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WEWS & PLANTERS’ GAZETTE.
. U. COTTING, Editor.
No. 4&#X£W SERIES.]
Newts and Planters ’ Gazette.
terms:
weekly at Two Dollars and Fifty
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option of the K litor, without the settlement of
ail arrearage.:.
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published, unless toe arc made acquainteduith
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TO ADVERTISERS.
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insertion, Seventy-five Cents , and for each sub
sequent insertion, Fifty Cents. A reduction will
he made of twenty-live per cent, to those who
advertise by the yeai. Advertisements not
limited when handed in, will be inserted till for
bid, and charged accordingly.
*
Sales of Land and Negroes by Executors, Ad
ministrators and Guardians, are required by law,
to be advertised, in a public Gazette, sixty days
previous to the day of sale.
The sales of Personal Property must be adver
tised in lil.e manner, forty days.
Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate
must be published forty days. ■
Notice that application will be made to the
Court of Ordin; ry, for leave to sell Land or Ne
groes, must be. published lor four months—
notice that application v, ill be made for Letters
of Administr.uio 1, must he published thirty days;
and Letters ot Dismiss ion, sia Months.
Mail. Arrangements.
’ post office., i
Washington, G 0.., Sept. 1, 1543. $
EASTERN MAIL.
By this r.oute, Minis .vie made up f >r Raytown,
Double-Wells, Crawfordvllie, Cawuuk, Warren*
toivTlionipscn, and lia cciia;
M unlay, Weilu*. Friday, at 9, A. M.
< ‘7.OSES.
Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturdsy, at 11. P M
WESTERN MAIL.
By this route, M ah; are made up for nil OHi
ces in South-Wc ::: ! :L:i...... Mis
sissippi, Lotus;; •. i, •’ v Ua.and
the North-:ta r .•! th. Elate.
arrives—Wednesday a>':. Friday, by < A. M.
CLOSES —ruca.tr, :■! Tharaii-iv. at 12 M.
j
8y.,. - .. . ■•aburg,
| Pistol Ur. .
Tu-isJ.y, • s-/r 1 M.
M mc.ay, Wear .-a •. .id Erie.iy, at OA. M.
• 1 lexington tail.
B j this route, M made up for Centre
yille, State Rights, Sw. i5,... cl S-usm.
arrives—Mood r ijay, :.t 9A. M.
closes —'Ijki j ai! m. 1 on Jay, at 9A. M.
ARP LIN fir II AIL.
By this route, Maiia are made up for Wrights
boro-, White Oak, \YulKer’s Quaker Springs.
arrives—Tuesd: • and Saturday, by 9 A. M.
closes —Monday and Friday, at 9 A. M.
IIEBEivi'GN MAIL.
Bv this route, Mai's are made up for Mallo
rysville, Goosepond, Whiles, Mill-Stone, llarri
goaville, and RuckersviUe.
Arrives Thursday 8 P. M., and Closes same time.
LINOOLNTON MAIL.
By this route, Mails are made up for Rehoboth,
Stouey Point, Goshen, Double Branches, and
Darby’s.
Arrives Friday, ’.2 M. | Closes same time.
Uj’ The Lease Box is .he proper place to de
posits all ma**: designed to be transported by
Mail, and such as may be tound tiiere at the
times above specified, will be despatched by first
post.
ICGTTING &, BUTLER,
ATTORN IES.
* TTAVE rater n FIVE ;v . ihe North
r XJL side of ti„. , -• .iy.ro. , ‘vt door ,o
* the Branch ‘Si a . ~<• - ;o; Georg-a
October, 18-13. 28
NELSON CARTER,
DEALER IN
Choice Drugs and Medicines,
Chemicals, Patent Medicines,
Surgical and Dental Instruments,
Perfumery, Brushes,
Paints, Oils, Dye-Stuffs,
Window Glass, fyc. <s-c.
REDMORTAR. \ Ga.
October 12, 1843. ly 7
H\YILAND, RISLEY &, Cos.
Near the Mansion House, Globe and United
Slates Hotels,
AUGUSTA, GA.,
DEALERS IN CHOICE
DRUGS AND MEDICINES,
I Surgical and Dental Instruments,
! ClTemicals, Patent Medicines,
| Perfumery, Brushes, Paints, Oils,
I Window Glass, Dye Stuffs,
&c. &c.
Being connected with Haviland,
l tealit Keese & Cos., New-York, and llav-
W 7 It and, llakral & Allen, Charles
|L ton, they are constantly receiving
■TV fresh supplies of every article in
™ jheir line, which they are enabled to sell at the
k’ lowest market prices.
h O’ All goods sold by them, warranted to be of
the quality represented, or may b returned.
Augusta, August 1843. 51
MR* CLAY’S SPEECH
Delivered in the City of Raleigh, ?.
