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Cfelved to what an absurd conclusion it kinds’. In
the very same clause is coq&rred iks. right to re
uuiatc commerce among the several states; will it
be asHcrtcd that this power giyesthe right to pro
tect the people o( tile state* Iron* the criminal
Jaws of their respective Legislatures? And why
not if the other argunjent be sound f tfiit extepd
tng this idea still farther, trorn. tliin power to regu
late commerce “with foreign nations,” wiio is so
bold as to ufljiny, that the General’ Government
has the l ight to project all the rest of the vtvrld
from the force of their own penal hoy*? X ,,oU £* l
this self same power, to the <Usmay of the states,
has ojkmicU tip on their lights a juost destroying
flood, it lias not yet auite readied such qii illimit
able expansion.
So far then as this clause parts with the right
Georgia to territory, jurisdiction or sovereign
ly. over the people red, filayk or wjiitc, citizen or
alien, found withih its acknowledged limits, 1
think 1 may safety say, she is safe, aiil as to any
other graqt of power to that effect, in Hint inslru
meat, l say, und speak advisedly, none can be
found.
But the strong ground assumed for fchc Gene
ral Government, and in the .hole force of
argument and ingenuity is arrayed and is.
that by treaties, it has promised protection |o the
Indians within the limits of states, and that under
this clause of lh* Federal Constitution, viz; “the
Vrcsidept shall li\ye power, by and with the ad
vice and con^ciitot’ the Senate, to make treaties,”
{►aid government had a right to make trea
ties Mqw Jet ns consider this grouqi} afijo.
l again lay Uuwii these pli.4dp.les.
That al! governments, whether w ith. or without
a constitution, must act within some limited powr
era, so as at least, to respect the rights of others,
ami that treaties Liiid tally the ypotractiug par:
ties, and no two nations can treat away the rights
pf another, bttybv flip ijw of the strongest nriu.
That the General Government j§ a strictly lim
ited Government, and has not a single power
without its well known boundary, and that the
power to make treaties is iiot unlimited, but 1141st
be con hoed tyithjn the sphere of the otfir;'powers
couferrcd upon tfiat govpriunent If this i$ not
admitted, then the President and Senate, {he t\yo
functions of Government farthest removed from
the people, cun do rapre than all the rpst of the
political machinery besides? Can. dp what Con
gress dare not, dispose of sURes and their rights i
at pleasure; indeed, manger all the studied re
striction thrown around the government, through
this power is let iu tlie power to do every thing.
Such according to I\|r. .Jeffprson, was never in
fended.
That the General Government h limited in the
. power of making treaties to the §phpre of its o
fher delegated powers; it has no right to make
treaties with ludians residing withiiTthc limits of
States, but upon th*-ingle subject of commerce,
because “Ip regulate commerce with Indian
fribes,” i$ the Qnly powei tliey have iq relation to
•that people; if guy thing more i? contended fpj
ikt in vain to have- 4 written constitution.
That no authority wrongfully acquired, can b
rightfully exercised after it’is discovered td be
Unfounded, and it i. to be hoped the General Go
vernment would disduju to contend for 4 pqutra
principle.
With these principles constantly in view, I pro
ceed tp the following statement. ’ After the Fed
eral Government went into operation, there were
very pinny of its principles mid powers but little*
.‘understood, and required to be drawn put in prac
tice before their proper tendencies could beYairty
tested. 1 hese principles have been developing
ever since, and new powers or rather strange
lights are making tljcjf appearance every hpiTr,
in-the national firmament, it was not wonderful
then, that many acto of the General Government,
while thu states were young and inexperienced,
Should he done without a strict scrutiny into their
legitimate ponsequeuces, and having full confi-.
deuce in the integrity of a government, founded
upon the best affections qf the states, consecrated
by common dangers, sufferings and distress,, it
could not be believed, that if such a government
should be found to have transcended its bpunds,
it would for one moment hesitate to retrace jts
•teps and repair the injury. This is the precise
situation of Georgia. Many treaties were made
between the General Government and the fmHans.
