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Os tbe gentleman of whom you have
sp>>kpn y I think as you do, ofwhi-h
B gave him proof when in the De
partment of War, by placing biin
in the Board of Officers for digest
ing and reporting a system of dis
cipline for tttfe Army; and, after
wards, by other tokens of confi
dence; and I add, with pleasure,
that 1 should be gratified, regard
ing the feeling* and claims above
stated, to find an opportunity, at a
proper lime hereafter, should the e-
Vent in contemplation occur, to add
■other proofs of my good opinion and
high respect for him.
In the formation of an adminis
tration, it appears to me that the
representative principle ought to be
revpeoled, in a certain degree, at
least, and that the Head ofa Depart
ment, [there beiog frur,] should
be taken from the four great sec
tions of the Union, the East, the
M : dd!e, the South, and the West,
This principle should not be always
adhered to. Great emergencies &
traos endant talents would always
justify a departure fr m it. But it
Would produce a good effect to at
te* dto it, when practicable. Each
part of the Union would be gratified
by it; and ihe knowledge of local
details, and means, which would be
thereby brought into the cabinet,
Would he useful, I am no wise
compromilted in respect to any one,
but* free to act, shoo'd l have to act,
according to my judgment, in which
I am thankful for the opinions of my
friends, and particularly for yours.
Extracts from Gen Jackson’s letter ‘o Mr.
Monrue, da ed Nashville, January 6. 1817-
On the other subjects embraced
ir. my letter, as weil as this, I gave
you my crude ideas with the candor
of a friend, I cm much g. a *tied
that vou received them us I intend
ed. It was the purest friendship for
you combined with the
go >d of our country, that dicta ed
the I took in w*lrg voU
Toe import a lee of the station ycu
Were about to fid, to our country
a and yourself, the r jury in reputa
tion (hat the chief magistrate may
sin aio, from the acts >F a week
mn ‘Mer, the Var'onr in'erest* h.t
will arise to recommend for tfi e
their favorite tatd'.dafp, and, fr.m
exocri* o< e in the late war, the inis
ehirft at dd arise to our national
ehara?* rby wickedness or weak
ness. indu ed me to give yon my
candid opinion on the importance of
th • ha aeter that should fill this
ofll ‘c. I had made, for this pur
pose. me most extensive frq dry in
my power, from the most impartial
sources, for the mst fit character,
combining rtYtiie, honor, and trier gif ,
wi;h talents , asd all uuited iu the
Individual named.
I am fuliy impressed with the
propriety as weil as Hie policy you
have per ited out of taking the heads
of departments from Hut four grand
sections of the Uuited states, where
each s? lion can vffoid a character
of equal fioess; where that cannot
be done, fitness, aod not locality,
©ugh? to govern—the Executive be
ing entitled ( the best telcos, when
combine witu othtr no; essarv q -al
ifit:.*,i-.?, has tb i Union can afford.
I h ive read, with mu li satisfac
tion. I* < pari of your* letter on the
rise, progress. and policy, of the
Foie , -ists. ft is, in m> opinion,
a jus! ‘•xjkmisi *n, I arn free to de
cla-e, find I ‘ohmu r<jj>d the milita
ry depur ment vliere the Hartford
Convention net, if i- had )iee the
last a of my life. I shoird hove
punished the three principal leaders
of the party. I 001 certain an in
dependent eourt martial would have
condemned them under the 2d 9ee
tion <d the aer establishing rules and
refutations lor the government of
thea v.y t’llr-U died States. These
kind f men, although railed fed
erates. are really monarchists, and
traitors to the constitute#! govern
ment. But, l am of opinion that
there are men railed federalists that
are honest, virtuous, and really at
tached to our government, and, al
though they differ in many respects
po t opinions witn the repub leans,
still the) will risk every thing io its
defence. It is therefore, a favorite
adage with mo. that the ♦•tree ii
known by its fruit.” Fspenence io
late war taught me to know,
flint it is not those who cry patriot
ism loudest who are the greatest
friends to their country, or will risk
most in is defence. The senate of
H"!iio. had a Semproniu* ; America
lias hers. When therefore, I see a
H ira **r, with manly fr. mness. give
Ini opinion, hut when over ruled hy
% majority, Uy to support that 11m-
1 jority, proteciing tbe eagles of his
country, meeiing every privation
! and danger for a love of country,
and the security of i's independent
rights, I care not by what name he
: is called ; I believe him to he a true
American, worthy the confidence of
his country, and of every good man.
