positively that
there was no bargain abont it. No one
had agreed* that the suits against him
shonld be suppressed, and he bad never
asked any one to make snch an agree
ment. He knew his action wonld be ap
proved by the people of South Carolina,
and as President Hairs had made it im
possible for him to live there withont
his doing something to oonoiliate the
Democrats whom the President was
conciliating, he did not know as his ao
tion was any more a betrayal of the Re
publican party than the action of the
President. HaTbs had given Sonth
Carolina a Democratic Governor, and
he intended to vote in favor of giving
them a Senator. If Hampton was en
titled to be Governor, Butler was en
titled to a seat in the Senate. He should
act with the Repnblioans on every ques
tion except those involving Butler’s
admission. He shonld vote for Kel
logg's admission, and, had his adviee
been accepted, Kellooo would have
been in a seat to-day, and the Demo
crats wonld have ono lass majority.—
He had told Wadlbioh, Mitchell, Don
Cameron, and others, that the Demo
crats wonld spring Butlbb’s ease, and
oatch them in a trap, if they did not
hnrry Kellogg's ease out of the Com
mittee of Privileges and Elections, bnt
they paid no attention to his warnings,
and then he was blamed for the situa
tion the Republicans found themselves
in.
This is a beantifnl family qnarrel,
and, as the stereotyped phrase goes,
“ speaks for itself.” The extra session
of this Congress is getting to be mighty
interesting.
KB. STWHUNS* OPINION.
We recently quoted from the Eastern
press, notably from Washington corres
pondence, that while Hon. A. H. Steph
ens favored and would vote for the Sil
ver Bill he predicted trouble in case of
its passage. We now learn from speoial
dispatohas to the Washington press
from the Federal Capital that Mr.
Stephens recently declared that if the
Senate does not pass the anti-resump
tion bill whioh the Honse has already
passed, or some similar measure, that
ruin and riot are inevitable in this oonn
try.
Mr. Stephens will probably, at his
convenience, let ns know exactly how
he stands on these questions and what
he really did say concerning them.
•TRKRNGY AND OTHER REFORMS.
The Cincinnati Enquirer says : "The
friends of currency reform are indebted
to the Southern members of the Honse
of Representatives for the unexpected
unanimity with wliioh they voted for
the repeal of the resumption part of the
Resumption act. Of eighty-three Dem
ocratic votes cast upon the Repeal bill,
on Friday, seventy-nine were in favor
of repeal. We have been aoonstomed
to think the currency question little un
derstood in the Sonth, It has not been
so vehemently discussed in the South
ern press and by Southern public men
as it has been in this State and in the
West. The Sonth has been absorbed
in other questions. Her representa
tives have not heretofore appeared with
snoh prononneed?emphasis npon the
people’s side of this vast question
whioh, though affecting all sections vi
tally, affects that section most which is
most crippled financially. The Bonth
has put the West to shame by its reo
ord on this issue. The remedy for the
people of the West lies in selecting
members of the next Congress. Let
Greenbaok Democrats hereafter repre
sent the people of the West in the Na
tional Legislatnre. While the West
cast forty-one votes against the Repeal
bill and only thirty-nine in its favor,
the Sonth appears with a shining show
ing of seventy-nine to fonr—among
Democrats—in favor of repeal. There
is hope for ths future.”
We notice that while other seotions do
most of the talking the South puts ia
the solid licks, in matters of great mo
ment. Our publio men and people have
had to wrestle with fearful problems of
soeiety and government inflicted by
East and West. These are either solv
ed or in the way of solution. We now
come to the front on all questions con
cerning this Union, and, what is more,
we intend to remain at the head of the
oolumn. We have been fooled loDg
enough. The South alono can extricate
this Union from the miserable degrada
tion of the last sixteen years. There
was one New England Conn who saw in
to the future clearly— Wendell Phil
lip*. In Akdbbw Johnson’# day, when
the Sonth seemed most down-trodden,
he predicted that she would be finally
victorious. Mr. Phtt.iiw’ plan for re
taining eonquest was not hnmane, and
would have failed as Thad Sthtens’
project did. The rale of the South will
be benignant and prosperous. She wili
establish true relations and co-operate
with instead of foolishly trying to “cir
cumvent” Divine Providenoe. She will,
1 npon the rains of the Radical Ring
pHblio, re-erect the Repnblio of the
Fathers.
war ras north is rich.
