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s *nt moment. They have Ihem
*<tves retorted to lle very measure
•whieli they u* justly charged agaiust
their opponents not eight weeks a
jp,i, They have put at oum) a paper
l’.ir the signatures of members, that
they might staud bound and corn*
milted against a caucus.
And what is the result of all these
exertioos? what is the sum of the
information which they give to the
people? This: thaf out of 261
inemhee*** there ore at most 80 only,
who will go info a caucus. And
are there, gentlemen, really 80,
who will support one candidate?
Are we to understand thpre are as
many as SO, who will go into a mee
ting for the purp sc of nominating
one candidate? — ln 1816, Mr. Mon
roe had hut 65 votes- is Mr. Craw
ford now to have 80? Is he to have
against four other candidates as
large a proportion of the republican
members, as Mr. M. had iu IM6
against one person only ?
Ilovv many would Messrs Adams,
Calhoun, &<-*. &e. have? tta'f as
many?
The?.e gentlemen speak of the mem
her of Congress in mass—though
they cme forward them e!ve i:i the
name of the •republican members.”
Do they then count the federal mem
ber* as among those with whom they
ought to go into Caucus ?
I hen if t us make another calcula
tion for them—sty 261 member, in
all. Deduct at ,eas- 30 federa iut* -
perhaps more—-leaving republi
cans.
Suppose Mr Crawford to have 80
o.ieot hii fiie:id* absent —t. -
Add those who are in his favor yet
who e piinciple> forbid their attend
ingaGaucuv'ut any time— vnd we
have peihapf. about 90 republicans in
Congre: s— cut of i3O, who may vup
por him against four other candi
da-.e.v This is really not so bad, gen
tlemen.
Bui calculations, thus made ar a
distance from the scene of action,
mu.t be nece.-sarily deaitute of pre
cision. It i*. hoped that the true
state cf the fact* will be given from
W ashington— that the people may be
informed of ‘he fact whieh max tran
spire at Washington—who and how
many will be present —how many
members are not there who are yet
the friend- of he nominated candidate
—how many Federalists are m troth
House cf Congress. V e should
wish to know also, how many friend
each of he candidates ha , &c &c
Vr e repeat, that great efforts have
Ixen made to prevent a caucus.
JViost o tie friend of those candi
and te> who p ace their whole hope of
success in the game on bringing it
to be decided by the shutile in the FJ
of R, have tl.own no h ile aiacrity in
-decrying the former mode ot nomi
Ji tion. It ha even been whi perad.
that the friends or four of the candi
date, have de iga of atrending
to vote it down, lue deign may
net have been seriously formed—but
if it hoold be attempted, aud no ac
cep tab e mode of nomination should
be proposed it is believed that thuie
gentlemen who are friendly to a Cau
cus wi i meet on the succeeding day
and nominate for them elves
The friends of a caucus must act
as men. No nomination being made,
what is the re uit? The country may
be distiacied. Parry principles will
be ost sight of—personal feelings
and sectional prejudice will gain the
ascendant-and an sure a> rhe Earth
wi i revolve around theotbit, no can
did are will be elected by the peop e
and the choice will devolve upon the
ll of R ,t is here that the voice of
the majority will be drowned -the
lager s.afes will be reduced to the
level of the “mailer—and New York
and Pennsylvania wi! have the same
vote only with Rhode Island and
Delaware
If mo e than two third, of the Re
pub. lean members of the Legislature
of Maine have pledged themselves at
their last meeting to abide by the no
mination at Washington —if they are
anxious to unite the voice of the re
pubiican patty, and to save u> from
a re oft to the il of R, how much
solicitous ought rhe citizens es Penn
sylvania and oi N York to he at this
C' it teal conjuncture.
> caucus will meet-thev will throw
fhem*eive- upon the good sense of
the people.—The people will take
their nomination for what it is worth.