to which she was t;o party,, within her limits, and
though the very first was objected to, yet that und
nil the rest have been acquiesced in. pinch from
filial duty and respect, 4s from any thing else;
but this cannot make that rig ht, which was funda
mentally wrong. But there vVas another circum
stance which kept the state respectfully silent on
this subject. No* state in the Union 64$ suffered
more from Indian depredation than Georgia, anj
mich was the constant scene of savage
and desolating conflagrat- „ cr frontiers in
the days of tfcuse Jirst treaties, that she was wil
ling to have peace on any terms, aqd submitted
to whatever the General Government, fii fier pa
rental solicitude, might impose, for the’ §ake of
any lespitc troui those, fioniti Riasjapres to which
. daily exposed. 4ml if tlies.e treaties jip.
po* v J ny obligations, are they to be alone bind
ing on who was really no party to them,
Jvliile one of the contracting parties has violated
jtheiu from time to tins*, i’ die carnage of our wo
men and children, and t<w rapine of our frontiers
in an extent of four hundred miles ? It is not too
’ much to say, nor is it said iu ibc of 1 mroach,
that the bones of many 9/ our people, can a*
day be pointed tq which haye been bleaching up
on the earth, and scattered from the un
buried bodies of many who were tortured and
murdered long sinpe jtfip last treaty of peqct with
that unfortunate rape. Who does not know that
>var puts an end to aji .treaties between the bellig
erents, and who does not know, that* there have
.been repeated wars and ravaging incursions by
: the Indians, since any treaty where the tranquili
ty of Georgia was concerned, and in wfiichthe
faith of the General Goygrnoieiit been pledg
ed to protect them within her limits? But aside
jTroni all these considerations, the time is come
when we stand upon our rights 43 secured to us
by tlie constitution. If fiif General Government
has bound itself to perform an act which will vio
late the rights of u sjate, will it enforce that act,
contrary to the remqustrancti of (fiat State /
Are the rights of Georgia less to be respected
Jthau the supposed jrightg of the Indians ? We say
the General Government could make no treaty
with the Indians, within the limits of Georgia, o
.ther than such as regulated /commerce, and that
precisely in the way flic same .object was effected
the several states, and any stipulations
either in treaties or laws, beyond this single,
point, are yoid pu fur as Georgia is concerned-
And the vny case before us proves, as I waid be
fore, that the period has arrived wJieh the error
must be eorreett'd, tor we must govern the Indi
ans or they wffl tgoyern ys, and this ip a oucslioA
that ;uinnts of no debate,
r They arc within our jurisdiction ant i our (err i.
. tory, and the Federal coyrt has so determined.
,f Sec. t 5. Crunch 140. j £)ven Jydge* Johnson who
dissented from the above opinion declared, 111 his
usual strong und forcible manner, that “die ri°-ht
ot jurisdiction is esse.pdydly connected to, or *ra
tbe.ridentified with, the national sovereignty. To
part with it is to •commit a of political
iuLcidc. Ju fact ft pow er to produce its own an
jtiihiliaiiou is an absurdity in terms, is a jovv ‘
fir as utterly uicoimnunicable to a political as to
a person.” We have never parted with
jt to the General Government much less to the
Indians. Does any one believe that Georgia
jvould ever have entered into the Union, if it had
&eeu required of her to the iudrpcn
that very territory which she lucl ronqured Irom 1
Great firit/iiu yud her indi^j^lHc& t tyid which, as.
I hay 9 4ho.\vn, was 111bre than once refused to the
General Government ?
\vQu)d yot grant this right directly \Q the Indians,
an application coming Irom them would
, hay 9. been supremely ridiculous, surely no ope, can
imagine, and be bones} wiyh his understanding,
that she has indirectly given }o the General Go
vernment the right to do this very thing, to set
theny uu }9.the very heart of the
stf>!c ?