The North is everlastingly boasting of
its prosperity, its money, what it has done
for other sections, etc., eto. We leave
out the msgnifloent domain the Sonth
has given to the Union, oat of which
great States have been formed, and come
down to the inequalities of pnblio pat
ronage. Mr. Riddlb, of Tennessee, in
a recent speech, summed np the enor
mous disproportion. Premising that
the Sonth asks only justice, he said she
would be perfectly satisfied with a pres
ent equalization of the bounties and
benefactions of the Government in the
light of itheir distribution under the
legislation of Congress from 1789 to
187S. Daring that period there was ap
propriated for pnblio works, railroads,
canals, rivers, etc., in the
Northern Btates nearly 8208,000,000
And in the Southern States
only 18,500,000
Making an exoess of. $189,500,000
in favor of the Northern States, which
is greatly oat of proportion to the
wealth and population of the two sec
tions. There was donated daring the
same period for railroad construction in
the Northern and Southern States the
number of acres of the pnblio lands and
of the value stated below :
Northern States. 196,000,000
acres, valued at $18,000,000
Southern States, 32,000,000
acres, valued at 6,000,000
Excess, 1ff,900,000 acres,
valued at $89,000,000
He also gave a tabulated statement
showing that the United States Govern
ment has granted lands to Paoific rail
roads in Northern States and Territo
tories to the extent of 115;486,T66 acres,
while other land grants for internal im
provements to Illinois, lowr, Michigan,
Wisconsin, Minnesota and Kansas swell
the aggregate of Northern land grants
to 178,760,804 acres. For the same pe
riod land grants to Southern States
amount to only 89,461,908 acres; leaving
an excess to the North of 184,898,801
acres. By another table are shown the
expenditures of the United States Gov
ernment on account of railroads, wagon
roads and esnals from 1799 to 1873,
amounting in the Northern States to
to $92,757,274, and for the Southern
States to $6,951,400, an excess in favor
of the North of $86,806,874. For the
Central Parade Railroad ‘the cash ex
penditHres have been $9jt,267,704; for
the Union Paciflo, $34,35%708; for the
Kansas Pacific, s7,7o6,2l'jLsnd for the
Sionx City and Pacific, l&l §2,703.
In the face of snch facts and figures
can any one fail to understand why one
section has prospered and the other re
mained or else decayed 7,The
South must have her share of the pub
lic patronage. She must have her grand
trans-continental railway system. She
must be bnilt np. Too long has she
been made the hewer of wood and draw
er of water. No donbt these intima
tions are unpleasant for the New York
World and the bond-holding Belmont
organs, bnt the sooner they get aoons
tomed to them the better.
A HOOD WORD ISK TBRBIEY.
Now that Rnssia has apparently
driven the Moslem to the wall and made
his oomplete surrender probable, it will
not be amiss to review some of the pros
pects of the campaign and contrast
them with actualities to date. It was
confidently predicted in some quarters
that Rnssia wonld have a promenade to
the Golden Horn and Erzeroum ; that
in less than six mouths she would cap-1
tnre half a million of prisoners and
fonr thousand oannon. She has hardly
come within 90 par cent, of this, and
after seven months she holds only a
small part of Bulgaria and the barren
vsileys of Armenia, To accomplish
this her losses have been at least 80,000
men, whioh is 10,000 more than Germa
ny lost in the French war.
The New York Sun shows, in a most
graphic manner, how grievously over
matched the Porte has been and that
the Turk has shown a robustness not
equalled by Western Europe. Our con
temporary eaye : “While Franoe had no
enemy bnt Germany to think of, Tnr
fighting the Northern Colossns,
is engaged at the same time in an ardu
ous campaign against the Montenegrins
in their monntain fastnesses; she is
compelled to keep a large corps of ob
servation on the Servian frontier, for
she is menaced by an invasion at any
mement from this quarter; she is obliged
to maintain another force on the Greek
frontier in Thessaly, where the popula
tion is ripe for a revolt in support of a
declaration of war on the part of Greeoe;
Crete has to be strongly garrisoned; and
finally, another oorps d’armee is posted
along the Persian frontier, lest advant
age be taken by her perfidious neighbor
to make an inonrsion into her terrftofy
in alliance with the lawless Arab tribes
on her border.
“Rnssia, on the other hand, has none
of those exigencies to contend against.
She is relieved from all fear of a Polish
insurrection by the German surveillance
over that part of her empire; and the
inhabitants of the Caneasus are well
nigh exterminated, and no longer afford
oanso for alarm. Then, again, Rnssia
has an ally without whose assistance,
there oan be no donbt, her armies
wonld have been driven back across the
Danube before now. ’ It may be humil
iating to admit that the safety of the
Russian army is due to the timely suo
cor afforded by 70,000 Ronmanians, but
it is none the less true, and now the as
sistance of Servia is earnestly implored,
“This recapitulation of the extraordi
nary disadvantages under which Tur
key has oondnoted her oampaign is ne
cessary in order to present a oontrast to
the conditions nnder whioh France car
ried on her war against Germany. Both
straggles are instructive as showing
how egregrionsly mistaken the most sa
gaoions Cabinets in Europe may be
when the forfanes of war are in ques
tion.”
We have no sympathy with Moham
medanism per 89, bnt we cannot help
extending something like sympathy to
a power that is invaded under false pre
tenoes and then overborne by a big bul
ly, who calls in his neighbors to help
whip a smaller boy, who has no friends
at aIL
THE POVND OF FLESH.
The New York World is reading
Sonthem men jnst snoh a lesson as the
New Fork Herald recently delivered to
the Western people, auent the anti-re
sumption movement. The West hurled
back defiance to the East. We will not
imitate that example. It is easy to com
prehend that the East is muoh disturbed
by the attitude of the financial question,
but the West and South oan not go oh
forever in the same oM rut. The World
says : “When a Southern man of energy
and integrity seeks to borrow large
amounts of poney to promote his busi
ness purposes, whither does he go ? To
New York or to Cincinnati ? And does
he look npon, or does he say he looks
upon, those to whom he oomes for as-
sistance as friends or as enemies ?” We
dare say the Southern man who
wants to borrow money goes where
he can get the best accommodation,
and it is presumable that he carries
along with him good and valid securi
ties in order to effeot the loaD. Snoh a
fortunate Southern man—fortunate that
he has securities at all—most likely
looks upon the money-lender with that
oold business eye which implies neither
friendship nor enmity, bnt may become
one or the other as the ease may be.
