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Congress the power to remedy these evils,
thep were, he contended, deeply responsible
for their continuance.”
The above arguments from giant minds
need no comments from me, nor shall I
produce other authorities to establish the
constitutionality or utility of a national
bank. I have brought forward the above
chiefly to unarm the revilers of the pure
and the good, and to present to Southern
readers, especially the young, the sound
vis ]ws and irrefutable positions of two of our
greatest political chiefs upon this subject.
I will here merely add, that there is abun
dant proof to show that General Jackson
was in favor of a U. S. Bank up to the pe
riod of his administration, when he became
offended at the independence of the officers
of the late Bank who would not submit to
his dictation. If Mr. Van Buren was op
posed to such a Bank previous to that time
he did not make it known ; at any rate, it
cannot be denied that he once placed him
self in the attitude of a petitioner to the
Mother Bank to establish a branch in Al
bany, New York.
Let me now call the reader’s attention
more particularly to the opinions of Gener
al Harrison upon this subject. In his letter
ill reply to one from Sherrod Williams
asking him if he would sign a bill to char
ter a National Bank if elected, he used
the following language: “I would if it
were clearly ascertained that the public inter
est in relation to the collectionanddisburse
mentofthe revenue; would materially suf
fer without one, and there were unequivocal
manifestations of public opinion initsfavor.”
This course of action is no doubt dictated
to Gen. Harrison by that clause in the con
stitution which says, “The Congress shall
have power to make all laws which shall
be necessary and proper for carrying into
execution the foregoing powers, and all
other powers vested by this constitution in
the government of the United States, or in
any department, pr office thereof.” The
following is from the reasons assigned by
Mr. Madison for not signing the bill to char
ter a bank in 1815. It will be perceived,
that the views of the General and Mr.
Madison, are very much the same. “Waiv
ing the question of the constitutional authori
ty of the Legislature to establish an incorpor
ated bank as being precluded in my judg
ment, by repeated recognitions, under vari
ed circumstances of the validity of such an in
stitution, in acts of the Legislative, Executive
and judicial branches of the Government , ac
f companied by indications in different modes
fa concurrence of the general will of the na
tion ; the proposed bank does not appear to
be calculated to answer the purposes of revi
ving the public credit of providing a nation
al medium of circulation, and of aiding the
treasury by facilitating the indispensable
anticipations of the revenue, and by afford
ing to the public more desirable loans.
It will be seen from the above that Mr.
Madison yielded his opposition to a Bank up
on constitutional grounds—and though he
refused to sign the bill chartering one in
1815, because he disapproved of some of its
details, he gave his sanction and signature
to one more conformable to his views in 181©.
In order, still further, to sustain the posi
tion of Gen. Harrison, I will present the
following extract from the written opinion
given to Gem. Washington at his request by
Mr. Jefferson on the subject of chartering
a national bank in 1791 : “It may be add
ed, however, that unless the President’s
mind, on a view of every thing which is
urged for and against this bill, is tolerably
clear that it is unauthorized by the consti
tution. If the pro and the con hang so
even as to balance his judgment, a just re
spect for the wisdom of the Legislature would
naturally decide the balance in favor of their
opinion. It is chiefly for cases where they
are clearly misled by error, ambition or
interest, that the constitution has placed a
check on the negative of the President.”
Is not this sound and salutary doctrine,
and does it not fully justify General Har
rison in the course indicated by the extract
from his letter. From all the above it ap
pears, that a National Bank has been sus
tained by Federalists and republicans. No
thing is more common now a days, than to
read in the Globe that conduit of scurrillity
and falsehood, and some of the low presses
which imitate its detestable example, that
Bank men are in the pay of the British and
wish to establish one to transfer the Gov
ernment and the liberties of the people into
their hands. Well, how would such a
charge lie against Mr. Madison and his
friends for supporting one in 1816, shortly
after a war with these same British which
was brought about by their recommendation
and influence and in which Gen. Harrison
was a major general, beating, capturing and
driving themfrom our boundaries and shores.
