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NEWS & mtffTERS’ GAZETTE.
. Cr. COTTING, Editor.
No. 34.—NEW SERIES.]
News & planters gazette.
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A G ENTS”
THE FOLLOWING GENTLEMEN WILL FORWARD THE
NAMES OF ANY WHO MAY WISH TO SUBSCRIBE :
J. T. if- G. H. Wooten, A. D. Staf/iam,Danburg,
Mallorysville, B. F. Tatom, Lincoln-
Felix G. Edwards, Pe- ton,
tersburg, Elbert, (). A. Lucketl, Crawford-
Cn. Grier, Raytown, ville,
Taliaferro, W. Davenport, Ixtxing-
James Bell, Powclton, ton,
Hancock, S. ./. Bush, Irwington,
Um. B. Nelms, Elber-I Wilkinson,
ton, Dr. Cain, Cambridge,
John A. Simmons, Go- Abbeville District,
shen, Lincoln, South Carolina.
Mail Arrangements.
TOST OFFICE, )
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(13 and There will be a three day’s
Meeting in this place at the Methodist Epkcopal
Church, commencing Thursday night the 6th
day of May next; to be protracted if circum
stances authorize. April 15,1841.
COTTING & BUTLER,
ATTORNIES,
HAVE taken an OFFICE over Cozart &
Woods Store.
g March 11,1841. 28
“newgoodsT
THE Subscriber has just received from New
York, anew and handsome assortment of
Muslins, Calicoes, Linens, “Lawns, Hosiery,
Ribbons, Fancy Shawls, Broadcloths,
Cassimers, Summer Cloths, and
Georgia Nankeens.
He also keeps on hand, a general assortment of
Hardware, Cutlery, Crockery, Saddlery,
Hats, Shoes, Drugs and Medicines,
• School Books and Stationary,
GROCERIES, See.
All of which will be sold on reasonable terms
for Cash or credit.
A. A. CLEVELAND.
April 15, 1841. 4t 33
NEW FAMILY GROCERY.
THE Subscribers have just received and o
pened, a full supply of
Family Groceries,
CONSISTING OF
Brown and Loaf Sugars, Coffee, Molasses,
i ea, Chocolate, Rice, Vinegar, Raisins, Al
monds, Ginger. Pepper, best Chewing and Smo
king I obacco, Pine Apple Cheese, every variety
of Washing and Shaving Soap, Salt, Pickles, A
merican Jams, West-India Preserves, Brooms,
Tomatoe Ketchup, Pepper-Sauce, Cloves, Sala
retus, German and American Starch, Blacking
Nutm*rs, Yeast Powders, Seidlitz and Soda
Powdeflt Macaboy and Scotch Snuff, Putty,
Glass 8 by 10 and 10 by 12, Candies, best Prin
cipe Segars, Lemons, &c., all of which they will
sell low for Cash,
‘■ < MERRY & POPE.
April 15,1841. ts 33
| POLITICAL*
MR. TYLER’S LETTER.
The new relation which Mr. Tyler as
sumes to the American people, in conse
quence of the demise of the President, ren
ders his opinions upon the engrossing polit
ical questions which agitate the country, of
no ordinary interest. And as we have re
peatedly been asked already, what were
his views on various topics, we have ex
tracted from the file of the Richmond Whig,
of October last, the following letter from
him, to a committee of Virginians, to which
we would invite the attention of our rea
ders, as indicating his opinions on matters
of great moment to the country.
Henrico, October 3d, 1840.
HON. JOHN TYLER.
Sir : We offer no apology for the pres
ent communication, beyond this—that you
arc a candidate for the votes of the people,
and we are a portion of the voters. The
right of inquiry on the one hand, and the
obligation to answer on the other, have al
ways appeared to us to be perfect—abso
lutely inherent in, and inseparable from
the positions we occupy with respect to
eacli other, as just stated. It is not known
to us, and therefore not intimated that like
your associate in the existing canvass, you
recognize that right of enquiry in friends
and connections only ; and affect to limit
your responses to the special uses and di
rection of relations and partizans ; but
could pretensions like these possibly be
brought homo to you, their important bear
ing upon the fundamental principles of rep
resentative responsibility would urge only
more imperiously thejnopricty of exposing
them to our countrymen. Your situation,
amidst the scenes of agitation and excite
ment which surround you, is most peculiar.