Bnt one thing appears to be certain :
the East has had an nndne amount of
favoritism from the foundation of the
Republic, and has oontrived, by hook or
orook, to reap a financial harvest at the
expense of other seotions. What has
the South with her enormous natural
advantages of wealth-production
ever gained by submission to Eastern
policy ? Whose money built np the
cities of the North; whose crops saved
the country from bankruptcy since the
war ? Who was it that put the knife
into the hands of Wz. H. Seward to cut
the throat of this section ? What sort
of policy was that which constituted
August Belmont— the agent of Roths
child and emissary of Seward—Chair
man of the National Executive Com
mittee ? Who established a money
system that has fairly ruined the conn
try, West and South, by rates of inv
est that always lead to rain? The Sonth
will do no wrong to any section, but she
will, for the future, look to her own in
terests more closely. Her true positioa
politically, we think, is as a balance of
po*?er between both East and West.
Neither section can do withont her, and
the one that proves the more substantial
friend may reasonably oonnt npon reci
procity. Meanwhile, we are impressed
with the fact that it will be a glorions
day for onr people when they cease to
be dependent npon any olass beyond
their own border, bnt gladly wsloome
friends from all parts of the Union.
THE TUG OP WAR IN THE SENATE ON
THURSDAY.
" Conn, Like Chicken* "—A Day at Excite
ment In the Senate Chamber—The Straggle
Over the Adnalwlon of Bailer—Pattersen
and Conover Converted.
[Telegram to 1/m Amt York TYmra.l
Washington, D. 0., November 82.
The contest of to-day Bhows precisely
how the majority of the Senate will
stand nnder any possible circumstances,
and how, if at all, the Democrats will
secure and retain oontrol. There are
now 78 membere of the Senate. Count
ing Judge Davis with the Democracy,
they have 85 Senators, and the Republi
cans, oonnting with them Conover and
Patterson, 88. There are three vacan
cies. The general expectation has been
that Kellogg wonld be admitted, and
that probably Bntler would be admitted.
Supposing this shonld happen, the Sen
ate wonld then stand 89 Repnblioans to
36 Demoorats. This will be the situa
tion if the assuranoes of Patterson
and Conover are redeemed, that they
intend to vote for Butler and for
Kellogg. Both are understood to
have stated, in the strongest terms, that
they wonld vote for the admission of
Kellogg whenever his case shonld be
brought np. The only point new with
the Demoorats is to hold them to vote
for Butler before the case of Kellogg
can be considered. If Bntler shonld be
admitted by the votes of Conover and
Patterson, the Demoorats wonld then
have 86 votes and the Repnblioans 38,
being a majority of two, which is suffi
cient to seat Kellogg, even after Batler’s
admission. The case of Kellogg will
certainly have parliamentary precedence
over that of Enstis, so that the next
question after disposing of Bntler’s case
wonld arise on Kellogg’s admission, and
the Republicans would still have votes
enough to give him hit? seat, provided
Conover and Patterson, or either one of
them, shonld vote for his admission.
The admission of Kellogg, after the ad
mission of Bntler, wonld make the
Senate stand 39 Republicans to 36 Dem
oorats,, and the latter number wonld be
swelled only to 37 by the admission
of Eustis. There has been no expec
tation that Enstis wonld be refused a
seat when the time eame to vote on his
oase, so that the Senate would, in any
event, stand 39 to 87. Even if Enstis
and Bntler shonld both be admited be
fore Kellogg, there is one Republican
majority left to give the latter his seat,
which wonld again bring abont the same
relative strength of the parties. Taking
the extreme supposition that Enstis,
Snofford, and Bntler wonld all be ad
mitted, the Senate wonld then stand 38
to 38, the Vice-President having the
casting vote. It thus appears impossible
for the Demoorats to secure control of
the Senate unless they absorb perma
nently into their ranks one or two Re
publican Senators. The probability of
their being able to do this is rather a re
mote topio of disonssion at the present,
and still it is noessary to consider it as
possible. If the present oonrse of Pat
terson and Conover is pnrsned because
Democrats have the power to put
them in the penitentiary, as they
claim, it would seem to be equally
practicable to oontrol the same two
Senators hereafter on other partisan
measures whenever the Demooratio lead
ers might deem it neoessary to their
party success. It is a humiliating posi
tion for the Republicans to find them
selves in, with their majority made np
of two men, who are thus nnder Demo
cratic control, and who oannot be relied
upon in any party emergency. As stated
last night, the contest will be long and
bitter, particularly on the oass of Bnt
ler, if the resolntion to discharge the
oommittee is carried, so that the merits
of hia case will be under disonssion.
His record and career, as well as the le
gal propositions involved, will enter into
the debate, and he will find himself pnt
on record before the country, which
knows little abont him, except his con
nection with the Hamburg massacre.
A Radical View of the Democratic Victory.
[Tdagram to the N. T. Tribune.]
The effeot of to-day’s proceedings
npon the fntnreof the Democratic party
is one of the questions which has been
earnestly disonssed in Washington this
afternoon and evening. While many
Democratic Senators disolaim all
knowledge of any bargain or arrange
ment with Patterson and Conover by
which they were to receive any con
sideration for their desertion of their
party associates, and while there are
on the Demooratio side of the Senate
many men who wonld never assent to
a bargain which contemplated the com
pounding of a felony, yet the impression
that most certainly goes abroad, and the
belief that will be entertained not only
by Repnblicans, bnt by Democrats
throughout the country, will be that the
votes of Messrs. Patterson and Conover
were bought. This, it is believed, will
more than counteract all the advantages
whioh the Democracy oan obtain from
the control of the Senate. The infamy
of the proceedings will rest not only
upon those who were parties to it but
upon those who profited by it. Some
of the Demoorats apparently appreciate
this faot, and their satisfaction over
the triumph they gained in the Senate
is not nnmixed with apprehension as to
the efiect of it npon the future of their
party.