April 13th, 1844. $
[Concluded from our lasi.]
Allow me to present you, fellow citizens,
with another view of this interesting sub
ject. The government wishes to derive a
certain amount of revenue from foreign im
ports. Let us suppose the total annual a
mount of imports to be 8100,000,000 and
tho total annual amount of revenue to be
raised from it, to be 820,000,000. Is it at
all material, whether that 8200,000,000
he spread, in the form of duties, equally o
ver the whole 100,000,000, or that it he
drawn from some 50,000,000 or more of
the imports, leaving the rest free of duty ?
In point of fact, such has been the case for
several veurs. Is not a compensation
found, for the duty paid upon one article,
by the exemption from duty’ of another arti
cle? Take the wearing apparel of a sin
gle individual, 1 and suppose you have a du
ty of 82 to raise upon it; is it of any conse
quence to him whether you levy the whole
82 upon ail parts of his wearing apparel
equally, or levy it exclusively upon his
coat and his shirt, leaving the other arti
cles free ? And if, by such discriminations
ns 1 have described, without prejudice to
the consumer, you can raise up, cherish,
and sustain domestic manufactures, increa
sing the wealth and prosperity, and encour
aging the labor of the nation, ought it not
to be done ?
We are invited by’ the partisans of the
doctrine of free trade, to imitate the liberal
example of some of the great European
powers. England, we are told, is abandon
ing her ri strio’ivc policy, and adopting that
of free trade. England adopting the prin
ciples of free trade ! Why, where arc her
Corn laws ? Those laws which exclude an
article of prime necessity—the very bread
w hich sustains human IT—in order to af
ford protection to English agriculture.—
And, on the single article of American to
uaceo, England levies anncallv an amount
of revenue equal to tin: whole amount of
duties, levied annually l y the United States
upon all the articles of impoi t from all * lie
foreign nations of ihe world, including Eng
land. That is her free trade ! And as for
Fiance, we have lately -■ en a State paper
from one of her high functionaries com
plaining in bitter terms of the American ta
riff of 1812, and ending w ith formally an
nouncing to the world that France steadily
adhered to the system of protecting French
industry 1
But, fellow-citizens, ! have already de
fined you too long on tiiis interesting topic,
are! yet I have scarcely touched it. For
near thirty years it has agitated the Nation.
The subject has been argued and debated
a thousand times, in every conceivable
form, it is time that the policy of the
country should become settled and fixed.
Any stable adjustment of it, whatever it
may he, will he far preferable to perpetual
vascillation. When once determined, la
bor, enterprise and commerce can accom
modate themselves accordingly. Rut iri
finally settling it, the interests of the whole
Union, as well as all its parts, should be
duly weighed and considered, in a paternal
and fraternal spirit. The Confederacy
twenty-six States, besides terri
tories, embracing every variety of pur
suit, every branch of human industry.—
There may be an apparent, there is no
real, conflict between these diversified in
terests. No one State, no one section, can
reasonably expect or desire that the com
mon government of the whole should he ad
ministered, exclusively according to its
own peculiar opinion, or so as to advance
only its particular interests, without regard
to the opinion or the interests of all other
parts. In regard to the Tariff, there are
two schools holding opposite and extreme
doctrines. According to one, perfect frdfe
dom in cur foreign trade with no, or very
low duties, ought to prevail. According
to the other, the restrictive policy ought,
on many articles, to be pushed, by a high
and exhorbilant Tariff, to the point of ab
solute prohibition. Neither party can hold
itself up as an unerring standard of right
and wisdom. Fallibility is the lot of all
men, and the wisest know how little they
know. The doctrine of free trade is a con
cession to F'oreign powers, without an
equivalent, to the prejudice of native in
dustry. Not only without equivalent, but
in the face of their high duties, restrictions
and prohibitions applied to American pro
ducts, to foreign Powers, our rivals, jealous
of our growth and anxious to impede our
onward progress. Encouragement of do
mestic industry is a concession to our own
fellow.citizens, to those, whose ancestors
shared in common with our ancestors, in
the toils of the revolution ; to those who
have shared with us in the toils and suffer,
ings of our day ; to those whose posterity
are destined to share with our posterity in
the trials, in the triumphs and the glories
that await them. It is a concession to those
who are bone of our bone and flesh of our
flesh, and who in some ether beneficial form
do make and are ready to make equivalent
concession to us. It is still more ; it is a
concession by the whole to the whole ; for
every part of the country possesses a ca
pacity to manufacture, and every part of
the country more or less does manufacture.
Some parts have advanced farther than
others, hut the progress of all is forward
and onward.
Again, I ask what is to be done in this
conflict of opinion betwen the two extremes
which I have stated ? Each believes, with >
PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING.