Whilst others have been drawn prominent
ly forward, and their opinions demanded
and examined with eager scrutiny, you
and your opinions have been permitted to
pass almost without enquiry or notice of any
kind. We must be permitted to break in
upon this Halcyon repose, though from no
wish, be assured, to disquiet or annoy you ;
but witli the single view of guarding our
rights and our happiness, so far as they
may (possibly) be placed by events within
the sphere of your influence. We have
just seen your address to the Tippecanoe
Club of Washington City ; and the tone of
confidence and exultation in which you
have there predicted the elevation of Gen
eral Harrison, and consequently of your
self, to the two highest stations in our Gov
ernment, should justify, at least in your es
timation, any solicitude, on our part, with
respect to your acts and designs, when as
you have averred, you shall be clothed with
power. Should General Harrison be elec
ted President, almost at tho age of three
score and ten years, there is no extrava
gance in supposing, that the four years’
term, which he has been pledged by himself
and friends, may be anticipated by the
course of nature, and the Executive power
be thereby devolved on you. In contem
plation of such a casualty, and, yielding to
a sincere anxiety to preserve our liberty
and happiness, we take leave to request of
you prompt and explicit answers to the fol
lowing inquiries:
Ist. Do you or do you not recognize in
the people, or in any portion of them, the
right to require from all who are candi
dates for their suffrages, and from all who
shall become their officers, agents, or repre
sentatives, a disclosure of their opinions as
to the character of the government, the
powers it may constitutionally exert, and
the measures and policy which it ought to
adopt and pursue?
2d. Do you recognize a correspondent
obligation on tho part of those who are
candidates, or who arc tho agents, officers
or representatives of the people, promptly,
explicity and honestly, to yield such dis
closures, and moreover, zealously and in
good faith to obey and enforce the will of
a majority of their constituents, whenever
that will shall be known to them, unless it
shall require the infraction of some moral
obligation ; and ifit shall require such in
fraction, do you or do you not consider it the
duty of the representatives to resign, and
not oppose his individual opinion to the will
of those to whom lie owes his representa
tives existence, and with respect to whom
he can have no right to act, except in a
representatives capacity ?
3d. You have asserted, in your address
to the Club before mentioned, that Gen.
Harrison, thro’ all the changes of his pub
lic life, has put in practice the precepts of
Washington. We request you to inform
us whether the refusal of Gen’l Harrison,
in the first instance to disclose his opinions
and intentions “ either to friend or foe’’ —
his subsequent .partial disclosure of them to
connexions and partizans, upon the avowed
principle of personal partiality, solely, and
not in deference to the rights of the people,
and then too, under an injunction to use his
communications privately, and to keep
them from the public eye, find any war
rant in the precepts of Washington, which
you affirm that Gen’l Harrison has well
read and deeply studied ; and if they do,
that you will point us to the authority ; for,
we can honestly assure you, that in all we
have ever read or heard of the life and con
duct of George Washington, we have heard
nothing of the kind. We request you to
inform us whether in your opinion the pre
tensions implied, and indeed openly claim
ed, in the conduct of Gen. Harrison just
WASHINGTON, (WILKES COUNTY, GA„) APRIL 22, 1841.
noticed, be at all compatible with tho ex
istence of a Representative Republic ; and
whether, on the contrary, you do not re
gard such conduct as subversive of Repub
licanism, and as creditable neither to the
wisdom, the candor, nor tho good manners
of its author ?
4th. In the same address, although you
have displayed quite a parental solicitude
(or the welfare of the people of the Dis
trict of Columbia, you have in the over
flowing of your affections, omitted to tell
them whether you would interpose to save
them from the oft-attempted invasions of
the fanatical Abolitionists. Now, Sir, we
greatly desire you would tell us, (and we
frankly admit we enquire more on our own
account, than from any tenderness we feel
for people of the District, whom we never
theless wish very well,) whether you are
in favor of permitting slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia to be interfered with, or
discussed even, in Congress ; or whether,
if haply you should be President, and a
bill touching the rights of slaveholders,
either in the States or the District, should
be enacted, you would exert the highest
power vested by the Constitution in the Ex
ecutive to arrest its consummation ? In
shoit would you veto sucli a bill ?
sth. Do you believe the Congress of the
U. S. to be vested with power by the Con
stitution, to incorporate a National Bank?