None but a miscreant, would say the same
of General Washington and his friends, for
chartering one in 1791, just after our glo
rious revolutionary struggle for freedom,
or, of the creators of the first bank in 1781,
while the thunders of British Cannon were
reverberating from our hills and mountains,
and their bristling bayonets w'ere glittering
upon our plains, or reeking with the blood
of our people ? Was it established then to
sell the country, its honor and its liberties
lo England ? and that too, at a time, when
our villages, towns, and cities were con
verted into smoking ruins by her myrmi
dons, our land laid waste and desolate, our
women made widows and their children
orphans, by her cruel tyranny and power?
Tell this to fools, to rocks and waves, but
tell it not to freemen, who can properly
appreciate their rights, and in whose gen*
erous bosoms this deception, trickery and
slander excite emotions only of scorn and
indignation. MADISON.
Washington, Wilkes County, Ga .,
October 7, 1840.
TO THE PEOPLE OF WILKES
COUNTY.
I, perhaps, owe an apology for taking
any notice of a lot of certifiers, who ap
peared before you in the columns of the
“ Independent Press,” of the 30th ultimo,
after the triumphant and decisive answer
you have given them .through the ballot
box. If their statements only circulated
within the limits of Wilkes county, where
the controversy, and all the parties are
known, it might rest where you have left
it. The editor of the “ Independent Press,”
in his editorial remarks, placed the matter
upon a basis that Ido not object to. That
he, or myself, or any other gentleman,
might be mistaken in either his questions,
or my answer, or both, I am perfectly will
ing to admit. For under the excitement
of political discussion, such misapprehen
sions are of every day’s occurrence. But
the certifiers, aiding their recollection with
their malice, have determined to make it a
question of veracity, that it might affect
my election. Ilelying upon an honest- ,
hearted people, who have known me from
my cradle to this moment, I scorned to an
swerthem until the election was over; I per- j
mitted their evidence to go before the pub
lic without comment from me. The verdict
of the ballot box is, that they are not to be
believed. Dr. D. M. Andrews certifies to a
fact, which is true, and which I never de
nied, but admitted—and am prepared,
when necessary, to defend. The truth of
the case is this, when Mr Fouchc asked
me, if I considered slavery a moral and
political evil ?—I answered, not moral but
political. Mr. Fouche immediately re
plied to that part of my answer, by arguing
that ifit were a political evil, every honest
politician ought to strive to remove it, ifec.
My answer, to reception of abolition
petitions, was such as is stated. Ido not
intend, upon this occasion, to argue either
position—l will do that when my consti
tuents may desire it. I do not believe
slavery to be a moral evil, because I find
it sanctioned by the Bible—which is the
only rule of morality among Christian
nations ; the correctness of which rule my
reason and judgment approve, though I do
not consider the citizens who construe the
moral law different from myself, in this
respect, as at all objectionable, or obnoxi
ous to our slave institutions; consequently,
if I had held such an opinion, I should not
have hesitated to avow it. My own recol
lection,as to the foregoing facts,is sustained
by above twenty gentlemen, whom I have
casually seen since this controversy was
begun, and who were present at the
discussion. Nothing can prove more
clearly the ferocious spirit which has ma
nifested itself in the present contest, than
this attempt,on the part ofthe certili era,some
few of whom have some character to lose,
to impute expressions to me, which I never
used, in a discussion before, above one
hundred and fifty, (I presume,) citizens of
Wilkes County; Their own conflicting ac
counts of the matter might have convinced
minds less obscured by party malevolence
that they at least were liable to err. Four
ofthe certifiers state that I “ nodded ” assent
to the questions proposed; one of them states
that I “admitted the facts charged,” to the
best of his rccollecti&n, another states that I
“assented” to the questions. Another that
I both answered “yes,” and “nodded.” So
it appears that some saw the “nod,” who
did not hear the “ yes,” others heard the
“yes” but did not see the “ hod.” On the
list I find some who have been so long con
trolled by a “wink” and a “nod,” that they
could do nothing that could surprise me or
the people of Wdkes county, except telling
the truth, where a falsehood would serve
their party better. I have not the least
doubt but that the mass of the certifiers
would have given a certificate just as soon,
that I advocated mormonism had it been ne
cessary to have injured me or benefited
their party.