If the people are wi.ling to throw it
by as oo account to jeopardize the
e ection, and u k the consequences of
making the attempt to obtain a Pre ‘
sident before the H. or R. their
sv. 1 be dene !
Naval Peace Establishment.
MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT.
To the House of Representatives of
the United Slides,
In compliance with a resolution ot*
the House of Representative*, of the
15<h rs December last, requesting
the President of the United Slates
**lt> communicate a plan for a Peace
Establishment of the Navy of the
United States,” I herewith trans
mit a report from the Secretary of
the Navy, which contains the plan
required.
Ij, presenting this plan to the con
sideration of Congress, I avail my
self of the occasion to make s me
remarks on it, which the import
ance of the subject requires, aud
experience justifies.
If a system of universal arid per
manent peace could be established,
or if, in war, the beliigeraut par
ties would respect the right sos oeu •
iral powers, we should have uo oc
casion for a navy or an army, The
expense and dangers ofsuch estab
lishments might bo avoided. Pile
history of all ages proves that this
eannet lie presumed; n the contra
ry, that ai least one half of every
century, in ancient as well as mod
cr* tim s, has been consumed in
wars, and often of the must general
anddesumtiug character. Nor is
there any cause to infer, if we ex
amine the condition of* I he- nations
w*h whi b we have the most iner
course and strongest political rela
tions, that we shall, in future, be
exempt from that calamity, within
a *y period, t > whi w a rational cal
culation may be extended. \od, as
to the rights of neutral powers, if
is sufficient to appeal to our ow * ex
perience to ’ demonstrate how liule
regard will be paid to them, when
ever they come in conflict with the
interests of ihe powers at syar, while
we rely on the justice of our cause
and on argument alone. The a
mouut of i he property of our fellow
citizens whieh was seized and on
fiscutcd, or destroyed, by (he belli,-
g'eraat parlies, in the wars of the
French revolution, and of those
which followed, before we became
a parly to the war, is almost incal
culable.
The whole movement of our gov
ernment, from ?he es ahihhmenl of
our independence, has been guided
bv a sam and regard for pea e. Sit
uated as we are, in the new hemis
phere; distant from Europe, and
unconnected with its affairs; blessed
with the happiest geveroment on
earth, and having no object of am
bition to gratify; I lie United Stales
have steadily cultivated the relations
of amity with every power And if,
in any.-''European wars, a respect
for or rights might be relietl on,
il was undoubtedly i ? , th.jsc to which
l have adverted. The conflict be
ing vital, tho force being nearly e
q tally balanced, and tho result un
certain, each party had the strong
er motives ot interest to cultivate
our good will, lest we might be
thrown into the opposite scale.
Powerful as this consideration usu
ally is, il was nevertheless utterly
disregarded, in alaicst every stage
of, ami by every party to, those
wars To these encroachments and
injuries, our regard for peace was
dually forced to yield
In the war to which at length we
became a party, our whole Voast,
from St, Un ix to the Mississippi,
was either invaded or menaced with
invasion; aud in many parts, with a
strong, imposing force, both land
and naval. In those parts where
the population wus most dense, the
pressure w. s comparatively ligh(;
but there was scarcely an harbor or
ci’y, on any of our great inlets,
which could iie considered secure.
New York and Philadelphia were
eminently exposed, the then exist
i g works not being sufficient for
their protection. The same re
mark is applicable, in a certain ex
tent, to the cities eastward of the
former; and as to the condition of
the whole'eountry southward of the
latter, the events which marked ihe
war are too recent to require dcta.il
Our armies and navy signalized
themselves in every quarter where
the? L ad occasion to mee their gal
lant foe, and the militia voluntarily
flew to their aid, wiili a patriotism,
and fought with a bravery, which
exalted the reputation of their Go
vernment and country, and which
dul them the highest honor. In
whatever direction the enemy chose
to move with their squadro sand co
hind their troops, our foriilicalioos*
where any existed, presented but
little obstacle to them. ‘They pas
sed those works without difficulty.