Would you not consider such an incorpora
tion, though warranted by the constitution,
as mischievous in its effects upon the pur
suits and habits of our people ; and from
the influence it would be capable of exert
ing, upon the independence of elections ?
Would you veto a bill chartering a Nation
al Bank ?
6th. Do you think that the Constitution
gives to Congress the right to lay a Tariff
or impose discriminating duties for the pro
tection or advancement of particular class
es or occupations ? and what is your opin
ion of the justice of such duties, and their
effects upon tho general prosperity of the
country.
7th. Do you believe that the Federal
Government Constitutionally and rightful
ly possesses the direct power to construct
roads and canals ; to make Internal Im
provements generally within the territories
of the States ; or tho power of levying mo
ney to be appropriated to those objects,
indirectly, by State agencies or otherwise ?
Bth. Have you not known, both from the
speeches and writings of Gen. Harrison,
that ho approved and warmly commended
the Proclamation issued by President Jack
son in the year 1832, and the speeches of
Daniel Webster sustaining that Proclama
tion, sustaining also the measures denounc
ed by yourself and others called the Force
Bill—asserting that the Constitution was
not a compact between Sovereign States,
and that Congress and the Supreme Court
of the United States possess the exclusive
power of determining what is and what is
not Constitutional in the proceedings of the
Federal Government.
9th. Do you not know that Gen. Harri
son has avowed his determination not to veto
a charter for a Bank of the U. S. should a
charter he granted by Congress—that he
concedes to the Federal Government, pow
er over slavery in tho District of Columbia,
power to raise and appropriate money for
the purchase and emancipation of slaves
owned in the States, power over Internal
Improvements within tho several States—
that he insists not merely upon the right,
but upon the imperative duty of that
Government to establish a Protective Ta
riff ?
10th. Finally—sir, with the opinions
and declarations of Gen. Harrison, as here
collected, and particularly in the last two
of the preceding queries, do you believe
that any such man can be qualified to
guard, and promote the liberties and the
happiness of our country—that such a man
can be a Ilupublican in any just accepta
tion of the term ?
The foregoing enquiries appear to us to
cover matters of weighty import to our
selves, and to all of our fellow-citizens,
and at the same time to be not merely war
ranted, but demanded by the position in
which you have placed yourself with re
spect to us and them. We are taught by
experience, to consider general professions
as wholly unsatisfactory, if not delusive.
Men may well believe themselves ortho
dox, when a particular declaration of the
articles of their creed might, in our estima
tion shew them heretical in the extreme.
We have therefore preferred a resort to
particular enquiries. We ask, with due
respect, a full reply to them. And, as the
period of election is fast approaching, we
would hope that your answers may not be
delayed. To increase the probabilities of
an early receipt of this communication, it
will be inserted in the public prints, as
well as transmitted to you bj’ mail—Your
reply would be acceptible through either
channel.
Your fellow-citizens,
(Signed) TILMON E. JETER,
PHILIP MAYO,
WM. W. DICKINSON,
PETER ELMORE,
YOUEL S. RUST.
REUBEN H. BIRCH,
ROBERT W. HILL,
JOSEPH BLUNT,
JNO. M TiMBERLAKE.
Williamsburg, Oct. 16th, 1840.
Gentlemen —Your letter bearing date the
3rd October, which seems to have been
written with full knowledge that I was ab
sent from Virginia, was received by me
PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING.
within a few hours after my reaching home,
from a protracted absence, commencing be
fore its date, and terminating with this day.
If it has been published, as I am led to sup.
pose it has been, from the statement in your
letter of your intention to publish it, I have
not up to this moment seen the newspaper
which contains it. This will readily ex
plain to you the reason that it has not ear
lier been answered.
