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Stale of things at Washington .
M'ehave just learntfrorn a source,
in which we place the greatest reli
an *e, that the President has pro
Doomed his/mai decision in relation
to the suspending of Mr. Crawford
from the Treasury. He has refu
sed to do it; and refused so per# in p
torily that the eager and anxious
importunities with which he has
been so long beset will not be re
newed. As soon as he gave to the
ooilition of Secretaries, &o. Btc.
hi 4 ultimatum, he left the city for
Loudoun. V*e learn too, with un
iningled pleasure, that lie has nev
er seen V, lid wards since he re
turned from Illinois. Mr. Adams,
it is said, requested on behalf of
Edwards, permission to visit the
President; but the Preside.u (to his
lienor he it said,) dealitied receiv
ing him. This was after the last
report of the Committee—and yet
the roalilion still endeavor to sus
tain this fallen and degraded Mini
ster. Mr. Calhoun was seea slip
ping into liis lodgingsooFriday las*!
We state these facts, because we
believe them. We rej ice that Mr.
jMonroe has taken the course which
be has pursued. We rejoice at it,
on his own account, as well as of
that of his country. We know that
the President has been led to sus
pect that we were his inveterate en
emies. Ue owe many obligations
on this score to the sycophants a
rou and him who have tried to pour
p ,ison into his ears—on so many
occasions. But we recollect the
times when Janies Monroe was llie
••beloved >f this land;” when our
heirs yearned towards him as a
Virginian—as a m to eminently wor
thy of ail our confidence and of all
our love. We have not been his ay
CophaiVs We have conduced a
free pres*— We have spoken of his
measures fraokiy and freely—“no
thing extenuating or setting down
Aught in malice.”—We have asked
nothing iftiim—we have nothing to
a-.k of him—l’ *r almost his last foot
is on *he threshhold of power—hut
we n> it wi ii a grateful feeling
which we cannot fully express, we
rejoice at the course he is taking.
\Vn should beseeli him to act, as
bis own heait would prompt him—
avd may the dose of his administra
tion he as happy as he could possi
ble wish it.
If a strong confidence in those
Vrh r n he has thought worthy of his
friend* ki;> has benayed ’uim into a
seeming p rt/cpifi>n in their in
trigue and co?rsp*racies against the
fair *'■ iioe and honor of a member of
bis own Cabinet, he no sooner per
ceives the extent of their designs,
than he nobly refuses to make the
Sacrifice they denuod. He now
Stan.is up<m that neutral grou and,
which his former frie d* wished him
to occupy during the whole of the
Presidential controversy, The peo
ple w;)| approve his courte,
I was enough for Mr*. Crawford
to co tend against ill health, against
the u (tiring calumnies arid perse
cution of his private and personal
enemies, against the zealous and
unfair opposition of the poiiii. al
pa rtizans of the other candidates.
But is it not too much to have also
arrayed against him the talents, the
i fl.:enre, the patronage and the
power of all the high dignitaries of
the government ( lie President ex
cepied.) In comparison of the pow
er ad i. llueoce of these “ Dignita
ries.” the ••atoms” about the seat
of government wiio bask in the sun
shine >f“Court favor,” are scarce
ly worthy of uotiee.
What will the freemen of this
country say to all this ? How strong.
Jy does it speak in favor of Mr.
Crawford ? I foe had been deficient
in Integrity, ability ard assiduity,
how promptly would his defects have
been made manifest to the
by some willing instrument of his
associates in office, ‘ e forbear
further , ommeot at present. I’he
people all know how t> draw their
owu conclusions.—They know their
rigtus aod (hey will not he gulled
into a surre der of them at the
shrine of an unholy ambition.
J. C. Calhoun slipping into the
lodging* of Niniau fed ward a!—up
holding a man, who is a blot upon
the pu did escutcheon—an object
of contempt to s * many virtuous
i.ien .* private life. Is this the J.