Those of the certifiers who have any
character to 1 lose, have done themselves
great injustice, in their attempt to injure
me in the manner in which they have testi
fied ; the public and myself would have
been w illing to admit that they might have
been honestly mistaken, did not the terms
of their certificates so clearly prove that
their objects were rather to attain by any
means a political end, then to do justice
to a fellow citizen against whom they had
nothing to complain, except the partiality
of his fellow citizens. As to the mass of
the certifiers (and I dare say a score more
such could be got to certify the same thing,
at least to the “best of their recollection,”)
being of too little consequence to the public
even to become infamous, the controversy
will leave them just where it found them.
I shall not further disturb them in their in
glorious repose.
The objects of their attacks upon me are
so well understood by the people of Wilkes
County, that I have hitherto deemed it
wholly unnecessary to reply to them.—
They know that it is because their partial,
ity has placed me at the “head of the col
umn to bear up the flag” of retrenchment,
reform, states rights and popular liberty,
under which patriotism called them to bat
tle for their country. That animosity and
malevolence is increased, because that glo
rious flag, thus placed in my hands, still
waves in triumph over a prostrate faction,
who have so often sacrificed at the shrine of
party, the dearest interests of the people,
dismembered theirown county and bartered
away its fragments for local political power.
Proud I arny -vain I may be, at this glori
ous resulty but the honor and glory belongs
to you.
Your fellow citizen.
ROBT TOOMBS.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE NEWS
AND GAZETTE.
Believing the people desire to do justice
to themselves and the rival candidates in
casting their votes at the ensuing presiden
tial election, I shall presume so far as to
offer them some facts and reasons, through
the press, why those votes should be given
in favor of Gen. Harrison rather than Mr.
Van Buren. In doing this I shall say no
thing in reference to the abolition princi
ples of either, believing that neither are
abolitipnists, and that all who have noticed
the acts of both on this question must give
Gen. Harrison a decided preference. For
the sake of argument, I will grant they
are upon an equality on some other ques
tions, as the proclamation, force bill, and
the tariff, though on the last I yield too
much ; for Gen. Harrison avows himself
in favor ofthe compromise bill, Van Buren
is not, and with this bill the whole south is
perfectly satisfied. As I know the promi
nent objection made to Gen. Harrison, by
the most of those who oppose his election, I
shall give my attention to that objection
alone, while I am writing in his defence.
It is that he is in favor of a national bank,
and is, therefore, a federalist. If I admit
that lie will, ifeleeted, sanction a charter
for such an institution, and can convince
you that it has always been the measure of
the republican party, will you, if you
will not vote for him, allow that that sanc
tion could not make him a federalist ? I
think you will. Then is a national bank,
and has it always been, a republican meas
ure ? In 1791 the republicans supported
I it, and George Washington,then president,
sanctioned a bill chartering a national
bank.—And in favor of its constitutionali
ty, the fact that many of its supporters, at
that period, were the framers of the Con
stitution, and that George Washington was
the president ofthe Convention that adopted
it, should have great w'eight. These men
were patriots, and were looked upon by the
civilized world as men of genius and wis
dom. Who could have been better judges?
And if they were mistaken in its constitu
tionality, the objection goes to their capac
ity, to understand the constitution, not to
their republican principles—for they all
believed in a “ strict construction of the
constitution,” and were opposed to execu
tive encroachment of every description.—
Who will pronounce Washington a feder
alist ? In 1811, its charter having expired,
Mr. Madison refused tore-charter the bank.
But then, the republicans were in its favor,
and at their head stood William 11. Craw
ford, Georgia’s boast, and one of America’s
brightest stars. In its defence, as a repub
licau and constitutional measure, his con
vincing argument and thrilling eloquence
gave him honor and fame in every quarter
of the Union. In 1816 finding that we
could not well do without a bank, another
charter was proposed and passed* and Mr.
Madison convinced either of its constitution
ality or its necessity in the management of
the revenue, acquiesced in the measure.—
By what party was it supported at that
time? Who was its champion? JOHN
C. CALHOUN. Is he a federalist?—
Again, in 1830 how stood the parties and
the bank question ? By this time the fed
eral parly had been totally annihilated, yet
Congress went for the bank, and the peo
ple too until they were hum-buged out of
it by Gen. Jackson, Van Buren and their
party of officers. And was General Jack
son really opposed to a national bank ?
No, for he said “if Congress had applied to
him, he could have submitted the plan of
one free from constitutional objection.”—
The truth is he undertook to control it,
and it refusing to be controled by him, he
let off all his venom and wrath at it. His
desire to control led him to the attack, and
his determined spirit for conquest fed by
his popularity, urged him to its destruction.