Judging from the references which you
have been pleased to make to a speech de
livered by me before the Tippecanoe Club
of Washington city, on my late journey to
Ohio, I am led to suppose that I should not
have been honored by your correspondence
if in that address I had not ventured to
predict w ith some degree of confidence, (a
confidence which recent events have not
been calculated to impair,) that William
Henry Harrison was destined to supplant
Martin Van Buren in the Presidential office.
But to whatever cause I may have been in
debted for the honor, I am thankful to you
for the assurance which you give me, that
you have addressed me from no desire “ to
break in upon my halcyon repose, or in any
way to disquiet or annoy me.” I beg to
assure you that you have done neither the
one or the other. My fear, however, is,
that I have been guilty of a similar offence
towards you by my speech at Washington
—for although I had remained at home du
ring the whole year up to a late day in
September, within a short distance of your
own residence ; and although, from your
admitted intelligence, you must have
weighed the “ possible” contingency of my
succession to the Presidency, for the rea
sons which you assign, earlier than tho day
on which your letter bears date, —yet you
bad not deemed it necessary to question mo
on any point whatever. Be that as it may,
I doubt not that it will be a source of infin
ite gratification to you to berinforrned, ami
I give you the information on knowledge ob
tained by myself during my recent visit to
Ohio, that General Harrison, who is now
in his 68th year, enjoys a robust and vigor
ous constitution—that he has visited the
most of the State in which he resides dur
ing the last few months, travelling by night
and by day, and delivering speeches to
large assemblages of his fellow-citizens—
that his health is perfect, and that the pros
pect of a continuance of his life for four
years to come, is as great as that which ap
pertains to me or yourselves. I shall also
he permitted to assure you, that you are
mistaken in supposing that his political
views and opinions are either reluctantly’
given, or are confined “ to his relations add
partizans. On tho contrary many come
to hear his addresses with opinions unfavor
able to him, and go away his warm and de
cided supporters. He candidly and frank
ly gives utterance to his opinions ; and in
proof of this I take leave to refer you, with
some emphasis, to his speeches at Colum
bus, Fort Meigs, Carthage and Dayton—
You will find them in any Whig newspa
per, although 1 do not remember to have
seen them in any r administration print.
Before I proceed to answer your enquiry,
I shall be pardoned for saying that I am so
far uninformed of the name of tho gentle
man whom the administration party’ in Vir
ginia and the South propose to sustain for
the Vice Presidency in opposition to my'self
to you that in order
• that di-tii.’ t ‘ll
powers it may constitutionally exert, and the
measures and policy ilought to pursue.” —
But I must with equal candour declare to
you, that if any portion of the people, from
no real purpose of obtaining information, hut
actuated by the sole desire of making polit
ical capital for his adversary, (they them
selves haring resolved to vote against him no
matter ivhat responses he may give,) shall
propound questions to a candidate for office
they are guilty of perverting the true ob
ject of enquiry, and that in such a case the
candidate is at liberty to answer or not as
to him may seem best. It is a game of trap
which is designed by the interrogators, and
it is for him to decide whether they’ shall
play it successfully or not.
2. To your second enquiry, I answer,
that the right and duty of the People to pro
pound interrogatories necessarily implies an
obligation on the part of the candidate to an
swer. And for answer to the second part
of your inquiry, as to the obligation of tho
Representative to obey the wishes of his
constituents, 1 refer you for my opinion to
my votes given in the House of Delegates
ofthis State in the session of 1812-’l3, to
my speech delivered in the House of Rep
resentatives in the session of 1816.’17, on
the Compensation Law, and to my letter to
the General Assembly of Virginia, upon re
signing my seat in the Senate of the United
States, under the Expunging Resolutions,
a proceeding altogether too recent and too
prominent for y'ou to have forgotten.