C. C. whose line genius, whose pre
possessing maouers, whose rapid
Diind, once hfigured so much for (he
kept fit i?f his country ? Pity, that
sa it uncommon qualities should be
s.fiVteu to blasted by id starred
a -*uiiiOj ‘.—Kichmond jinq.
Celebration of the fourth of July in
Philadelphia,
The usual military parades being
over, the democratic party met to
getber in the very room in which
the Declaration of Independence
was adopted.
The Democratic Press gives the
following interesting account cf the
ceremonies:—
Thomas Forrest, now a very a
ged, hut hearty, healthful citizen,
dressed in a suit of plaio light drab
cloth, he, who during the revolu
tionary War, had commanded a re
giment of Artillery which did good
service, aad who has, sioie that
period, more than once represent
ed bis country in Congress; this ve
nerable citizen presented himself
to read the Declaration of Indepen
dence. He made some prelimina
ry remarks, which we wish, excee
dmgly wish, we could give exactly
as he speke heni, word for word,
still more anxiously do we widt ihai
we could give the tones of his voice,
accompanied, as they were, by ap
propriate action* enforced by bis
highly respectable figure and all
the revolutionary associations with h
filled our minds as he spoke. But
of all his we despair and therefore
we attempt it not. litre w-re.
however, some few cloS. g remarks
uttered in a lone of so much earn
esiness end which made such im
pression that we will give Ihem;
that is we will give our recollection
of the mere words; bm io truth un
less you beard them i4 saw Col.
Forrest whilst he uttered them,
you cannot feel their lull force,
“ Vly countrymen;—ought I not
rather to sty my ♦ “hiid to: the chil
dren of my compatriot*, the child
ren of the men of the Devolution—
yea, verily you are a part of that
posterity, to secure whose freedom
and independence, my fellow sold
ins, the companions of my you*h,
the friends of my riper age, fought
and Id*d and died ” I saw the trait
tremble io the aged of the
Speaker as ht3 fathering tongue
reverted to men and to things long
past—to men who had descended to
he grave ami to things which will
live in the history of mat* forever—
He quii kly passed his hand across
his eyes and eonlinutuf—“Yes. my
Children, (he Children of my Irie.ids
and the hope of your country—you
will soon he called upon to elect a
Chief Magistrate to fill the seat
wbi*h has beet, filled by a Wash
i ff;no and aJeffit son. Take care
whom you eboose ! ! Through the
whole of the Revolutionary war, a
mid all its perils; Father against
Son—and Son against Father; Gen.
Washington never proclaimed Mar
tial Laio—he never put the Milita
ry over the Civil Authority—or dis
regarded the Writ ot Habeas Cor
pus—nr the sacred rights of our
Legislative Assemblies. r I hese
things were never done by any of
our Authorities during our Revolu
tion, nor for thirty years after,”
••General Washington whs brave
but humane; he always showed
mercy to a fallen foe. I tell you my
children, beware (he Ides of March
—beware of any man who in the
tide of victory would sweep away
your dearest tights and trample on
your constitmion—beware ot the
man who has dared to do what the
Father of his country never did,—
Fleet no sorb man to be your Chief
Magistrate—let no au< b man oeeu
py the seat which has been occupi
ed by Washington, the great and
the good Washington. As you love
the memory of your Fathers, as
you would preserve your constitu
tion from violation, and the ark of
your political safety from unhallow
ed hands, do not call su*h a man
to administer that government which
was achieved by virtue a;.d by val
or.”
RHODE ISLAND.
The last Rhode Island papers
contain the new constitution for that
stale. Ls provisions are similar
to those of other stater; the two
following extracts which we re
rejoice to see, are the most materi
al and important.—„Vat. ddvocute
The person of a debtor, where
there is not strong presumption of
fraud, ought not to be confined in
prison, alter he shall have deliver
ed up his property for the benefit of
his creditors, in such manner as
shall be prescribed by law.