Up to this transaction the republicans sup
ported the bank ; since it has been oppo
sed by the Jackson party, who are self
styled the democratic party, and by them,
all those who are in favor of the bank are
denounced as federalists. I have given a
true history of this measure, and I hope
you are convinced that republicans have
been in its support ever since its existence.
Then if Gen. Harrison is in favor of a na
tional bank, he cannot therefore be a fed
eralist nor the supporter of federal meas
ures ; but to the contrary, he must be op
posed to the federalists and their measures.
From an examination of his opinions, as I
find them published, you will see that he
has always been a republican and opposed
to the United States Bank, and would now
be in favor of a national bank in the event
only that he is convinced that the revenue
cannot be properly managed without the
aid of its agency.
I tvill give you his own opinions on pol
itics and the Bank, of which you can be
your own judge : In 1822, in a letter to
the editor of a paper called the Inquisitor,
he says “I deem myself a republican of
what is commonly called the old Jefferso
nian school, and believe in the correctness
of that interpretation of the constitution
which has been given by the writings of that
enlightened statesman, who was at the
head of the party, and others belonging to
it, particularly the celebrated resolutions
of the Virginia Legislature during the pres
idency of Mr. Adams. I deny therefore,
to the General Government any power but
what is expressly given to it by the Con
stitution, or what is essentially necessary
to carry the powers expressly given into
effect. I believe the charter of the Uni
ted States Bank unconstitutional, it being
not one of those measures necessary to car
ry into effect one of the pbwers expressly
given by the constitution.” In answer to
the question propounded to him by Sherrod
Williams in 1836, “If he would, if elec
ted president, charter a national bank” he
says “I would, ifit were clearly ascertain
ed that the public interest, in relation to
the collection and disbursement ofthe rev
enue, would materially suffer without one,
and there were unequivocal manifestations
of public opinion in its favor. I think, how
ever, the experiment should be fairly tried,
to ascertain whether the financial opera
tions of the Government cannot be as well
carried on without the aid of a national
bank. Ifit is not necessary for that pur
pose it does not appear to me that one can
be constitutionally chartered. There is
no construction which I can give the con
stitution which would authorise it on the
ground of affording facilities to commerce.”
You will observe in 1822 he believed the
United States Bank unconstitutional on the
ground that “it M r as not,” (as he then be
lieved) one of those measures necessary to
carry into effect the delegated powers to
Congress to pass laws to regulate the reve
nue. Then if he now believes (after “ma
king a fair trial of the experiment”) that
“ the revenue will materially suffer with
out the aid of a national bank,” is he not
consistent ifhe says one might be constitu
tionally chartered upon that ground ? I
think he is clearly. Ifhe were president,
under that belief, and a majority of Con
gress should charter a bank, “and there
were unequivocal manifestations of public
opinion in its favour” and he was even
doubtful of its constitutionality, would he
act the partofa patriot to interpose his veto?
Instead of giving my own opinion on this
point, I will submit you Thomas Jefferson’s,
which, under similar circumstances, he
gave Gen. Washington in 1791, while a
bill for the charter of a national bank was
before him for his sanction. Mr. Jefferson
says, “It must be added‘however, that un
less the presidents mind, on a view of eve
ry thing which is urged for and against this
bill, is tolerably clear that it is unauthor
ised by the Constitution, if the pro and the
con hang so even as to balance his judg
ment, a just respect for the wisdom ofthe
Legislature would naturally decide the
balance in favor of their opinion. It is
chiefly for cases where tltey are clearly
misled by error, ambition or interest that
the constitution has placed a check in the
president’s negative.” That is the language
of a patriot and a statesman, and expresses
the opinions of Gen. Harrison. If the mis
fortunes of our country, the usurpations of
a President and dishonesty of other public
servants reduce us to the necessity of pla
cing stronger fortresses and guards around
our rights, we should be proud, if not
thankful, to find enough patriotism in a
president to assist us in preparing our de
fences against executive encroachment.—
Then if Gen. Harrison be in favor of a na
tional bank, it is from a conviction that
the revenue ofthe country cannot be judi
ciously and advantageously regulated w ith
its agency ; and its absolute necessity of
course renders it constitutional. lie will,
if at all, sanction it for the purpose of pro
tecting the redt democracy against ambi
tious and money-loving presidents—to pre
vent leg-treasurers from pocketing the
a hole profits of their office in lieu of their
salaries—to keep the peoples money safe,&
not to furnish a rotten currency for them,
and make a broker of every petty collector,
mail contractor and post master—to ar
range the revenue system so that the peo
ple may know where to go to receive their
dues, instead of being compelled to sell
treasury drafts, to those brokers, below
par, rather than run all over the United
States to hunt up the officer upon whom it
is drawn—in a n’ord or two, to blow the
presidents Treasury Bank sky high, and
bring high officers back to the constitution
al “old time” way of doing things. The
president has afflicted the government. It
is wild and frantic, possessed of devils, and
one stronger in righteousness, than Van
Buren ever is in evil, must come and drive
them out, and “ deliver it from the body of
death” A VOTER.