Let ys canine some, of the of
this doctrine. have a front : -er of someftlung
like two hundred miles in length, separateil, in
some places, by on!v an imaginary line, front
the Cherokee nation. On this line tliert;a re h vc
counties, and fqt\r of \>y far the most yoj>u
loqsof any iipt|\e Besides tfiis there is ne
cessarily much ti avling through the nation in or
<icj to reach the Western states. If the Cherokee
nation.is erected into an indapemh ntgovernment,
what eusues ? The case at the bar aft’or<b> the
answer. The rnoment a white man is” caught
within, the nation and accused of a crime, (and
hovy a.asy to prefer a charge) he i. arrested and n
most sqmqiut'y ti ial takes place. An Indian olfi-
Ccr speedily coljcp.ts four or five. orgaqi*
thcni iuto a court w ithout regard to time or
placej from the friends or witnesses of die ac
cused. often qiulersUimlingnothing of their lan
guage, and in a fewy n\omet:ts he rcirelvcs the sen
tence of the court to be scourged ip ttye most cru
el manner, and it is as quickly Executed. And
well earned of a life may in
an instant be blasted, ‘{'his kind of troqtnyent t<o
may extend to t hu taking of life or limb, and this
|is not all-1* -,s subjected to puii}shtqout twice for
Hie same offence, for our law* w ill punish citizens
for primes committed against Indiana, and there
are now men suffering hi the Penitentiary olf that
very account, who, when they come out, if caught
in the nation, mqy bp punished ag'qjii fop tlie
saipe Qflcnee.
(t cannot bccxpecteil that such 4 state oftljugs
will be suffered tu exist In vain may Georgia at
tempt to ameliorate penal code and soften the
rigour of cruel and bloody punishment, if tin; sa
vages in her very bosom, are allowed to tear o
pen tlie wounds, it has beep the anxious effort 9?
twenty ypars to heal.
Goyprnmcnt at best is a state of restraint, and
made for the benefit qf tlie ipany qver the few,
sandf and no one will deny that it is belter foi q savage,
to be under the govermneut of 4 people,
than for the latter to be subject io the hcuVui irre
gularities of the former. ‘}’he same, laws that
govern us, will govern them, with no otlier ex
ceptions than such as their peculiar situation will
naturally require. At all cyents they vyjll pot be
more sevgr.e, they \> ill be trealgj w ith humanity..
Their rights have always 691-11 respected by tiic
state government; witness the number c ( {’ white
persons who haye been rigorously prosecuted
and punished for n violation qf their persons and
property —Witness tlie successful issue of the case
o; ilioir reserves, than w hich none cuald have met
w ith more violent operation-—Witness how few
of them have ever been punished by our courts.
Have they ever come utqoug us without {receiving
our reaejy charity, and hind hospitallity ? The
reproaches against Georgia for her unjust treat
ment of the Indians, to say the jeast of it, is unde
served, and could our Northern brethren knovy
the truth of this matter, we should hayo
spargd thipr pnkind censures %
|t is true they are deprjved of many pi oviliges
that bc-jpng to the citizen, but their condition is
precisely the same in the rest of the states. They
havg never been put upon t|ic s4Pie footing any
where, and it is a great uct ofipsjngerify towards
Georgia, and a fatq} delusion to {he Imliaus to at
tempt to inspire gqcii o Relief, it canijot be
expected that Georgia will sqhrmt to any thig to
which other u*los
said they sh;dl net be witnesses against w hite t nicn,
this is a municipal rcgulatjqi) and 15 entirely ot
our own concei ij, ;gbject to no o{l}er fenpiqy than
that which refers to the wisdom of any ether reg
ulation ; we may be censured iu- fidiy but
no power. The same authorities ex
clude slaves infitlels, convicts and idiots, from
giving testimony in the courts of justice, or, ac
count of a defect qf moral principle, can dp the
same ihiiig towqids any other class of persons,
whom they, in their judgment, i;iay deem tq be
labouring under the saqie disability, and we are
answerable so noone but ourselyeg.’ \yith regard
io other privileges, ilu; Indians cannot expect to
be placed upon the same footing with our own
citizens; wedonnt allow thatjo enlightened for
eigutrs, much less to wandering ravages. aii(| 1
beg to be considered as not uhig this term here
01 elsqwhctc reproachfully. This se a preroga
ttta? oeiqngs to all governments, and must
be exercised umtel* tiiar sound ducretiqn .viiicli is
supposed to rest iu every well re opiate (I society.