HACJUAHOX easing off.
The GoTirnmoit Assumes a Tone a Trllle
Tender—The President Asked to Form no
Acceptable Cabinet.
Pabis, November 28.—A correspond
ent niscusaing the assertion of the Moni
teur that President MaoMahon may sub
mit to the Senate alternative of dissolu
tion on his resignation, if the Chamber
refuses to vote the budget, says the
others believe, and they are probably
right, that if tbe Senate refuses a second
dissolution, President MacMahon will
hold himself absolved from his rash
promises and take a Cabinet acceptable
to the Chamber. Reports are also cur
rent that the Left intend to send a
deputation to urge the Marshal to re
turn to the national system of Govern
ment by the majority. It is understood
that the Budget Committee ignoring
Minister De Welohe’s motion for the
separate consideration of four categories
of direct taxes will themselves submit a
recommendation to the same effect.
Squabbling Over the Budget.
London, November 28.—The French
situation is unchanged, because the
next move is expeoted to come from the
Senate, which stands adjourned until
Thursday. General opinion seems to be
■ that this adjournment is for the pur
pose of giving time to the Government
to win the support of Orleaniats for
extreme measures, nevertheless dis
patches this morning indicate a calmer
feeling than on the previous day. The
non-issue of any circular by the new
foreign Minister to French representa
tives abroad, and countermand of re
ceptions of their subordinates by sev
eral members of the Cabinet, are cited
as indications that the Cabinet does not
expect to last long. Tbe report of the
Budget Committee on the special ao
oonntß opened by the De Braglie Min
istry during the recent dissolution,
which was read in the Chamber of Depu
ties yesterday, but not discussed because
the Ministers were absent from sitting,
amounting to 18,006,000 francs. It de
clares accounts illegal, and they oannot
be sanctioned by the Chamber without
compromising the rights of the nation.
By a rejection of the bill by the latter
Cabinet the Chamber would not definite
ly refuse to sanction the expenditure,
bnt would simply reserve its ulterior
decision. A correspondent says: “This
report strikes by anticipation at one of
the experiments which probably had
been retired or for expending money
without previous authority of the Cham
bers. The partisars of resistance thns
find themse.ves more and more hemmed
in by a net-work from which there is no
escape except by criminal enterprises,
which have no advocates, even among
the most ardent and heedless advisers of
Elysee. ”
Fatally Meiofd.
Nhw Yobii, November 28.—A sound
steamer C. P. Northern, lying at the
foot of East Seventh street, was bnrned
with three negroes, who were asleep
aboard. Origin of the fire is supposed
to have been a spark dropped from a to
baeee ptpe. InsuMsse, SCI9,tOO.
THE NIW CONSTITUTION AND THE
CAPITA!, QUESTION.
Letter from Ea-Senator ThemaaM. Norwood.
Hon. J. A. Green, Milladgenille, Oa. ;
Drab Sir— Your eommnnioation and
that of the “Citizens’ Oommittee on the
Capital,” in whioh-yon and they reqnest
me to give my views on the proposed
Constitution and on the removal of the
capital, have been received, and I givo
you, in as condensed a form as I can,
my opinions on both snbjeots.
The proposed Constitution, as a
whole, is excellent; in detail, it is open
to many objections. There is too mnoh
legislation in it. This defeot grew out
of abuses of legislative power, and hence
the Convention, in its effort to restain
the Legielatnre—to reserve and to pre
serve the rights of the people—went be
yond the limits of generalities, which
are the beanty and strength of organio
law, into the rigor and striotness of par-
ticulars, which belong to statute law.
This, however, is a fault that leans to
virtue’s side, as it is far easier to expand
than to oontraot—to surrender than to
resume power. And, as inconvenience
from these violent restrictions may or
shall be experienced, amendments oan
be made to remedy the evils.
Another defeot, and a serious mistake,
is the redaction of the salaries of judi
oial officers. This is retrogression. It
is an invisible bnt a certain calamity to
every man, woman and child in Geor
gia. The salaiy of a Judge of the Su
perior Court will not sustain a family of
average number and pay the expenses
ineident to the office. The office of a
Judge is the highest in the State. He
is arbiter of life, liberty and property.
He shonld be dedicated by the people
to his work, and maintained therein,
free from all thought of to-morrow.
He shonld be ehosen for his parity, his
ability, and his earnest devotion to jus
tice and truth. Snch men are not
readily oommanded at two thousand dol
lars, beoanse they make more at the bar.
If wealthy, a man oan hold the office; if
poor, be may take it for the honor, but
cannot hold it; if ambitions, he may nse
it as a ladder; if fond of power, he may
well covet the offloe; but ambition and
love of honor and power are not at
tributes of a Judge. A stable, wise,
learned pare, independent jadiciary
gives property its value, security to
liberty and life, and repose to a people.
With inadequate pay, we oannot have a
stable, a learned, or an independent
judiciary. I hope the next Legislatnre
will exercise the discretion committed
to it by the Constitntion, and give all
judicial officers compensating salaries.