Cra/cfordville, Oct. 4, 1840.
Harrison , Tyler amt Reform!
NEWS AND GAZETTE.
PRINCIPLES anil MEN.
WASHINGTON, GA.
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 15, 1840.
Victory! Georgia Redeemed.
THREE THOUSAND MAJORITY
FOR HARRISON.
Don’t talk to us aboutyour One hundred
or your Ten thousand guns—all the pow
der magazines in the world could not furn
ish priming for the guns that ought to be
fired to celebrate the peoples’ victory in
Georgia, and a million of such cannons as
that Turkish one, which was so big that
a family of twenty-one persons lived in it
comfortably, (using the touch-hole for a
chimney ;) could’nt speak loud enough to
express the joy of the Harrison party at
the glorious triumph they have achieved.
Some body loan us a volcano or a full
grown earthquake, perhaps they might do,&
we will promise not to let them off’till after
the 2d of November, then, locofocos, hold
on to your hair. October sth, the anni
versary ofthe battle ofthe THAMES was
a proud day for Old Tip in Georgia, the
Vanites srere routed “horse, foot and dra
goons.” Black was beaten blue, Colquitt
“could’nt come it,” and Cooper’s barrel is
burst. If the Harrison boys only do as
well in other States as we have done in
this, Van will get such a beating as no man
ever had since Adam was an infant.—
Well, we won’t crow, though we are strong
ly tempted to do so.
In the 76 counties heard from, the lowest
man in our congressional ticket is ahead
ofCooper, the V. B. highest, 3,914 ; the
16 counties yet to be heard from, cannot
reduce our majority below about 3,000. —
In the Legislature there is a clear gain to
the Harrison party of thirty-five. So Sena
tor Lumpkin can have an opportunity of
enjoying the “chirpings ofthe forest choris
ters” as much as he pleases.
Another Victory.
MARYLAND WILL GO FOR HAR
RISON AND TYLER.
This State like Georgia M-as counted cer
tain for Van Buren, and like her has gone
against him.
At the election on tiie 7th inst. the Whigs
elected 13 out of the 21 State Senators,
making a clear Whig majority of 6. Last
year their majority was 3. Last year the
Van Burenites had a majority of 13 in the
House of Delegates, they have already
heard of 24 Whig members gained, secur
ing for them a large majority in the House.
And yet Another.
LITTLE DELAWARE FOR OLD TIP.
At the election for Inspectors of Elec
tions in DelaM’ure; Newcastle county, here
tofore the strong-hold of Van Burenism in
Delaware, gave 133 majority for Harrison,
in Kent county the Harrison majority is
341, and in Sussex the only remaining
county, the accounts are stich as to M ar
rant the supposition that DelaM'are will give
800 majority for Harrison in November.
“The sober second Tlioiifflit.”
Van expected much from what he called
“thesober second thoughtof the people,” but
he scarcely anticipated such a defeat as his
party have received throughout the U. S.
The result of this years’ election in this
State is truly the effect of that sober second
thought. Last year we were beaten by
the liquor disturbance and by the lie got up
by our opponents,and stuck to in spite of all
proof to the contrary, that our candidate for
governor Mas in favor of restricting the lib
erty of drinking. This year we have a fair
field, no local question has arisen, the
people have looked only at the great ques
tions which affected them in common with
the rest of the Union, those questions which
our opponents told us lay at the bottom, and
which they of course, being now in the
same situation, can tell us all about.