Their squadrons# in fact, annoyed
our whole coast, not of the sea on
ly, but every bay and great river
throughout its whole extent. In en
tering those inlets, and sailing up
them with a small force, the effect
was disastrous, sime it never fail
ed to draw out the ©hole population
on each side, and to keep it in the
held while the squadron remained
there, The expense a*tending this
• species of defence, with vhe expos
ure of tho inhabitant*, and the waste
of properly, may readily be con
ceived.
idie occurrences which preceded
the war, and those which attended
it, were alike replete with useful
instructions as to our future policy.
Those which mark the first epoch,
demonstrate clearly, that, iu the
wars u for her powers, vve can rely
only on for. e for the protection of
our neutral rights. Those of the
second demonstrate, with equal cer
tainty, that, in any war in which
we may be engaged hereafter, with
a strong naval power, the expense,
waste, aid other calamities, atten
ding it, considering the vast extent
of our maritime frontier, cannot
fail, unless it be defended by ade
quate fun ideations and a suitable
naval force, to correspond with
those which were experienced ia
• he late war.
Two great objects are therefore
to be regarded in the establishment
of an adequate naval force: ‘The
first, to prevent war, so far as it
may be practicable; the second, to
diminish its calamities, when it may
be inevitable. He<>ce, the subject
*1 defence becomes intimately con
nected, in all.its parts, iu war and
i* pea/fe, for the land aud at sea
No government will be disposed, in
its wars wthother powers, to vio
late our rights, if it knows vve have
I fie means, are prepared, nail re
solved, to defend them. The mo
tive will also be diminished, if h
knows that our defences by land are
so well planned and executed, lh<u
an invasion of our coast cannot be
productive of the evils to which we
have heretofore been exposed.
It was under a thorough convic
tion of these truths, derived from
the admonitions of tho late war,
that Congress, as early as the year
1816, during the term of my enligh
tened and virtuous predecessor, un
der whoih the war had been declar
ed, prosecuted, and terminated,di
gested, and made provision for, the
defence of our country, and support
of its rights, in peace as we!) as in
war, by acts, which authorized and
enjoined the augmentation of one
Navy, to a prescribed limit, and
the construction of suitable fortifi
cations throughout the wlmle extent
of our maritime frontier, & where
ver else they might iie deemed ne
cessary. It is to the execution of
these works, both land and naval,
and under a thorough conviction
that, by hastening their completion,
I should render the best serviee to
my country, and give the most ef
fectual support to our free republi
can sygiem of government, that my
bumble faculties would admit ©f,
that I have devoted as much of my
time and labor to this great system
of national policy, sin.e I came in
to this ufli e, and shall continue to
do it, until my retirement from it,
at the e*d of your next session.
The Navy is the ann from which
our government wiil always derive
most aid iu support of our neutral
rights. Every power engaged in
war, will know ihe strength of our
naval force, the number of our
ships of each class, their condition,
and the promptitude with which vve
may bring them into service, and
will pay the due consideration to
that argument. Justice will al
ways have great weight in the cab
inets of Europe; but in long aud
destructive wars, exigencies often
occur which press so vitally on
them, that, unless the argument of
force is brought to its aid, it will be
disregarded. Our land forces will
always perforin their duty in the e
vent of war; but they must perform
it on land. Our navy is the arm
which must he principally relied ou
for the aunoyauce ol the commerce
of the enemy, aud for the protection
of our own; aud, als>, by co-opera
tion with the land forces, for the
defence of the couutiy. Capable of
moving in any aud every direction,
it possesses the faeu ty, even when
remote from our eotif, of extend
ing its aid to every intrest on whieh
the security and wtUi'o cf ottr U*
nion depend. Annoying the com
merce of the enemy, and mena dug,
in turn, its coast< provided the loree
on eac.h side is nearly equally bal
anced, it will draw its squadrons
from our own; aud, in ease of inva
sion by a powerful adversary, by a
land aud naval force, which is al
ways to be anticipated, and ought
to be provided against, our navy
may, by like eo operation with our
land forces, render essential aid in
protecting our interior from incur
sion and depredation.