There are other defects of minor im
portance, bnt they will no donbt be cor
rected by amendments as their inoon
venienoe shall be felt. The proposed
Constitntion, as a whole, is good, and
will, I donbt not, be ratified by an al
most nnanimons vote.
On the second head of your inquiry—
to wit : the removal of the capital—l
will give yon my views as briefly as J
oan.
Let me premise that I do not consider
this a question between Atlanta and
Milledgeville. I oaunot see why Atlanta
should look on any one who prefers
Milledgeville as unfriendly to Atlanta.
This is a State question, and every citi
zen of the State is interested in it; and I
have no sympathy with that feeling of
)roscription against any oitizen, high or
ow, who prefers one place to the other.
Every voter has the right to think and
act for himself, and no man or com
munity has the right to complain. I
have heard that my preference for Mil
ledgeville springs from my defeat, last
January, for United States Senator,
whioh Atlanta effected. This is not true.
I have always been opposed, not to the
removal to Atlanta, bnt to the removal
from Milledgeville, because of the out
rageous manner by whioh it was done.
Bnt, while this is true, I will state
frankly that if I considered the ad
vantages to the whole people of having
the capital at Atlanta or at Milledgeville
equal, I shonld personally prefer Mil
ledgeville. And why? I have never
forgotten a kindness, broken a promise’,
nor deserted a friend. In the late Sena
torial raoe Milledgeville was my warm
politioal friend—Atlanta was my most
aotive, zealous, effective, politioal oppo
nent. I say opponent, not fos or enemy,
for her gsod people so far as I know are
personally my friends. Indeed, I was
assured by many of them that the oppo
sition of Atlanta was not personal to me,
bnt beoanse I was opposing “Atlanta’s
idol.” As I knew the people of Georgia
are not idol worshippers, I thought, but
said not, “Little children I make not
unto yourselves idols.” But the politi
cal power of Atlanta was almost solid
against me, and that alone defeated me.
It was strong enough to change a hand
some majority in my favor to a minority,
and thus, as I conceive, to defeat the
will of the people of the State. No
just, fair-minded oitizen of Atlanta
would ask or expeot me to turn my back
on my political friend and kiss the hand
that smote me. Having said this much
personal to myself, I will now give the
reasons for my preference.
There is but one consideration whioh
shonld influence the whole people in de
ciding on the location of the capital,
and that is the greatest good to the
greatest number. Into this question
enter fonr main inquiries.
First, Which place of the two is more
economical; second, whioh is more con
venient to the whole people; third,
which is better adapted for quiet, de
liberate, well matured, unbiased legisla
tion; and, fourth, in which can the poli
tioal equilibrium of the State be best
maintained.
And first as to economy. The State
is burdened with debt, taxes are high,
property very low, agricnltnral pro
ducts sell for little, and we mast live as
any prndent man in debt would. It is
evident that the Capitol in Atlanta is a
failure; it mnst be remodeled, or an
other must be bnilt. The Capitol in
Milledgeville was good enongh for sixty
years. We used it when the State was
worth near seven hundred millions; we
certainly oan use it when our prop
erty is only .two hundred and fifty mil
lions. Competent engineers estimate
the repairs necessary to the Capitol
in Milledgeville at 810,000, No one oan
tell what it would cost to repair the
Capitol in Atlanta to make it suitable
for legislation. The Bepresentative
Hall in Atlanta is the worst for n delibe
rative body I have ever known. It is
impossible to hear what is said, and I
doubt not that the defective construc
tion of that hall has cost the State
enough to erect anew Capitol. For this
defect in acoustics is the cause for most
of the reconsiderations. Neither the
Speaker, nor the Clerk, nor the mem
bers can be heard distinctly, and mem
bers often vote without understanding
the (nestion. Besides, the ventilation
is bad and the light worse in both the
Bepresentative and Senate chambers.
As to the Supreme Court room in At
lanta, it is much better fitted for ex
hausting the bench and bar than for
“exhausting the argument.” The pro
position of the City Gonnoil of Atlanta
to build a Capitol is an admission of the
unfitness of the present building. But
the halls in the old Capitol are lighted
from three sides, are well ventilated,
and tbe Bepresentative Hall is tbe best
adapted for distinct herring that I have
ever spoken in.
Eat Atlanta offers to erect “as good a
building as the old Capitol.” This is
too indefinite for serious consideration
by those who desire economy. If the
argument of one of her leading oitizens
and ablest lawyers, Hon. N. J. Ham
mond, who has written an elaborate and
strong article in favor of Atlanta, be
good, the old Capitol is worth bat little
more than old bricks; for he maintains
that at least SIOO,OOO mnst be expended
to mske the public buildings in Mil
ledgeville habitable and convenient.—
To erect a building “as good as the
old Capitol,” therefore, is to oal!