The quiet which has prevailed in the e
lections notwithstanding the tremendous
excitement existing, is another evidence
that the “second sober thought” was work
ing. In this county and throughout the
State, so far as heard from, the elections
were the most peaceable known for years.
No riots, no affrays, such as w'ere anticipa
ted by many, took place. A great revolu
tion is going on peaceably, & will continue
to a peaceable and happy termination,
through the silent but powerful effect of the
ballot-box, unless disturbances should be
commenced by the administration party, of
which there is little fear; for though their
inclination cannot be doubted, they will
be overawed by the opposing mass of the
people.
Satan reproving Sin.
The Globe says, “The Central Whig
Executive Franking Committee it is said,
are so intent upon reforming the morals of
the country as to continue its labors on
Sunday.” \
What would this-sanctimonious hypo
crite say if the Whigs should have a politi
cal barbecue and drunken jollification at
a race course, on the Sabbath ; as did his
party in Augusta ?
It is said that in some parts of this State
Van Buren men are already getting very
scarce. We now and then see the tracks
of one here, but they are all T. T. T.*—
(Turned ToM'ards Tip.)
The Van Buren editors are getting deep
ly interested in estimating the value of
Harrison’s currency, by his law for whip
ping rogues. After great exertion of their
calculating organs they have settled that
each lash is worth forty cents. As they
tell us that this is to be the currency of the
nation in future, and as they being good
Democrats, M ill desire no distinction from
the mass of the people, they will be, of
course, perfectly willing to be paid in it
all bills for subscriptions to their papers,
&c. What a tremendous whipping the
Editor ofthe Globe will get! !
We learn from Columbia County that
James Keith was killed on the sth, in a
fight M-ith a man named Rickerson. The
latter stabbed Keith in the throat, severing
the windpipe and arteries. Keith died al
most instantly. The fight originated in a
family feud between them.
Cotton, in Augusta, 8 to 9j cents.
HARRISON A REPUBLICAN OF 1798.
Gen. Joseph Darlington, of West Union,
Ohio, one of the three surviving members
ofthe Territorial Legislature in Cincinnati,
in 1799, has written a letter to William
Creighton, jr., ofChilicothe, in which he
states that Gen. Harrison M as supported and
elected a Delegate to Congress as the Jef
fersonian Republican candidate in opposi
tion to Arthur St. Clair, the federal candi
date. He says : “ During that se.ssion I
M’as well acquainted with Gen. Harrison,
and M’ell knew that he was believed by all
the Republican members of that Legislature
to be a firm Republican and a supporter of
Mr. Jefferson’s political principles, and un
der that impression was'elected a Delegate 1
to Congress by the Republican members of
the Legislature of 1799. It will not be’
necessary lor me to say to you, mho have 1 ,
been acquainted with me for more than for-;
ty years, that I was at that time a Republi-)
can, ami well acquainted M’ith, and enga
ged in all the acts and proceedings of the
Republican party in that Legislature.”
Why are the locofocos at present, like the
root of the tongue ?—Because they are down
in the mouth !
Why is one of their candidates like a nig
ger that has drank up all his Whiskey ?
He is a Black out of spirits.
From the Columbus Enq'V'J V
ivt a nn Abolition
Newnan, Sep. 22, 1
Gentlemen—You can consider the pro
priety of publishing the following extract
of a private letter, from Mr. Caldwell, a
citizen of Ohio, to his nephew James Rus
sell of this county, Mr. Russell is a Harri
son man, and wrote for information to his
uncle, stating that the answer, although it
might be unfavorable to Gen. Harrison,
would not change his vote, as he was sat
isfied that Van Buren M'as himself obnox
ious to the charge of Abolitionism and Fed
eralism. Mr. Caldwell, the writer of the
letter, is an aged revolutionary soldier, a
citizen of South Carolina during that M’ar,
fought in several battles, and was under
Green in the bloody conflict on tHe Eutaw,
a man of intelligence and integrity, and of
the republican party. He has numerous
relations in this State and Carolina, sever
al in this county, all Nullifiers and active
Harrison men.
Yours truly,
e. McKinley.
EXTRACT.