Thai ppwerip goyernnieut which prescribes five
years to an aliou before he shall be entitled to the
rights of a citizen, could plage a limit of fifty
years iq Uiesainq miy t4iey cou 1 1 deny
it nltogrtfier, and >yhgre fs lhu grealer injustice
in exercising a precisely gindlav power in relation
to the Indians, a people much less entitled to siu:h
n .cither froip moral irqprovcmc-nt or intel
lectual tje.vatjoq. Go! the truth is, whenever
they deserve it tfiey will receive it, but this must
al ways be is every other social rule, tq our
own best judgment. ‘
A case ha- been presented, in this state, which
to illustrate fbe principle of exclusive juris
diction as contended for pi th f e foregoing remarks.
Some years the Indian title to a portion qf the
Cherokee nation” leaving how
ever in different parts a number of reserves, of one
mile square to which their title was itii
isfitd, bud these ful) into separate organized coun
ties to the state, and were occupied by the 111-
. dians for whose benefit they received, like
very many {jimila* Reserves, in other states. Now
will it be coiite.mh and these Indians and these Re
-1 servations cqipstituted ’ independent territories
w itlyin the cotmtie? where they were situated, and
that state could uot extend-into thena? Tbat/heir
iuliabitants Were beyond any control from state
jurisdiction so long as they kept pi their own
bounds, and that within those limits, they might
commit what crimes tfiey pleased ? In favor of
; such a doct.rine, I humbly conceive, no 0119 can
be fouad.
Then what is the difference, between one In
dian on one mile s pinre andGU(H) Indians on two
hundred miles, both being within the acknowl
edged chartered limits of Georgia ? This sub
ject considered in reference to the first case is
perfectly withiu the comprehension o/.the nar
rowest capasity, but increased the numbers and
enlarge the limjts, 411 and a principle, b/ore as pkj„
as noonday, vanisheth iiuo doubt, and all'atonce
becomes a qestion of ‘,‘yery dclica{p rt specula
tion !i ‘* ■
I cannot conclude without .greatly comtooml
nigtlie forbearance and Uignifeil” moderation of
! he people of Geor s ia, under ti le late multiplied
unfitts they have received from various part., u l
the Union, lime will dissipate the error that Jins
at the foundation of such gratuitous unkindness
But If contrary toall reasonable hope'this ;.,s t Px ’
pecta.ion should not ; i.e nuduMtl, an’d
sat 11s abroad, b.v their sickly soheitude shoultl
cause nnmvasion of a now settled and decided
Vl ’ °° ,y l ‘ UVk ' <o M‘end agaiiwt
tlie toree of an uspivtDKD people, but they mny
find, behind that very moderation und forbear*
an C e, which they so much-.-urect to contemn all
tlie resolution suited to any ALTi nttArtPE which
a graceless intrusion provoke.
The Kea Overruled.
From thfi United Stotes Telegraph.
Sunday Mail.
Mt. Joiinsqn, from the
Committee JU the Post Office and
Post Roads to which, had been re
(ered,.potitiavs and remonstrances
• against transportation and o
pening es the public mail on the
Sabbath day, made the following.