Such a character will never do an
act injurious to his country. Such
is the ‘•haraeler giveo tu me of CoU
D. Believing in the recommenda
tion, I was, and still am, confident
he is well qualified to fill the offi *e
with credit to himself, and benefit
! to his country, and to aid you irt the
arduous station a grateful country
has called you to fill. Penrii uie
to add, that Dames, of themselves,
are but bubbles, and sometimes used
for the most wicked purposes. 1
will name one instance. I have,
once upon a time, been denounced
as a federalist. You will smile wheo
I name the cause. V lien your
country put up your name io oppo
sition to Mr. M. 1 Was one of those
who gave you (he preference, and
for reason that, io the event of war,
which was I hen probable, you would
9teer the vessel of slate with more
energy, &.*. &e. ; that 51 r. M. whs
one of ihe best of men, and a great
civilian, I always thought ; bin 1 ai
-1 ways believed that the mind of a
philosopher could oot dwell on blood
and carnage with any composure, of
course that he was mu weil fi‘<ed
for a stonuy sea. 1 was itnmedi
. ately branded wbh the epiihet Fed
efalist, a**d you also. Bui i trust,
j wheo compared with the good old
! adage, of file tree being known by
j its fruit, it was urjustE applied to
either. To conclude, hy dear sir,
my whole lei ter was intruded to put
‘ you on yo. t* guard againsi vi-ieii arl
; getnproniu-%, that you might exer*
i teise your owe judgment iu me cboi.e
! of your own (tfinxry, by which ytu
. would Jidr si.io sdily the ugh yotir
ftdiiiitihiraii ni, wstii honor to your
self, a,d be: * fii to your country.
This was my motive ; this the tim
wish of my heart; to #<-c you when 1
am in rebemenl, endeavoring to
nurse a broken and debilitated con
st! u ion. administering the govern
ment with the lull approbation of all
good men, pm suing ac uudeviating
course, alone dictated by your own
independent, matured judgment.
Exlrac's from Mr. Monrof’a letier o Gen.
Jacks;)n, da eel Washington. Vla'ch 1, 1817.
In Ihe eourse of last summer, the j
President offcm! the Department of
War to Mr. Clay, who then declined ,
it. Since it was known that the suf. j
frages of my feilow-i ifizens had de
| rifled in my favor, I reserved to bin i
the offer, which he has again de
; dined. My mi .and was immediately
fixed on you, (hough 1 doubted whe- i
(her I ought to wish to draw you
from the command of the army to
; the South, where, in case of any
emergency, no one could supply your
pin e. At this moment, our friend
M sl . Campbell, ©ailed and informed
; me *hat you wished me h *t to uom- ,
iuh. vou. Io this state, 1 have re- I
solved to nominate *####,
though hi§ orvert \ whether he
• w ill serve. it is experience, and
long and me* it lions services, give
him a claim over younger ufieo, in
that sta‘e.
I shall take a person for the De
par* men’ <*f S*ae from the East
ward; and Mr. Adams’s claims, by
long service, io our diplomatic con
cerns. appearing to enti’fe him to
.he preference, supported by his ao
knowledged abilities and integrity,
his nomination will go to the Senate.
Mr. C awfrrd, it is expected will
reiilwin in the Treasury. Afier all
; that has been said, 1 thought
that I should put the adniinisiration
more on national grounds, by taking
the Secretary of State from the
Eastward, than from this quarter,
! or the South, or West. By this ar
rangement, there can be no cause to
suspect unfair combination for im
proper purposes. Each member
will stand on his own merit, and tbe
people respect us all, according to
our conduct. To each, I will act
impartially, and of each expect (he
performance of hi 9 duty. While I
am here. I shall make the adminis
(ration, first, for the country and its
’ cause; secondly, to give effect to
; the government of the people,
through me, f>r the term of my ap
pointment, oot for the aggrandize
ment of any oue.