on the State for at least SIOO,OOO
to be added. Besides, how is the com
parative value of the old Capitol and the
one Atlanta wonld build to be ascertain
ed ? If, as Mr. Hammond says, the old
Capitol is not fit, we certainly do not
wish it duplicated in Atlanta. If Atlan
ta would put the value of the old Capi
tol in anew one, how is that value to be
arrived at ? She oertainly wonld not
allow the total cost, and to value it at
what it is worth on the market as a
building wonld be wholly unfair, while
to value it as a State House, we are told,
is to give it almost no valne, until at
least SIOO,OOO are expended on it. Two
facts are indisputable: the first is, that
the legislative halls of the present State
House are wholly nnsnited for a de
liberative body; the second is, that the
halls in the old Capitol are well adapt
ed for legislation. And it follows that
shonld Atlanta continue to be the capi
tal, anew State House must, sooner or
later, be built. When the State begins
to bnild anew State House in Atlanta,
or elsewhere, we will sea snrronnding it
without using a telescope, more rings
than Saturn has. There will be a ring
in stone, a ring in briok, a ring in wood,
*2 A YEAR—POSTAGE PAID
in iron, .in glass, pntty, lime, sand,
chairs, inkstands and spittoons—aud all
these rings will, by msgic, be changed
to gold, whioh must be supplied by the
farmers, who are the fountain head of
taxes. And shonld anew Capitol be
built the State must build it. Atlanta
ought not to bear the whole expense,
and is under no obligation to build one
any better than the old Capitol. But
the State oannot increase her debt uuder
the proposed Constitntion; and hence,
the Legislatnre, to build, or assist At
lanta in building another Capitol, must
levy a tax for that purpose. As for my
self, I have taxation enough.
Much has been said of the expense of
a removal to Milledgeville, the loss of
paper, eto. Auy officer at the head of a
department who has method enough to
keep his papers arranged with system,
can certainly paok them in boxes' with
out any confusion or loss, and the trans
portation of all the State's property
would cost bnt a small sum. The libra
ry room in the present Capitol is known
to be unsafe, so much so (as I am in
formed) that it is considered dangerous
to plaoe all the State’s library in it, and
hence some of the books have never
been removed from Milledgeville and
some are in the basement of the present
Capitol. It wonld be much cheaper to
transport the library to Milledgeville in
sound oondition than to exhume it from
the debris of the present Capitol and to
pay for the lives of our Librarian and
his assistants.
Second. Which is more convenient
for the whole people—Atlanta or Mil
ledgeville ? Milledgeville is nearly cen
tral; Atlanta is in tbo northwest quarter
of the State. A central point equalizes
travel, equalizes the mileage of legisla
tors, equalizes the expense of citizens
having business at the capital, acd equal
izes the expense of parties haring cases
in the Supreme Court. The lawyer who
travels three hundred miles to attend
that Court, if he understands geography
and addition and substraetion, charge's
more than to go one hundred miles; and
hence, parties litigant in Southern
Georgia are taxed higher to obtain jus
tice than those above Atlanta. My
brother lawyers who attend the Supreme
Court, I am informed, favor Atlanta.
This is natural. Atlanta is much larger
than Milledgeville; has more attractions,
and, being a commercial town, more peo
ple go there. And a lawyer attending
the Supreme Court wants amusement
whila waiting for an opportunity to en
lighten the Court. Speaking as a law
yer, I prefer to atttend the Supreme
Court in Atlanta for many reasons.
But my preference or convenience as a
lawyer is no reason why I, as a citizen,
shonld vote to inconvenience a majority
pt my fellow-oitisens.
It is urged that more railroads termi
nate in Atlanta than in Milledgeville
and, therefore, Atlanta is more acces
sible. Ido not exactly see the force of
this. If a man could ride on five rail
roads at the same time, I could appre
ciate this logio. But when one railroad
running through Milledgeville—the Ma
oon and Augusta—connects directly
with five other railroads and indirectly
with every other road in the State, aud
as no man can use but one railroad, or
that and some other connecting with it,
to reach Atlanta, I fail to see auy ad
vantage arising from railroads in one
place over the other. Ido see, however,
very plainly that Milledgeville is more
accessible than Atlanta to every oitizen
who lives below any point in the State
equidistant by usual line of travel be
tween Milledgeville and Atlanta, and j
this gives the advantage, in territory
and population, largely in favor of Mil
ledgeville.
Third. On this head I need say but
little. Any one who has served in the
Legislature at Milledgeville aud in At
lanta knows that deliberate, well ma
tured legislation can be better done in
Milledgeville. It is nseless to argue a
proposition as plain as this. Auy one
who would maintain that legislators are
as calm, reflective aud undisturbed in a
driving, bustling, aotive oity with thirty
thousand inhabitants, and full of amuse
ments and temptations as all large cities
are, as they are in a quiet town of one-,
teifth the population, would see no dif
ference in the distracting foroe of a cy
clone and a zephyr. More statutes have
bei n sent forth since the war slipshod
and “half made up” than were framed
in Milledgeville during sixty years. And
yet the legislators since the war were as
intellectual as those before. If this be
so now, what may we expect when, as
we are told, Atlanta shall contain “a
Jmndred thousand inhabitants?” We
want but little legislation, bnt we should
have that calmly and maturely consid
ered,
Fourth, Where oan the political
equilibrium of the State be best main
tained, in Milledgeville or Atlanta ? By
“political equilibrium” 1 mean more
than office. This is a small matter. I
mean all legislative and execntive ac
tion which effects all sections of the
State. lam a Georgian, and I feel no
sectional bias. I love all seotions of the
B£ate, and I trust I may never see any
one section of the State controlling
another, Suoh a result engenders
jealousy and strife. Northern, Middle
and Southern Georgia desire and should
have an equal voice iu all that pertains
to the State. Bnt is this so ? Does
not every one know that the political
power of Atlanta is greater to-day than
that of all the eities in the State com
bined, and that her power is due to hav
ing the capital and consequently the
Legislature in her grasp ? The truth is,
this advantage has enabled Atlanta to
destroy the political equilibrium of the
State already. For no one can deity
truthfully that the election of Mr. Hill
was effected by her influence on and
over members of the Legislature. She
has already made a long stride to wants
a centralization of all political power of
the State. If she can do theso things
in her infancy, what will be her strength
with “a hundred thousand inhabi
tants?” She will then be to Georgia
in controlling influence what Paris is to
France. That would be to overshadow
and dwarf all other sections of the
State, and the consequence would be
continual sectional strife. That result
I should deplore.