REPORT
The Committee on Pop OJpecs ov-d
Po\t Heads, to which tin memorials
were refered fox prohibiting the
transportation of (he Mails, and
the opening of Tost OJ/iccs, on
Sundays,
That the memorialists re£T!;’d the
first day of the \veßt as a day set a
part by die Create for religious ex
ercises; and conader tlie trans|)ort
ation.of the mai!a that.-day, qnd
ihe opening ofth post offices on that
day, the violation of a religions du
ty. and pall for a suppressiori of the
practice, Others, by counter mem
orials, are known to entertain a dif
ferent seqtimept, believing that no
day ofthe week is holier than ano
ther, Qthers.hplding the universa
lity and immutability of the Jewish,
deeaiogue. hel,eve in the sanctity of
the seventh day of the week as a day
of religious dnotion; and by
memorial now before the copinpUec,
diey also retppst that it ipav he set a
part for leligiots purposes. Each has
hitherta been left to the exercise, of
his own opinion ; and it Itas been re
garded us the proper business ofGo
vernmerit to jyotcct all, and determ
ine for none, ’dutthe attonipt isnovy
inude to fling about a greater uni
j fprrnity at least, in practice ; and, as
argument Iu failed, the Goyern
| (pent lias been called upon to intcr
; [tose its authoiity to settle the con
troversy,
Congress acts under a constitution
of delegated and limited powers.
The Committee look in vain to that
insUnuucnt for a delngiit iop of pow
er authorizing this fody to inquire
and determine what part pf tisirl, or
wheßjpf any, (ras beep sot apart by
tip: Altnighly for rcligjpus exercises.
Op tijo contrary, qmong the few jn-p-
Ijjbiliojis tyliieh it contains is one flint
prohibits a religious test* qnd ano
ther, \vliich doplai.cs that Cotigrogs
slmll pass nol.iw rettpeditw an cstq
hlishmeat pf (rligion, er jirohibiting
the free exercise thereof. The eom
inittoe might Iwre yesf the nrgutnent,
upon the groom! that the qitestion
referred to them, dot:g not pomp
vyithin the cognizance of Congress;
hut the perseyerpfipe and zeq| w ith
which tjjp memorialists pursue their
object, seems to require a further p
lucidafioft of the subject. And, as
iljp oppogers qf Sunday mails dis
claim al) iiitpitipi) t.Q unite church
and state, the committee tjo not feel
disposed to impugn their motives ;
pud vyhateyor may be advanced in
apposition to the measure will arise
from the fours entertained of jts’ fa
tal tendency to the peace and happi
ness of the tuition. The catastrophe
of other nations furnished the ft tun
ers of the constitution p beapon of aw
ful warning, and they have evinced
the greatest possible care in guard
ing against the same evil.
The law, as it now exists, makes no
distinction as to the days of the week,
hut is imperative that the Post
masters shall attend at pi) reasonable
hours, if) every day, to perform the
duties of their offices j and thp Post
master Reneral has given his In
structions to alj Postmasters,’ that,
at Post Offices, \yjiere the mail ar
rives pa Sunday, the office is to he
kept open am hour, or more, after
the arrival of the mail; hut in case
that would interfere with the hours
of public worship, the offiec js to be
kept open for pne hour after tlje usij
al time 0/ dissolving tihe meeting.
This liberal construction of the law
does not satisfy the memorialists.
But ihe Committee believe that
there is no just ground of complaint,
utiles§ it bo conceded that they have
a controlling power over the consci
ences of others. If Congress slmll,
by the authority ot law, sanction the
measure recommended, it would coq
sti.tute a legislative dieision of a re
ligious coivtiiiversy, iu .which even
j Christians themselves, are at issue,
j However suited such a decision may
;he to an ecclesiastical council, it is :
! incompatible with a republican legis
j latuip, whjelj is purely fur political, -
and not religious purposes.
In our individual character, we all
‘entertain opinions, and pursue a cor-
jresponding pratice upon the subject
pf religion. However, diversified
rhese may - be, we all harmqnize as
citizens* while each is willing that
the other sh all enjoy the same liber
ty which lie claims for himself. But
in out representative character, our
individual character is lost. The in
dividual acts for himself; the repre
sentatives foe his constituent?. He
is cliosen lo Represent their political,
and not their religious views—to
guard the rights of man ; not to res
trict tlie rights of conscience. Des
pots vnay regard their subject? as
their property, and usurp the Divine
prerogative of prescribing their reli
gious faith. But'the history of the
world furnishes the muhuKdioiy de
.ratriiLu..*; v-r.l the disposition of
one man to coerce the religious ho
'mage of another, springs fromamin
chasfcned ambition, rather than a
sincere dpvotio.n to any religion.