Extracts from Gen. Jackson’s letter to Mr.
* Monroe, dated Nashville, March 18, 1817.
Mv friend Judge Campbell was
instructed, a id Tally author,zed, to
m>ke hr eouiuiunica'.ion to you
j (iiai he did, aud, i hope, gave you
fully my reason* for ray determioa
tioo and wishes on that subject,
1 bare no hesitation in saying you
have made the best selection to fill
the Department of State that could
be made. Mr. Adams, in the hour
of difficulty, will be an able help
mate, and I am convinced his ap
pointiueat will afford general satis
faction
No person stands higher in my
estimation than ****©#
lie is a well-tried patriot, aod, if he
accepts, will, wilh a viituous zeal,
discharge the duties of (he office as
far as his abilities will enatde him.
t cannot disguise to you my opinion
on this occasion ; my anxious so
Itcitude for your public and private
welfare requires of me cardor on
all occasions; and I atn compelled
to say to you, that the a quirements
of this worthy man are not compe
tent to ihe discharge of the multi
plied duties of this Department I,
therefore, hope he may not accept
the appointment. 1 am fearful, if
he does, he will not atld much
splendor to his present well-earned
siaodii g as a public chara ter.
Should ne li oept, rest assured that,
as long as i remain in the army, it
will uffrrd me great pleasure in
obeying your orders through him,
an I rendering hi* situation and duty
eavy and pleasant as far as circum
stances will place it in my power.
I am aware of the diffi ulties that
surround you in the selection of
your cabinet. But the plan you
have adopted, of making all consid
erations vie l d to he general weal,
will hriogyou to retirement with the
salutations and applause of all (be
virtuous, wise, and good, and, should
you be properly seconded by the
Congress of the United States, you
will be enabled to place the Usiiou
in a state of security and prosperity
that canon; be shaken by the em
vulsions of Europe. To this end,
you.can calculate with confidence on
my feeble exertions, so long as my
constitution may permit me to be
useful. I have looked forward io
that happy period wheo, under your
guidance, our government would he
in (he “ full tide of successful ex
periment”—when I would retire
from public life, and endeavor to
regain a much-enfeebled constiiu
lion. Should you be properly sec
onded in your views, this period will
arrive, as soon os tbe measures you
adopt fir the defence of the frontier
are carried into effect, by comple
ting those fortifications that hav**
and may be selected for its defence,
by erecting foundries aod armories,
and organizing and “lassiug tbe mil
itia. Then, we will have peace: for
then w wii! be prepared for war.
Every man having a gun in his
hand, all Europe combined cannot
hurt us. Then, all the world will
be anxious to be at peace wbkus :
because all will see we wish jfiiace
with ail, but are prepared for de
fence against those who may attempt
to infringe our national rights.
Washington City,
IVennisnn’s Hotel, prit , 1824,
Messrs Gilf.s A Beaton:
Gentlemen : We have read, in the
Georgia journal, of the 6th instant,
a letter f r *m the Georgia delega
tion in Congress to his Excellency
Geo. JVf. Tr- irp, the Governor of
Georgia, and also some remarks of
the Editor of that paper, However
great nor surprise has heretofore
been at the course of proeeedirg of
this delegation, as *et forth in their
letter to President of the United
States, and which the Georgia del
elation consider “ respectful but
whioh, if it be, is different in its
style and temper from what w© are
accustomed to observe in our in
tercourse with our chiefs; yet this
surprize has been much heightened
at anew attempt to deprive us of
another portion of our blessings.