But there is still another fact which
should influence every Georgian in de
ciding whether the capital shall again
be in Milledgeville. It is the fact that
Georgians did not remove it to Atlanta.
We (Georgians) had no voice or hand in
that work. The brave, patriotic citi
zens of Atlanta opposed the deed. Why?
It was a part of a great wrong—a stu
pendous infamy—a national crime. It
was one act in a drama which no true
Georgian can ever think of without in
dignation and scorn—a drama of which
the evil doers are now ashamed. Our
State was invaded by the military after
the "war was over—onr beloved Govern
or driven from the Executive Mansion—
onr Legislature dispersed—our treasury
seized—expenses incurred and taxes
wrung from us to pay them—our people
compelled to deposit ballots with fetter
ed hands, in mockery of free choice, in
voting for a Constitution framed under
military guard—and framed, too,
by a Convention commanded to
assemble, and composed, except
ing _ an honorable minority of
true,' brave Georgians, of adventurers,
carpet-baggers, aliens, camp follow
ers, brigands and thieves. And by
such a villainous congregation—such
“cntpnrses of the State”—among other
wrongs, and against the protest of all
good and true Georgians, the capita!
was changed. Is this x fact forgotten
already by freemen ? Have nine years
obliterated this memory and reconciled
us to this monstrous deed ? If this be
sentiment, then, what was it that im
pelled the people to call a Convention to
stamp out the Constitution which was
then forced upon ns ? Conld we not
have altered that Constitution by amend
ments, and have thus changed its ob
jectionable provisions? Then why call
a Convention ? It was to bury out of
sight that symbol of onr degradation.
And shall we do that work by halves ?
Was not the removal of our capital a
part of the same infamy ? And shall we
leave that monument of our dishonor
standing ? No people can be great who
do not cherish historic and heroic mem
ories. We have many connected with
the old capital. We have bnt few con
nected with the new. Acts of tyranny
were done to us in the new capital which
no Georgian can recall without indigna
tion. Against all such deeds Atlanta
fought to exhaustion. The whole State
so accords, and gives her all praise and
honor. She fought against removal.
Bat removal was effected, and that
through tyranny and fraud; and that
memory is before us. There tbe Repub
lican party—made np of suoh materia),
with a few intellectual exceptions, as
FalstaiTs regiment—forced us to go;
and there the rump of that party is try
ing now to hold us. There a man—who
came with the invader—backed by mus
ketry, sat down on a Democratic Legis
lature, and smothered it by sheer avoir
dnpois. There the same power held ns
fast until we were robbed of millions.
These are historic, but not very heroic,
memories. These and many others are
memories which cluster around the
Capitol building in Atlanta like the
loathsome serpents aiound the head of
Medup. They are hideous, and the
children should not select the building
iu which their ancestors were crucified
to make it their home forever. Atlanta
is, in no sense or way, responsible for
these deeds, and it would not, in the re
motest degree, be a reflection on her to
remove the capital. On the contrary, it
would be a graceful act, were tho citi
zens of Atlanta to say to their fellow
citizens of Georgia: Our capital was
removed by force—the act was tyranni
cal—we struggled against it—it was
forced upon ns—and we join you in re
turning to the consecrated spot where
we all can truly say, ‘We are in tho
house of our fathers, our brothers, and
our companions, and we are at home to
stay, thank God !”
Very truly, yours, T. M. Norwood.
Savannah, November 23, 1877.
THE STATE.
TIIE PEOPLE AND THE PAPERS,
Macon organizes another minstrel
troupe.
Streams in the State are very much
swolleu.
Cobb county is holding old fashioned
quiltings.
11°^,''. os are beginning anew campaign
in Griihu.
Kerosine lamps are not above proof in
LaGrange.
Chureh nickle parties are popular in
Sandersville.
Gen. Gartrell is defending a client in
Burse county.
Mrs. David Bailey, of Washington
county, is dead.
l, k- Boss becomes Captain of
the Macon Cadets.
Columbus is still agitating the North
aud South Railroad.
rbey hauling six pound fish out
of the Oconee this year.
The State Grange will meot iu Macon
on the 12th of December.
An encouraging religious revival is go
ing on in Emanuel county.
The income of tho Atlanta Library ie
8600 less than its expenses.
The Milledgeville Asylum turns out a
crop of 1,70 Q bushels of potatoes.
Judge P. B. Weaver, of Emanuel,
thinks of moving to Sandersville.
Atlanta closes tho concert season for
the benefit of the Widows’ Home.
Conyers poets are pouring rhythmic
lava into the columns of the Courier,
The Old Capital trusts that H. IT.
Parks will be returned to Milledgeville.
A colored man near Savannah was
found floating down the river with his
throat cut.
Mr. Nolan, of McDonough, recently
married Miss Lemon. Punsters wdl
please forbear.