The great object, in the event ot
war, is to stop the enemy at tho
coast. If this is done, our cities
and whole interior, will be secure.
For the accomplishment of this ob
ject, onr fortifications must be prin
cipally relied on. By placing strong
works near the mouths of our great
inlets, in such positions as to com
mand ihe entrances into them, as
may be done in many instances, il
will be difficult, if not impossible,
for ships to pass them, especially if
other precautions, and particularly
that of steam batteries, are resort
ed to, in their aid. In the wars be
tween other powers, into which we
may be drawn, ia support of our
neutral rights, it cannot be doubted
that this defence would be adequate
to ihe purpose intended by it, nor
can it ba doubted, that the know
ledge that such work* existed,
would form a strong motive, with
any power, not to invade our rights,
and thereby contribute essentially
to prevent war. There are, it is ad
miHed, some entrances into our in
terior, which are of such vast ex
tent, that it would be utterly impos
sible for any works, however exten
sive, or well posted, to command
them. Os this class, ihe Chesa
peake Bay, which is an arm of tho
seu, may be given as an example.
Bat, in my judgment, even this
Bay may be defended against any
power with whom we may be invol
ved iu warns a third party, iu the
defence of our neutral rights. By
erecting strong works at the mouth
ot James River, on both sides, near
the (Japes, a* we are now doing,
and at Old Point Comfort and (he
Rip Raps, aud connecting these
works together by chains, vvlienev
er the enemy’s force appeared, pla
cing in the rear so:ne large shipj and
steam batteries, the the
river would be rendered i.npracti
cabie. This guard would also te*d
to protect the whole country bord
ering oo the bay, and river* empty
ing into it; as the hazard would he
too great for the enemy, however
strong his naval force, to ascend
the bay, and leave such a naval
force behind* since, in the event of
a storm, whereby his vessels might
be separated, or of a calm, the
ships and s-earn-batteries, belli id
the works, might rush forth aud
destroy (hem. It oould only be io
the event of an invasion by a great
power, or a combination of several
powers, and by (and as well as by
naval force*, that those works could
be carried; and, even then, they
could not fail to retard the move
ment of the enemy into the country,
and to give time for the collection
of our regular troops, miliiia, aid
volunteers, to that point, and there
by contribute essentially to hi* ulti
mate defeat aud expulsion from our
territory,
Uuder a strong impression, that
a Peace Establishment of our Navy
is connected with the possible event
of war, and that the naval force in
tended for either state, however
small it may be, is connected with
the general system of pubiio de
fence, I have thought ic proper, iu
communicating this report, to sub
mit these remarks on the whole sub
ject, JAMES MONROE.
Washington, Jan 30, 182i,
Extract of a letterfrom Washington,
“The opponents of a Caucus have
been very active—and it is reported,
that they have got many members
to sign acd seal against a Caucus on
the ti<h of February. This may
be so ; but I yet think we shall get
upwat ds if 100 Republicans. Should
we not succeed, in getting a uomi
alion here, the next tvveive months
will present a scene of cabal and in
trigue, unexampled at least in this
Western Hemisphere. I pray to
God, our country may be spared
this trial,—Mr. Crawford is getting
we!!. He will be out in a few days
’ —indeed his general health is good,
but his eyes are yet much inflamed.*’
We gave another letter ia our
last, which eounied upon 110 atten
ding the Caucus, and of these, 80
being ia favor of Mr. Crawford.—
There is a third lelter, which gives
ICO to the Caucus, Allow Mr.
Ciawford 80 republican votes: is
there any other candidate who can
obtain more than from 40 to 50?