WASHINGTON, (WILKES COUNTV, GA*,) JULY 25, ISIS.
quite as much confidence as the other, that
the policy which he espouses is the best foi
the country. Neither has a right to do
mand that his judgment shall exclusively
prevail. What, again, 1 ask is to be done?
Is compromise or reconciliation impossible?
Is this glorious Union to he broken up and
dissolved and the hopes of the world, which
are concentrated in its fate, to he blasted
and destroyed forever? No. f■ I!avv citi
zens, no ! Tim Union must b preserved
In the name of tho people ot this noble old
State, the first to annouce the independence
of the United States by the memorable do
claration of Mecklenburg, and which has
ever since been among the most devoted
and faithful tothe preservation of this Union;
in the name of the people of my own gal
lant State ; and in the name of the whole
people of the United States, 1 feel authori
zed to say, that this Union will not, must
not, shall not be dissolved. How then can
this unhappy conflict of opinion bo amica
bly adjusted and accommodated ? Ex
tremes, fellow-citizens, arc ever wrong.
Truth, and justice, sound policy, and wis
dom, always abide in the middle ground,
always a r e to be found in the juste milieu.
Ultraism is baneful, and, if followed, nev
er fails to lead to fatal consequences. We
must reject both the doctrines of free trade
and of a high and exorbitant Tariff. The
partizans of each must make some sacri
fices of their peculiar opinions. They
must find some common ground, on which
both can stand, and reflect that, if neither
ha’s obtained all ihat it desires, it has se
cured something and what it does not re
tain has been gotten by its friends and
countrymen. There are a very few who
dissent from the opinion that, in time of
peace, tluv federal revenue ought to be
drawn from foreign imports, without re
sorting to internal taxation. Here is a ba
sis for accommodation, and mutual satisfac
tion. Let the amount, which is requisite
for an economical administration of the
government, when we are not engaged in
war, he raised exclusively on foreign im
ports, and in adjusting a lurid’for that pur
pose, let such discriminations he made as
will foster, and encourage our own domes
tic itidusir v. All parties ought to be satis
fied with a tariff for revenue and discrim
inations for protection. In thus settling
this great and disturbing question, in a spirit
of mutual concession and of amicable com
promise we do but folllow tire nobie ex
ample of our illustrious ancestors, in the
formation and adoption of our present Imp
py constitution. It was that benign spirit
;hut presided over all their deliberations,
and it has been iu the same spirit that all
the threatening crisis, that have arisen du
ring the progress of the administration of
the constitution, have been happily quieted
and accommodated.
Next, if not superior in importance to
the question of encouraging the national
industry, is that of the national currency.
I do not purpose to discuss the point, wheth
er a paper representative of the precious
metals, in the form of bank notes, or in
other forms, convertible into those metals,
on demand, at the will of the holder, be or
bo not desirable and expedient. I believe
it could be easily shown, that in the actual
state of the commercial world, and consid
ering the amount and distribution of the
precious metals throughout the world, such
a convertible paper is indispensably nue:-
j sary. But that is not an open que.-ifon.—
If it were desirable that no such paper
should exist, it is not in the pow ot the
Government, under its present ‘
to put it down or prevent its creation and
circulation. Such a oenvert* pape: i.us
existed, does exist, and ;.r 1 01. will u.
ways exist, in spite of th. . G.iv.
eminent. The twenty - x 8 . s h.cli
compose the Union, claim the r.g . aid ex
ercise the right, now not to he controverted,
to authorize and put fort! such a converti
ble paper, according to their own sense of
their respective interests. If even a large
majority of the States were to resolve to
discontinue the use of a paper representa
tive of specie, the paper would neverthe
less be created and circulated, unless every
State in the Union abandoned its use;
which nobody believes is ever likely to
happen. If some of the States should con
tinue to employ and circulate such a paper,
it would flow into, and be current in other
States that might have refused to establish
banks. And, in the end, the States which
had them not, would find themselves, in
self-defence, compelled to charter them. 1
recollect, perhaps my frieud near me, (Mr.
B. W. Leigh,) if he be old enough, may
also recollect—the introduction of banks
in our native State. Virginia adopted
slowly and reluctantly the banking sys
tem. I recollect, when a boy, to have
been present in 1792 or 1793, when a de
bate occurred in the Virginia Legislature
on a proposition, I think it was, to renew
the charter of a bank in Alexandria—the
first that ever was established in that State,
and it was warmly opposed and carried
with some difficulty. Afterwards, Vir
ginia, finding herself surrounded by States
that had banks, and that she was subject
to all their inconveniences, whatever they
might be, resolved to establish banks upon
a more extensive sale, and accordingly did
establish two principal banks with branch
ing powers, to secure to herself whatever
benefits might arise from such institutions.