The principles of our government tlo
nut recognise iu tlie majority, any
authority over the minority, except
in matters which regard tlie conduct
of man to his fellow man. A Jewish
monarch, by grasping the holy cen
ser, lost both his sceptre and his
freedom ; a destiny as little to he en
vied, may bp the lot of the Ameri
can people, who hold the sovereign
ty of power, if they, in the person of
their representatives, shall attempt
to unite, in the remotest degree.
Church and State.
J’rom the earliest period of time,
religious teachers have attained great
ascendency over tlie minds pf the
people ; and in every nation, ancient
or modern, whether Pagan, Maho
■nedan, or Clp istain. have succeeded
in the incorporation us thejr religious
tenets with tlie political institutions
oftlipir country. ’ The Persian idols,
the Grecian qrac'es, the Romun au
guries, and the modern priesthood
of Europe, have all, in their turn,
been the subject pf popular adulation,
and the agents of political deception.
If the measure recommended shpuld
he adorned, it would be difficult for
human sagasjty to foresee how rapid
would he the succession, or ho\y nu
merpt|s tlie train of measures which
might ftjJlpw, involving the dearest,
rights of nil—the right of sfopcipnce.
It is perhaps fortunate sos our coun
try, tliut the proposition should have
been made at’ this parly ppfjod, while
the sprint of thp Revolution yet ex
ists iii full vigor: Rciigiqus zeal en
lists ijie strongest prejudices pf the
‘humanmind; and, when misdirected,
excites the worst passions pfour na
ture, p.nder the delusive pretext pf
doing God service, JVothing so ju
furiates tllF heftß to deed? of ra
pine und blood ; nothing is so inces-.
sant in its fojls ; so per?pg.ering in its
determinations; sq appalling ii) its
course; or so dangerous in its conse
quences. The equality of rights se
cured by the constitution, piny hid
defiance to mere p.cjjtjcal tyrants ;
hut the tube or” scantily too often
glitters to deceive; The constitution
.regards the conscience of the Jew as
sacred as that, of the Christian j and
gives no tnpre authority to adopt a
measure affecting tjt.e conscience of
a solitary individual, than that of a
whole community. That represen
tative who would violate this princi
ple, would lose his delegated charac
ter, and forfeit the confidence of his
constituents. Jf Congress shall de
clare the first day holy, it will not
convince the .few nor Sabbatarian.
It will dissatisfy both; and, conse
quently, convert neither. Unman
power may extort vain cacrifices: but
Deity alone can command the affec
tion? of the heart. It must be recol
lected, that in ihe earliest settlement
|oft!}is country, the spirit of persecu
tion which drove the pilgrims from
tlipir native home, was brought home
with Jtherq to their new habitations;
acd that some Christians were scour
ged. and others put to death, for no
otlier crime than dissenting from the
dogmas of their rulers. ‘ ’ “”
With these facts before jus, it must
be a subject of deep regret, that, a
quesfipn should lye hr might before
Congress, which involves tlie dear
est privileges of tlie Constitution, and
even by those who enjoy its choicest
blessings'.—We should all recollect
fJISf Ratali 11c, a professed patriot,
wasa traitor to Romo; Arnold a pro
fessed whig, was a traitor to Ameri
ca ; and Judas, a professed disciple,
was a traitor to his Divine Mastei.
With the exception of the U. 8.,
the whole human race, consisting, it
is supposed, of eight hundred milli
ons of rational beings, rs in religious
bondage; and, in reviewing the scenes
of persecution which history every
where presents, unless the commit
tee could, believe tlmt the cries oftko” ■
burning and the flamga by
which he is consumed, bear to Hea*
ven a grateful incense, the conclusion
is inevitable, that the line cannot b<C
too. strongly drawn between phurch.
and State. If a solumn act of legis
lation sluUl in one point, dpfine the ; „
law of God, or point out the citizen
one religious duty, it may with equal
propriety, proceed to define pycri/,
part of divine rovdatiun ; and enforce
every religious obligation, even to the
forms and ceremonies of worship;,
the endowment of the church; am}
the support of the clergy.