17. \Y bereas Almighty God hath
created the mind free, and ail at
tempts to influence it by lempoml
punishments or burthens, or by ci
vil in apatitaiious, tend to baget
habits of hypocrisy and meanness.
and whereas a principal object of onr
venerable ancestors, in their migra
tion to this country, and their set
tlement of this state, was, as they
expressed it, to hold forth a lively
experiment, that a flourishing civil
state may stand, and he best main
tamed with full liberty in religious
concernments: We, therefore, de
clare, that no man shall be com
pelled to frequent or support any
religious worship, place, or minis
try whatsoever, nor enforced, re
strained, molested or butthenediu
his body or goods, ror disqualified
from bolding any office, nor other
wise suffer on account of his reli
gious belief; and that all inn shall
he free to profess, and by argument
to maintain, their opinion in mat*
ters of religmtt; and that the same
shall in no wise diminish, enlarge
••r utfeet the ivil capacities; and
that <*li other religious rights and
privileges of the people oft his state,
as now enjoyed, shall remain iuvi
olate and inviolable,
18 The enumeration of the fore*
goi g rights shill not be construed
to impair oor deny others retained
by the people.
From the Riclim md Enquh er.
QUERIES.
We are aware of the source from
which the following queries come,
Old the information on which they
are founded. Without pretending
io vouch for the authenticity of the
fads, we deem the information so
worthy of respect as to warrant
their publication. We have names,
Ac. iri our possession, which we do
not deem it necessary to bring out.
-“Then- high character induces us
to lay the following before our rea
det,
1. Was not Mr. John Q Adams,
* ft toad to the Missouri restriction ?
D*d he not declare that he ha 1 no
dcubl of Congress having the con
stitutional power to impose such a
rt>strietio!>*and is not this well known
to member of Congress from New
Hampshire, a late member from
Maryland, and a member of the pre*
sc A Congress from Tennessee, and
can any southern state support a
man who entertains such opinions ?
2 Is not a coalition forming be
tween Messrs, Jackson, Adams and
Calhoun, by which it is to be ar
ranged that withio a short time,
Gen, Jackson is to resign his pre
tensions to ihe Presidency to Mr.
Attains* and Is to eome in as Vice
President ; and Mr. Calhoun is to
fill some distinguished post under
tils amalgamated administration,
probably as Secretary of State,
wiiich is to make him heir apparent
t< the Presidency at ‘he end of eight
years ?
3. Hoes not the combination
formed between the Adams and
Calhoun papers at Washington, and
iheir,late united movements as to
Ninian Edwards, strongly support
the truth of the hypothesis stated in
the second query ?
4. Are (He people prepared to
permit the United States to be di
vided into provinces as was done by
Caesar, Crasstis and Pnmpey, or
themselves to be transferred like
cattle to any aspiring or ambitious
leader who may claim a right to
dispose of them according to his will
and pleasure ?
3. Will the great stale of Penn
sylvania suffer her support to be
transferred to Mr. Adams once an
acknowledged federalist, and a vio
lent opponent of those great repub
lics - principles, which she has uni
f rmlv aid strenuously supported?
Will she, or will New York, sanc
tion the amalgamating policy, which
estimates political principle as noth
ing—and men as every thing ?
These are solemn enquiries which
the people af *be United States will
have to decide. We give the warn
ing. We are induced to believe
that the events will take place to
which these enquiries lead. May
(he people be on the watch to defeat
combinations, which however they
may promote individual aggrandize
ment will be destructive to their
happiness and subversive of their
liberties.
From the Columbians. C ) Telescope.