3. This inquiry, you must permit mo to
say is somewhat a singular one. It neither
has relation to nfty opinions of the character
of the Government, the power it may con
stitutionally exert,or the measures andpol
icy it ought to pursue. Jfcrequiies me to
enter into a review of anoth
er, and to tell you wheth™ the same has,
among other things, been compatible with
is a task which
. n H^^^HHlfei : ■
ly set up as an judge of what is
or is not good manners, which you are a
ware is altogether a matter of taste, and di
gustibus non est. (lisputandum is an anxioin
entirely too old to be shaken, much lesso
verthrown, by any opinion of mine. If you
had desired me to makegood my declara
tion, that “ through all the changes of his
public life,” General Harrison hud follow
ed the precepts of General Wasliington, 1
would promptly have done so. One of the
leading precepts of that great man—a pre
cept evermore enforced by his example—
was, that it was the duty of a good eitizefT
j to devote all his energies of mind and body
I to his country, and to peril his life, if needs
be, in her cause ; anti history fully aitest
that such has been the uniform course of
General Harrison, from the early age of
nineteen. The history of the North West
is his history, and the declaration made by
Mr. Madison, that “no man had rendered
more important services to his country, and
had been so illy rewarded,” is fully sustain
ed by facts which cannot deceive us.
But you say General Harrison refused,
in the first instance, to answer enquiries,
and then that he answered them to connex
ions and partizans only. You do not deny,
hut that since, and in due time for all men
properly to have judged of his pretensions,
he lias answered. The utmost extent ofhis
ollence, then, according to your own view
of it, has been, that he lias not answered as
mo i aptly as you could have desired, but just
Hi soon as he himself thought it was necos-
Hry, and fully in time to place you and his
H>untryinen in possession of all his views,
Hi order that you might decide on his fitness
H>r tho Presidential office. But my inlbr-
is every way different from yours.
Hknow that his opinions on every subject
which he lias been interrogated, of any
Hnportancc, have been given long before
He present canvass commenced. JI is ail
Hress to the People of Cincinnati District, in
■822, disclosed fully his opinions “as to the
Hharactcr of the Government, and the pow-
Hrs it might constitutionally exert, while bis
Vincennes speech, and his letter to Judge
Berrien, published four years ago, are full
lud explicit on the subject of Abolition.—
■Vhat more could any enquirer after truth
Have desired than a direct reference to
Hiese expressions of opinion ? But this did
Hot content his oponents. They deemed it
Hf importance to their party to appear not
I be satisfied, and therefore the charge of
His being “ in the hands of a Committee,”
Hnd the “caged candidate.” How utterly
Hnfounded this charge was, has been fully
Remonstrated to the whole world.
■ 4. I have cause to thank you for ascri
bing to me a kind feeling towards the Peo
Rle oi the District of Columbia, although
Rou do mo too much honor in supposing it
lo he parental. I certainly do take an” in
Rerest in their welfare, although 1 never as-
Hired to be regarded by them in the light of
R parent —and if 1 did not tell them “wheth
Rr I would interpose to save them from the
Rft attempted invasion of the fanatical Abo-
Vtionists, - ’ it was because 1 had good reason
H) believe that they knew full well my sen-
Hments on that subject. My recorded votes
Hi tho United States Senate, and my opin-
Bns spread before the country, through the
Hiedium of the public press apart from their
Knowledge of the fact that I was a resident
Btizen ol the State of Virginia, left mo no
Hiing to explain to them on that head. I
Have now, in answer to your enquiry, to
Huote and to adopt the opinion of General
Harrison, as expressed in his letter to Judge
Berrien of Georgia, dated 30th of Scptem-
Her, 1836, in the following words : “I do not
Hhink that Congress can abolish Slavery in
■he District ofColumbia, without the con-
Rent of the States of Virginia and Maryland
11. J. K APPEL, JPrinter.
: and the people ofthe District. It would be
| a breach of faith towards the States I have
I mentioned, who would certainly not have
made the cession, if they had supposed that
it would ever be used for a purpose so dif
ferent from that which was its object, and
! so injurious to them as a free colored pop
ulation, in the midst of their slave popula
tion ofthe same description. Nor do I be
lieve that Congress could deprive the Peo
ple ofthe District of Columbia of their pro
perty without their consent. It would be to
revive the doctrines of t lie Tories of Great
Britain in relation to the powers of Parlia
ment before the Revolutionary War, and in
direct hostility to the Principles advanced
by Lord Chatham, “ that what was a man’s
own was exclusively and absolutely his
own, and could not be taken from him with
out fiis own consent or his legal represen
tative.” Whether 1 would veto a bill vio
latory of these opinions, so plainly express
ed, if seated in the Presidential Chair—a
station which I neither aspire to in the fu
ture, or expect to devolve on me in any oth
er way—it would seem to be the merest
work of supererogation to answer. You
would not doubt my course any more than
you have cause to doubt the course of Gen
eral Harrison, under the circumstances
supposed.