The winter of ISI6 was the date of
the last caucus which was held;
then the minority, though a strong
one, in favor of Mr. Crawford, yiel
ded their own wishes, and without
opposition concurred in the resolu
tion to rec >nmed Mr. Monroe,
Mr. M. had 05 votes, aud Mr. C.
st. At that time both Houses of
Congress consisted oi members,
exclusive of tho i Territorial Dele
gates —of which number Mr, Mon
roe had 65 votes given in. Should
Mr. Crawford have 80 votes, it will
be in the same proportion to tho
whole number of members in both
Houses. At that lime too, it should
be recollected iliere was but ouo
penon named in opposition to Mr.
Monroe—but now, there \vou|! bs
at least four other candidates n*had
yet iu opposition to all these, Mr. C.
may obtain as large a ratio of re
publican votes to nominate him as
Mr, M. had.— Vud we venture to
say, that no one candidate is iik> ! y
to come so near to him, as he was to
Mr Monroe in 1810; that is. as 51
is to 65. Ii Enquirer.
SENTIMEN T OF In DUN A.
House of Representatives, January 7.
Mr. Blake presented the fill ow
ing preamble and resolutions:^^
Vi licreas the eneourageineutgwe:*
to caucus nominations, for the offi
ces of President and Vice President
of the United States, excites in us
the liveliest apprehensions for tho
safety cf the Union ; because wo be
lieve it to be a practi e,trammelling
the people in the exercise of their
dearest franohise ; at war with their
feelings, and the principles of fheir
political institutions ; nourishing tho
growth of party intrigue, which car
ries in its train, every spe ies of dan
gerous aud degrading corruption;
and a practice, whi h, if not checked
iu its p? ogress will ultimately un
dermine the saered rights, ihe pros
perity and happiness of the A ueri
can people. ‘Therefore, in obedi
ence to our duty to the State wo
represent, to our fellow-citizens of
the Union.
Kesolvcd by the House of Repre
sentatives of tiie General Assembly of
the Utatc of Indiana , That ii is the
right of the people, reserved by
them, in the C islitution, to elect
the President and Vice President of
the Unitei States; and that any at
tempt, by Congressional nomina
tions, in caucus or otherwise, to ex
ercise this invaluable privilege, un
less authorized by the constitution,
should be regarded by the American
people, as a dangerous encroach
ment on their rights, tending to tho
ruin of the Republic.
Resolved farther , That his Ex
cellency the Governor, be requested
to transmit to ur Senators aud Rep
resentatives in Congress, this plain
and matured opinion, expressed by
the House of Representatives of the
people of this State.
Mr. Nelson moved to indfjinitfaij
postpone the further
thereof; whieh was decided in tho
affirmative—Ayes 36, Nays 8.
Extract of a letter dated Annapolis ,
January 28
‘♦This day the bill ‘to extend to
all the citizens of Maryland tho
same civil rights and privileges that
are enjoyed under the Constirutiort
ol the United States,’ was takeo up
in the House of Delegates. Tbo
debate was opeued by Mr. W. F.
Johnson of Baltimore county, who
supported the principles of the bill
in a short, but very pertioent speech,
in which he adverted to the first set
tlement of Maryland by those who
had fled from religious persecution
io Europe, and shewed the folly oft
its continuance to those whose blood
flowed in defending the flag of free
dom—‘whose blood had mingled
with ours,’ and yet who were by the
law's of our state prevented from
that which they had so nobly de
fended.
He was followed on the came side
by Mr M‘Mahon of Aiicgauy, io a
most able speech of three hours: it
was in fact, the best on this or
any other subject that ever was
delivered in the House ©f Dele
gates. The hall was crowded to
overflowiug—a large assemblage of
ladies—the Executive, the Senate,
and many citizens and si rangers—
all listened with attention ad admi
ration to the youthful orator ot ib
mountains, whose words flowed as
ramdly ac old 4*otoatao itself wbea