Not satisfied with wishing the Ex
eeutiveof the United States violent
ly to rupture the solemn bond of
our rights to our lands, and to put
a< defiance the pledges which exist
ing treaties contain, guarantying to
us our lands, it is attempted to take
from us the intellect which has di
rected us in conducting the several
negotiations with commissioners
appointed to treat with us for our
lands, and with the Executive gov
ernment. by the unfounded charge,
that “ the lust letter of the f hero
kres to the Secretary of War con
tain* internal evidence that it was
never written o dictated by an In
dian.” Whilst we profess to be
complimeoted on the one hand, by
this blow at our intelligence, we
eftDlol, injustice* allow it tn pass,
upn the other, without a flat con
tradiction. That letter, aod every
other letter, wrs not only written,
but dictated by au Indian. We are
not so fortunate as to have such
help. The white man seldom conies
forward in our defence. Our rights
are in our own keeping; and the
proofs of our loneliness, and tlie
prejudiced rye with which every
thing i looked upon which relates
to us, by such a vast majority of
those who should be our guardians
a,td friends, have put us upon our
resources, and we du thank God,
sincerely, and our benevolent white
brothers,.for there are some Chris
tian hearts which regard us, who,
seeing our bereaved and helpless
state, come into our help with let
ters and the lights of civilization
and Christianity. We felt the ne
cessity of our case, and we have en
sdeavoted to improve it. Our let
ters are our own ; and it they are
thought too refined for “ Savages, 1 ”
iet the white man take it for proof,
that, with prop t assistance, Indians
can think and write for themselves.
We refer the Georg a Delegation,
and the bdilor of the Georgia
Journal, to our correspondence wilh
their own Commissioners in our
own country. They can tel! whether
tkehead of a white man conceived,
or his peo dictated, the nego* iations,
on our pari ; or whether (hey were
(lie lonely and uuassisted efforts of
the poor Indian—whose home, now
that it begins to blossom; and the
seed time aod the harvest are greet
ed, and Ihe chase abandoned, and
churches are rising, and the Great
Spirit i felt in his influence upon
our hearts and our gratitude, and
our little ones are learning to read
his blessed word, and sing anthems
In his praise for the gift ot itie Re
deemer—yes,they can tell—-whether
they, from whom it is attempted to
force all these blessings, and drive
them into barbarity and
as cruel and as dark as ever—did, or
did not, conduct their own corres
pondence. fi t say wt did—and we
lve the truth. 1* is not for us to
vindicate, or attempt to vindicate,
our Great Father, the President of
the United states ; he does not need
an Indian’s aid, nor an Indian’s eu
logy ; but, however, we are bound
to love him, yet, it is due to justice
to state, that we have been often
pained, and especially ‘>f late, at the
earnestness wilh which he has press
ed upon us the subject of ceding our
lands. Why he has acted thus, we
were at a loss to eouccive. We
were not iguot&ot of the nature of
the Convention of 1802. We know
every one of its promises. If, how
ever, these are to he violated, and
the fell war whoop should ever be
raised against us to dispossess us of
our lands, wr will gratify the Dele
gation of Gemgia, in their present
earnestness to see us removed or
destroyed , by adding additional fer
tiliiy to our land, by a deposits of
our body and our bones ; for we are
resolved never to leave them , but by
a parting from them and our lives
together. How the Christians of
America, and of the world, will
view their attempt upon our rights ;
this effort to force a kind and just
President (o violate the faith of
treaties, and dip his fingers in our
blood, it is not for us Indians to
say ; but our cause is with G -d,and
good men, and there we are willing
to leave it.
W 7 c mean nothing disrespectful
to any one ; but justice and truth
require that we should say this
mu .b, on the occasion to which we
have referred.
We are, sirs, respectfully, your
obedient servants,
JiNO. ROSS,
GEO. LOWREY,
MAJOR RIDGE,his X mark.
ELIJAH HICK3.
The Convention with Great Bri
tain, for the suppression of the
Slave Trade, now under considera
tion of the Senate, has been some
what inaccurately represented in
the newspapers, as having for its
object, the mutual concession of the
right of search. It is a Convention
for the suppression of piracy , com
mitted by the African slave traders
of either of the two nations.