Mr. Lumpkin Gresham, on old and
well known hotel keeper in Forsyth,
died last week.
Dublin, Laurens county, adds a har
bor, tinner and shoemaker to her vigor
ous population.
Mr. E. J. Hightower, an honest, hard
working man, died the other day in
Laurens county.
Lieutenant-Colonel Boss, of Macon,
has resigned his position iu the Second
Georgia Battalion.
A lemon tree has been shipped from
Washington, Ga., to West Point. There
were four lemons upon it.
Rev. Mr. Hoyt, of Bainbridge, has
been called to the Darien Presbyterian.
Chureh, and has accepted.
Jackson county organizes a brass
band. You can’t “trump it” up against
Jackson that she is behind the ago.
Bev. W. A. Candler, of the North
Georgia Conference, was recently mar
ried to Miss Curt-right, of LaGrange.
Mr. H. M. Bowman, of Jackson coun
ty, shot aud mortally wounded a negro
man on his—Mr. Bowman’s—premises.
Hamp Giddings killed another negro
yonth at Talbotton the other day, by
striking him ou the back of his head
with an ax.
Col. B. W. Wrenn, of tho Kennesaw
Route, has emblazoned tho coat-of-nrms
of his famous and popular road upon
cough lozenges.
The late Mr, Wm. H. Tison, of Sa
vannah, died without making a will.
Ilia estate is valued at three hundred
thousand dollars.
Mrs. Burney, of Rome, Mrs. N. L.
Redd, of Columbus, and Miss Porter,
of Atlanta, are said to have books bow
ready for the press.
The young men of Milledgeville will
give the first grand hop of tho season in.
the “halls of our fathers,” on Tuesday
night, December 4th.
Mr. Thomas Ryan, aged 90 years, is
the oldest registered voter in Colum
bus. There are three over eighty and
eleven more over seventy.
Mrs. Addie Hodge, iu Jones county,
was shot and killed tho other night at
the residence of her brother, by some
one outside of the house.
Colored volunteer companies are or
ganizing in all parts of the State, and
are applying to the Governor lor orders
to hold elections for officers.
Two unterrified young people in
Griffin, Mr. Peden Phelps and Miss
Emma Casper, got up an elopement
Saturday, and having eluded the old
folks,sped away to bliss.
The Toccoa Herald thinks that North
Georgia farmers, among whom but little
effort is used to raise cotton for market,
are in a much better financial condition
than those of the cotton belt.
The bonded debt of Columbus is
8577,80% and it is suggested that, tho
city dispense with her high school de
partment and put out her gas lights.
Bring in one more bell punch.
The Grangers’ opposition to rail
ways; that “they bring him home from
town so quick he hasn’t time to get
sober before he arrives,” is another ar
gument for dirt roads and wagon trains.
A Savannah burglar bounced two of
his pursuers the other day and even af
ter the arrival of a third opponent made
an easy escape. A Savannah burglar is
generally an earnest sort of a fellow, a
person to be let aloneLy prudent men.
In Crawford county, Mr. J. C. White,
of that county, shot and killed a Mr.
McCory, in a personal rencontre. Mr.
White was knocked down by a heavy
weight and shot twice before ho fired tho
shot that resulted fatally to the other
party.
A Mr. Lockhart, of LaGrange, and
Miss McLeod, of Columbus, were riding
out the other afternoon, near Cusseta.
The gentleman bantered the young lady
to marry him upon reaching the town.
She consented, and stopping at the
hotel the twain were united.
Mr. W. F. Darden, Tax Receiver of
Monroe county, was recently halted on
the road to bis home, by three masked
men, and ordered to give up his money.
Rather than have any disturbance he
gave them all his pocket change, eighty
cents, and went on his was in peace.
A frightful death occurred Friday
night in Columbus. The first intima
tion which tho victim’s friends had of
his sad fate! was to find the body bang
ing cold and stiff, from which his vitali
ty had long since taken its flight, pro
bably to the “demnition bow wows.”
The deceased had many friends, and
was regarded by the neighborhood as
one of the finest dogs in the city.
Tlie Candidate; From .HclntosJi.
We learn that Mr. Thomas Spalding,
of Sapolo Island, is a candidate for the
representation of Mclntosh county in
the next General Assembly. While we
are not disposed to interfere in local
elections, we cannot refrain from expres
sing the hope that Mr. Spalding will be
elected. He is one of the class of men
of whom we should desire to see the
General Assembly composed. Young,
intelligent, enterprising and industrious,
he has made his way in life by hard and
honest toil. The grandson of Colonel
Thomas Spalding, who was a very prom
inent man in hie day, and for some time
a Representative in Congress, and the
son of Randolph Spalding, a gentleman
of large wealth and wide spread popu
larity, he was born to wealth and
But when the war closed, and his for
tune was wrecked in the common ruin,
he lost no time in complaint, but went
to work, and has achieved an enviable
position in his county, where he is uni
versally considered one of her ablest,
most useful and most popular citizens.
Our remarks in commendation of Mr.
Thomas Spalding are made in no wise
with the view of antagonizing onr ex
cellent friend, tbe former valuable Rep
resentative from Mclntosh, Hon, A. S,
Barnwell.
It is stated in one of our exchanges
that neuralgia (of the face we presume)
can be immediately relieved by drop
ping into the ears two drops cf lauda
num in a half teaspoonful of warm wa
ter. As this can hardly do any harm,
even if it does no good, sufferers from
neuralgia will be safe in giving it a trial