MH. LOW HIE,
Os this gentleman I know nothing,
but what I have learned from what
has lately transpired in reference to
his dispute with Mr. Monroe and
Gen. Jackson, His conduct anti
his character may on former occa
sions, for ought I know, be liable to
severe censure. In his own state,
or io oongrtst. he may be a bate in
triguer, devoid of truth, honor and
integrity. On these points, know*
ing nothing I can say nothing;
But in regard to his late dispute
with Mr. Monroe and Gen. Jack
son, I have formed a decided opin
ion in his favor. In him I see what
will always excite, in my mind, and
in every generous bosom, a warm
interest : a man dealt most unfairly
by, misrepresented, attacked most
foully, in hi reputation, and borne
down by great names and the weight
of o filial authority. As his char
acter is supposed to have been hith
erto good, and as, in this instance,
I see that he has been most basely
injured : I cannot but feel for him
that sympathy which is always ex
cited in every honest heart at see
ing an ho .est man overwhelmed by
superior force—“a great man strug
gling ’mid tlie storm of fate.”
Uis character is his alt: all to
him, and al! to his children. It is
all that he has to be proud of; and
all the patrimony he has for his
posterity. If that be destroyed, then
every thing is lost both to him aud
them.
What are the charges against
him ? That he has told a wilful, de
liberate falsehood, in stating that
Mr. Monroe read to him General
Jackson’s private, confidential let
ter; and thru he has done so with
the base, malicious motive of injur
ing the latter. I say he has done
neither the one nor the other, and
that th sc who say he did, must
either have wilfully done him iojus
ti< e or very superficially examined
the facts.
First then : he has told no false
hood. Mr. Monroe did read the
letter to him.
The first thing that strikes the
blind id the internal evidence of the
thing itself; that “evidence that
eannot lie/* Gen Jackson in his
correspondence calls his letters con
fidential. Mr. Mouroe, in bis re
plies, treats them as confidential.
They were known to no one else
than those two. Unless one or the
other of these two communicated
their contents to sotne one else, how
could any one else know that they
ever existed 9 Now, it is not p* etend
ed that Gen. Jackson ever made
such a communication, fie denies
it. fie still insists they were con
fidential, How thru in the name
of Heaven could Mr. Lowrie know
of their existence , much less their
contents, unless Mr. Monroe read
(hem ? The tiling speaks for itself.
A “hild may understand it.
Bui M>. Roberts, Mr. Lacock,
Mr. Ruggh‘9 and Mr. Thomas all
say that Mr MoorOe read them to
them also. Where, then, is the im
probability that he was equally
communicative to Mr. Lowrie ?
These gentlemen also state that Mr.
Fiodlay Stated, io 1821, that Mr.
Monroe read them to him and Mr.
Lowrie together. It is true this
gentleman’s recollection m w (that
he finds great oames against him)
fails him on this point. But why
did he state the faet otherwise in
1821, if he and Mr. Lowrie had not
heard the letter read ?
It is not a little confirmatory of
Mr. Lowrie's statement, that he did
not 9tate that the letter was tread
to him alone, but in company with
Mr. Findlay. If he had been dis
posed to statea falsehood, he would
have said “no one was present but
myself and Mr. Monroe.’ 9 He
would not have furnished the evi
dence by which bis mis-*taiement
could have been so easily detected,
if he had been guilty of one.
Another circumstance U that bis
narration.of the facts which led to
the reading of this letter, was nat
ural at the time. They led to
the disclosure. He and Mr. Find
lay both stated in 1821, that the
appoiatmeut of a federalist to an
office io Pennsylvania, induced them
to remonstrate with the President
on the impolicy of such appoint
ments ; and that Mr. Monroe, in
bis justification, quoted to them the
advice he had received from Gen.
Jackson. Now, this io the usual
course of things, is perfectly natur
al. And these circumstances are
true, for even Mr. Fiodlay admits
that both ho and Mr. Lowrie did re
monstrate against that appointment
and that policy, aud Mr, Momroe
does not pretend to deny it.
But it is said that Mr, Lowrie is
not to be believed because be stated
tha the letter, as read to him, re
commended to him to choose for bis
cabinet two federalists and two re
publicans; whereas the letter did,
in reality, only recommend the se
lection of the cabinet without regard
to party , It is substantially the
tame. The difference is a inrio
quibble. The principle is the same*
whether one federalist wa9 chosen*
without regard to party, or two.
But lam willing tog* further. I
Imre no doubt the tetter was read to
Mr. Lowrie in the terms he stated.