It was with a kiss that Judas be
trayed his Devine Master, and we
should all be admonished,—no mat
ter what our faith may be; that the ■
rights of conscience, conßOt he so
successfully assailed, ns under the
pretext of holiness. The Christiaq
religion in opposition to ail human
governments. Banishment, tortures,’
and death, were inflicted in vain tq
stop its progress. But many of its
professors, as soon as clothed with
political power, lost the meek spirit
which their creed inculcated, und be
gan to inflict on other religions, ants
on dissenting sects of their own reli
gion, persecutions more aggrivated
than those which their owp apostleg
had endured- The fen persecution?
of Pagan Emperors, were exceeded
in atrosity, by the massacres & mur
ders perpetrated by Christian hands;
and in vain shall ive examine the res
cords of Imperial tyranny, for an on*,
ginc of cruelty equal to. the Holy hi,
quisition. Every religious sect how
ever meek in its origin, commenced
the work of persecution as soon a?
it acquired political power. The
framers of the'Oonstitution recognis
ed the eternal principle, that rnaif g
relation with his God, is above legis
lation, and his rights of conscience
inalienable. Reasoning was not net
cegsary to establish the truth; wp
are conscious of it in our own bosoms.
It is this consciousness which, in dor
fiance of human laws, has sustained
so many martyrs in tortures and in
flames. They felt that their duty
to God was superior to human en-:
nctments, and that man could exer
cise no authority over their, conscien
ces; it is an inborn principle wliicfi
nothing can eradicate.
The bigot, in the pride of his au?
tbority, may lose light pf it—but strip
him of his power; prescribe a fit ith ip
him whip!) Isis conscience rejects;
threaten hi pi in turn with tlie dunge
on and the faggot; and the spirit
which pod has implanted in hipi, ris T
es up in rebellion and defies you.—
pid the primitive Christiaps ask that
government should recognise and
observe their religious- institutions?
All they usked was toleration; all
they comp}ainpd of, was persecution.
\Yftat B*d the Protestants of Gerinar
ny, or the Hugcnots of France, ask
of their Chatholic superiors ? Tol/r
ration. VVhat do the persecuted
Cfiatholics of Ireland ask of theif
oppressors ? Toleration.
Do not all men in this country enjov
every religious right which martyrs
and saints ever asked? When or,
then, the voice of complaint ? Who
is it, that, in the full enjoyment of
every principle which human lawn
can secure, wishes to arrest a portion
of these principles from his neighbor?
Do the petitioners allege that they
cannot conscientiously participate in
the profit of the mail contracts and
post offices, because the mail is car
ried on Sunday? If this he their mo
tive, then it is worldly gain’ which
stimulates to-action, and not virtue
or religion. Do they complain tlia|t
men, less conscientious in relation to
the Sabbath, obtain advantages pyjsr
them, by receiving their letters ant|
attending to their contents? Still
their motive is worldly and selfish.
But, if their motive he to induce €on r
gress to sanction, by law, their reli
gious opinions and observances, then
their efforts arc to be resisted, as in
their tendency fatal, both to religious
and political freedom. Why have
the petitioners confined their prayer
to the mails? Why have they T-.vt
requested that the Government bo
required to suspend all its executive
functions on that day? Why do they
not require us to enact that our ships
shall not sail? that our armies shall
not’ march? that officers of justice sjmlj
not seize the suspected, or guard the
convicted? Tliey seem to forget
that government is as ncr-cssaiy on
Sunday as on any other day of the
week. The spirit of evil does not
rest on that day. It is tlie Govern
ment, ever active in its functions,
which enables us all* cveu the petj-