By the existing laws of nations,
the right of search is a right of war ;
and pirates being at war with all
mankind, hostes humani generis, tbe
right of searching upon (he high
seas any vessel reasonably suspected
of piracy, always belongs to the
armed vessels of all nations—it be
tug Qcsessaniy incidental to the
rightof tak'ttg vd parrying tbcut
iutoJprt for adjudication,
Tne Uuited brates aod Great Bri
tain by proscribing the African
Slave Trade, as piracy, have de
clv.red their citizens and subjects,
engaged io this traffic, enemies of
nil mankind. If (he crime were re
cognized as piracy by he law of
nations, ihe right of searching for
the pirates, incidental to that of
seizing anti carrying them io for
trial, would belong, without any
treaty or convention, to tbs naval
commanders of a'! nations.
The object of the Convention is,
to authorize naval officers of either
nation, specially instructed for car
rying iulo execution their respect
ive laws, for suppressing the pirq/y
of the African Slave Trade, to seiue
the vessels bearing the flag of, or
belonging to, the other, engaged ifi
the traffic, and deliver them over to
the tribunals, not of the captor, but
of ihe captured party, for trial. It
secures, even to pirates of (his des
cription, a (rial exclusively by ihes
courts and the laws of their own
country.
The right of visitation and of
search, is conceded only as incident
al to that of seizure and deliver v for
adjudi alien ; ad, considering
slave trade as piracy, the object wt
the Convention is rather to restrit>’
and regulate the right of search, al
ready giveo by the character ot me
crime, thau to concede it.
Jnteiligencer •
Messrs?. Lovvrie 8; Jackson.
It tnere were a mao in this na
tion, wiio would not *iurr on his
heel to save his life,” we supposed
Gen. Jackson was that man. Fie
ry, we knew him to oe—impetuous,
domineering, ungovernable, he has
long appeared to us—but wnhai,
bold, independent, direct m all his
courses; oue who “would not flatter
Neptune foi his tride i.” What
then is our atlomshme if, to see him
resort mg to the shilling, temporis
ing, quibbling and equivocating cx
peditU’S which he has recently pur
sued! We are deeply disappointed
in his course—a>d we are deeply
mistaken in the man.
Had General Jackson been th©
man thai we supposed* what course
would he have taken, when the re
port about his letters first broke out
iu Pennsylvania? He might have
looked down wi.h sc -ro upon (boss
reports. He might have acted witli
the manly independence of William
H. Crawford, and left his enemies
to work out (heir worst against him,
He might have kept himself aloof
from the Presidential election; and
left it to the people to select the
mao, whom they deemed best cal
culated to fill their own high <-fli<*e.
Or, if he cho*c to mingle in ill©
strife; if he thought it expedient tn
notice he reports which were cir 4
oulated about him, he w<>ukl
come cut with no partial state me oTt*
but with the whole truth. He would
have divulged every thing; faced e
very consequent e; defied every ene
my. Did he take this course ? H©
authorised an editor of Philadelphia
to deny that hit letter contained a
recommendation to the President to
bring ioto his cabinet two federal
ists and two republicans. Why did
he not go farther ? W hen be knew
the substantial charge against bins
in Pennsylvania was, that he was
disposed to employ the federalists,
aod that he wa9 not that sound “de
mocrat” which he had been cried
up to be, why did he suppress that
portioo of his letter which, he must
have seen, would have supported
the charge? Why not boldly
out, and announce to the oiiizeas of
Pennsylvania: 1 did not advise tho
cabinet to be equally poised, I did
Dot wish to see two federalists and
two republicans in power—so far,
the report is not stri tly
hut I did advise your president to a*-
malgamate the parties, and select
his officers “without regard to par*
ty?”—Why did he shrink from this
frank and manly mode of proceed
ing?
Wheo recently be found that Mr.
Lowrie was tearing away the veil
which covered his correspondence—
that the public voice began loudly is
call for the original papers, why
does Gen. J. deign to quibble about
it—to shelter himself under misera
ble forma; stick to words, and over
look the very essence of thing? ?
Was this the oourse which became
Geo. J ? the man, whom a grateful
country bad hailed as the first of
her heroes? Was this consistent
wi h the spirit of tho man, who
boasts that he has “no d.i^osiiioo