Geo Jackson states that Mr.
Mo.iroo denied to him that he ever
read to Mr. Lnwric, or to any other
person, any such letter (one recom
mending the appoint meat of two
federalists and two republicans) or
any letter from Gen. Jackson. I
believe no one doubts that ho did
read (he letter. I think I have
shewn that he did, as conclusively
as that two and two moke four.
And as that letter was confidential ,
Mr. Mouroe stands convicted oftw**
things ;of befruy ; ng conjidence ad
of stating what is not true. The
man who would be capable of this
would be capable of reading the let
ter to Mr. Lowrie in the terms lie
says it was read. Mr. Lowrie does
rot pretend that he read the letter,
but says that Mr. Monroe read it to
him. The other gentlemen say the
Same was done to them.
Has Mr. Lowrie been guilty of
betraying confidence. Bth he and
Mr. Findlay at the time ♦ and when
there could he uo motive with either
to injure Gen. Jackson, for he was
then no candidate* staled that the
letter Wa9 not comiiiimioated to
them as confidential, The other
gentlemen state that it was read to
them in the same way. On Mr*
Monroe, who knew the letter was
confidential, this charge exclusively
rests.
The second question is, did Mr*
Lowrie make this statement with
the malicious intent to injure Gcn
Jackson ? The answer is easy.
When did he make it ? in IS?L
V/as General Jackson then dreamt
of as a candidate. No! How theta
could he have intended to injure
him ?
I-* what point of vievf, now, has
lilr. L. done wrong. A nominaliuo
Ufa certain federalist for an f ffioe
in Mr L.s’ state is made m 1821,
He remonstrates with the President.
The President tells him, “ i have?
been advised by Gen. Jackson to
make such appointment 8 ” Mr.
L. goes home. His constituents
call upon him to know how he suf
fered such an appointment to ho
made He states what Mr. Monroo
told him. Gen. Jackson is net yet
a candidate. When he afterwards
eomes forward, the people of Penn
sylvania recollect what they have
heard. They enquire of Mr L w
rie whether what they have heard is
true. He tells them it Is. To have
done otherwise would have been to
give his former declarations the lie.
Was this to injure Gen. Jackson ?
It was to save his own reputation.
Mr Kremer, a warm friend of
Gen. J. calls on Mr. L. He gives
him the same statement. Mr. K.
then calls on Mr. Monroe. Does
Mr. M. then say, “ I will have no
thing to say in this business, it is
an electioneering affair ?” No. He
authorizes Mr. K. to say, upon his
authority that Mr. L.s* statement i&
wholly false.
Great God ! what was the situs*
tion of Mr. Lowrie ! Who that has
the least spark of honor, the least
regard for reputation, but eao in a
moment eaoceive ail the agonies of
his situation ? He had stated what
was true; he had done it obviously
without malice; he bad betrayed
no confidence; and yet his state
ments are flatly contradicted upon
such high authority. Was he to
lie quiet ? Was he to suffer his own
and his children’s fame to be torn
from him without a murmur, with
out an effort, however high in sta
tion the despoiler might be ? No*
The humblest citizen of this repub
lic has as much right to defend his
reputation, as the most distinguish
ed man among us: and I hope it
has not reached that length yet,(al
though it is fast verging to it) that
office shall protect a wrong done,
Mr. Lowrie’s course under such a
weight of influence was marked
with a temperance and prudence
worthy of a belter fate. He calls
upon Mr. Fiudlay. Mr. Findlay*a
memory fails him. He calls upon
Mr. Monroe to do his character jus
tice. Mr. M. replies that he will
have nothing to say in the affair.
This is the Mr Mouroe woo had au
thorised Mr. Kremer flatly to coo
tradiet Mr. L.s’ statement in tho
public papers. Yet he will have no*
thing to say in the affair ! He calls
upon Gen. Jackson, who replies I
never wrote stick a letter.
Thus circumstanced, abaudoned