“There is a great excitement here on
politics, such as we never had before.—
There are meetings ofthe people to discuss
political subjects almost every day, and
thousands attend. It is given up by all
parties here, that the State of Ohio will
go for Harrison by a considerable majority.
There are great efforts however, making
by the friends of Van Buren to elect all
they can at the election for Congress and
the State Legislature. In your letter you
M’ish me to inform you in regard to Gen.
Harrison’s opinions on Abolition, Federal
ism and Religion. lam happy to say that
I can inform you what are his sentiments
on those subjects. As to his being an abo
litionist or having ever had any thing to do
M’ith the abolitionists, the charge is untrue.
On the contrary he has at several times,
both before and after he was a candidate
for President, come out strongly and open
ly against abolition measures. The abo
litionists of Ohio held a convention last
week, in Hamilton, and resolved that they
could not support Harrison because he was
opposed to their sentiments in regard to the
abolition of slavery. As to the charge of
his being a Federalist, it is alike untrue.
There is no man living here,that hasknoM n
Gen. Harrison, that can prove he has ever
been a federalist. He Mas the Democratic
candidate for Congress and elected at dif
ferent times and M as opposed by Federalist
candidates. I have known him for 30
years and lived within 18 miles of him and
have always considered him one of the
most honest, upright men I ever knew. I
heard him yesterday address a large meet
ing in a speech of great force and eloquence,
in which he stated his sentiments and de
fended his military and political character
from the slanders east at him. As to his
religious sentiments I cannot say more,
than that he is friendly to religion and is a
man of good moral character. His oppo
nents no doubt, are attempting to influence
the people of the South to the belief that he
is unfriendly to Southern interests, while
here they accuse him of being too much of
a Southern man.”
WILLIAM CALDWELL.
A FRACAS AND ITS RESULTS.
The New Orleans Bee of the 16th ult.
states that about a week before, Deputy
Sheriff Colman of Carroll county in that
state, M'hile in pursuit of a gang of negro
stealers, of M’hich three had already been
apprehended, came up with the leader, a
man named Vallet or Laval. A fracas en
sued, Colman and his antagonist firingtheir
rifles at the same moment. Colman was
shot through the neck and instantly expired.
The negro stealer was mortally wounded,
the Deputy sheriff’s ball having passed
through his body. As he stood his ground
for an instant, he was knocked down by
one of the sheriff’s assistants, and his
brains blown out by the other.
U Y GmlFn E /A L a
MARRIED,
On the evening of the 6th instant, by the Rev.
George W. Carter, Mr. JAMES A. JONES, to
Miss MARY LOUISA ANTONY—aII of this
place. [Cake —O. K.]
tt?* Look Here. XO
BARGAINS ! BARGAINS!!
fIIHE Subscriber it now receiving and opening
-*■ a large Stock of Goods, purchased by him
self in New York, at reduced prices, which he
offers for cash at lower prices than ever bought
in this market.
His customers will be furnished on a credit as
usual, at very reduced prices.
Those Mho wish bargains, would do well to
call and examine his stock before purchasing
elsewhere.
The assortment is general, and comprises al
most every article usually kept in a Retail Dry
Goods Store.
MARK A. LANE.
’ October 15, 1840. 7 ts.
- “ie great
A* e ' vare ofsecret hand-bills,
ie locofocos are desperate and reckless
r the prospect of defeat, and will, we
y believe, resort to almost any means
itntain their ascendency. WATCH
IMJ NARROWLY AT EvPRV
V’T I 417 | ‘ ‘ i iIY. I
1 , o Jmve some reasons to believe
a-charge will be made on the south,
dang the public mind with apprehen
ofa A egro insurrection, with a view of
• wg off the attention ofthe people from
.de em Y mh this Poland berea
,Pi “ d P°* ever y kicked trick
VTA vn poi,lt - BE v IG-
T PlEvwwV FUL FOR THE
iams'ou&V AV * ANI,TIU}
I
Ip OUR Months after date, application will be
made to the Honorable the Interior Court of
Wdkes Countv, M’hile sitting as a Court ot Ordi
nary, for leave to sell a PART of the REAL
ESTATE of CUNNINGHAM DANIEL, de
ceased, late of said county.
It. C. DANIEL, ) . , .
I). W. McJUNKIN. ( AdmjlU
Oct. 15,1840. 7