sth. In reply to the first branch of our en
quiry I quote and adopt tho language of
Gen. Harrison in his speech delivered at
Dayton: “There is not, in the Constitution
any express grant of power for such pur
pose, and it could never be constitutional
to exercise that nowej* save in the event
the powers grantaLlp Congress could not he
carried into resorting to such
an institution. Tnie latter branch of our
enquiry is fully by my answer
to the first
on Congress, in express terms, “all powers
which are necessary and proper” to carry
into effect the granted powers. Now if“the
powers granted,” could not be carried into
effect without incorporating a Bank, then
it becomes “necessary and proper,” and of
course expedient—a conclusion which I
presume no one would deny who desired to
see the existence of the Government pre
served and kept beneficially in operation.
Whether I would or would not exert the
veto, it will be time enough for me to say
when 1 am either a Candidate for, or an ex
pectant of the PrcsiftaHul office—neither
of which 1 expect ever to he. Ifyour ques
tion had been so varied as to have required
of me what course 1 would pursue if eleva
ted to the V ice Presidency, and I should be
called upon to vote upon a hill for the incor
poration of a Bank, you should have had a
direct and emphatic answer. As it is, I
have only to refer you to my speech deli
vered in the House of Representatives of
the U. >S. in 1819 on the question ol issuing
a scire facias against the Bank, and my vote
given in the Senate of the U. States in 1832,
on the question of re-chartering the late
Bank.
6. That Congress has a right to impose
duties on merchandize imported, none can
deny. The rate of duties, you are well
aware, is called a tariff of duties. The
power “to lay duties’ is given by the Con
stitution in express terms. The right to
select the articles of import on which to le
vy the duties, is unquestionable. Everv
duty imposed, operates pro lanto as a boun
ty on the production of the same article at
home, and it has been considered a wise
policy on the part of ail Administrations so
to impose the duties to advance the produc
tion of such articles as were of national
importance. 1 certainly do not doubt the
policy or expediency of such a course.
The duties, however, should he laid with
reference to revenue,except where they are
laid to counteract the policy of a foreign
Government, and with a view to the regu
lation of trade. 1 have no iiesitation in
saying that I regard the compromise law as
obligatory on the country, and that I am
resolved so far as it depends on myself, to
carry out its provisions in good faith.
7. This question is a mere abstraction in
the present condition of the Treasury, for
there is no money there to carry out any
system of Internal Improvements. Mv
votes are repeatedly recorded on the jour
nals of Congress against the power of Con
gress over tins suoject, in all its phases
and aspects, as well in regard lo roads and
canals, as to iiaruouis and rivers. The
first, viz: appropriations to roads and canal =
have well nigh entirely ceased, while an
nual appropriations, to a large amoum,
have been made to harbours and rivers,
with the sanction and approval ofthe Pres
ident ol the U. States.
8. What Gen. Harrison may have said,
written or done upon the subject of the
Proclamation or Force Bill, and whether
he approved oi Mr. Webster’s speech upon
those subjects, is as Well known to your
selves as me. I have had no conversation
with him upon such suujects, nor have 1
ever received any communication from him
in relation to them. I have before me his
speech delivered at Dayton, in which I
find this emphatic sentence : “If the Auge
an Stable is to be cleansed, it will he neces
sary to go back to the principles of Jefferson’
—and at an earlier part of the same speech,
the following : “ I have been charged
with being a Federalist. I deny that I over
belonged to that class of politicians. How
could 1 belong to that party ? I was edu
cated in the school ot Anti Federalism,”
&c. &c. These sentiments are decidedly
at variance with the doctrines ofthe Proc
lamation, and are but recently expressed.
All, therefore, that I cap say to you is, that
I do not doubt that if you will apply to him
[VOLUME XXVI.