The same necessity that prompted, at that
period, the legislation of Virginia, would
hereafter influence States having no banks,
but adjacent to those which had. It fol
lows, therefore, that there are and proba
bly always will be local banks These
local banks are often rivals, not only acting
without concert, but in collision with each
other, and having very imperfect knowl
edge of the general condition of the whole
circulation of the United Stales, or the
state ,if our monetary relations with for
eign Powers. The inevitable consequence
must be, irregularity in their movements,
disorder and unsoundness in the currency,
and frequent explosions. The existence of
local banks, under the authority and con
tiol of the respective States, begets a ne
cessity for a United States Bank, under
the authority and control of the General
Go> ernme.nl. The whole power of Gov
eminent is distributed in the United States
between the States and the Federal Gov
ernment. All that is general and national,
appertains tothe Federal Government, all
that islimited and local to the Stategovcrn
merits. The Stales cannot perform the du
ties of the G ncral Government, nor ought
ihe attempt to perform, nor can it so well
execute the trusts confided to the State gov
ernment. Y\ e want a National Army, a
National Navy, a National Post Office cs
tablishment, National Laws regulating our
foreign commerce and our coasting trade,
above all, perhaps, we want a National
Currency. The duty of supplying these
National moans of safety, convenience and
prosperity must be executed by the General
Government, or it will remain neglected
and unfulfilled. The several States can
no more supply a National Currency than
they can provide armies, anj navies for tho
national defence. The necessity for a na
tional institution does not result merely
from the existence of local institutions, but
it, arises also out of the fact that all tho
great commercial nations of the world
have their banks. England, France, Aus
tria, Russia, Holland, and all the great
powers ot Europe havetheirnatioual banks.
It is said that money is power, and tiiat to
embody and concentrate it in a bank, is to
create a great and dangerous power. But
we may search the records of history, and
we shall find no instance, since the first in
troduction of banking institutions, of any
one of them of having sought to subvert
the liberties of a country or to create con
fusion and disorder. Their well being de
pends upon the stability of laws and legiti
mate and regular administra’ion of gov
eminent, if i wore true tiiat th-’ •feat ion
of a bank is !> < mb by a mo ‘■ vr
not such a p<
end Government cc-: arv : ; oteet the
people again 1 tin. nr-aied power in the
form •)! hai.Vst.g insruatioi,.; in die several
States, and in tjm ban is of foreign govern
ments ? W about it, how can the com
merce of the United States cope and com
pete with the commerce of foreign powers
having national banks ? In the commer
cial struggles, which are constantly in op
eration between nations, should we not
labor under great and decided disadvant
age, if we had no bank and they had their
banks ? We all recollect, a few years
ago, when it was alleged to he the policy
of the bank of England to reduce the price
of our great Southern staple, in order to
accomplish tiiat object, the policy was
adopted of refusing to discount the notes
and bills of any English houses engaged
in the American trade. If a bank of the
United States had been in existence at that
time, it could have adopted some measure
of counteraction ; hut there was none, and
the bank of England effected its purpose.
It has been asked, wlmt, will you have
‘sinks, merely because the monarchies of
Europe have them ? Why not also intro
duce ‘heir Kings, Lords and Commons, and
their aristocracy ? This is a very shallow
mode of reasoning. I might ask, in turn,
why have armies, navies, laws regulating
trade, or any other national institutions or
laws, because the monarchies of the old
world have them ? Why eat, or drink,
clothe or house ourselves, because mou
archs perform these operations ? 1 suppose
myself the course of true wisdom, and
common sense, to be tp draw from their
arts, sciences, and civilization, .ad politi
cal institutions, whatever is good, and avoid
whatever is bad.
Where, exclusive of those who oppose
the establishment of a bank of the United
Sjates upon constitutional ground, do we
find the greatest opposition to tt ? You
arc, fellow-citizens, perhaps not possessed
of information, which I happen to have ac
quired. The greatest opposition to a bank
of the United States will be found to arise
out of a foreign influence, and may be
traced to the bankers and brokers of Wall
Street in New York who n e•• • Ming a
foreign capital. Foreigf powers and for
eign capital see, with satisfaction, what
ever retards the growth, checks the pros
perity, or arrests the progress of this coun
try, Those wiio wield that foreign capital,
find from experience, that they can employ
it to the best advantage, in a disordered
state of the currency, and when exchanges
are fluctuating and irregular. There are
no sections of the Union which need a uni
form currency, sound and every where con
vertible into specie, on demand, so much
as you at the South and we in the West.—
It is indispensable to our prosperity. And,
if our brethren at the North and East, did
not feel the want of it themselves, since it
will do them no prejudice, they ought, up
on principles of sympathy and mutual ac
commodation, to concur in supplying what
is so essential to the business and industry
of other sections of tke Union. It is said
that the currency and exchanges have im
proved are improving, and so they have,
and are. This improvement is mainly at
tributable to the salutary operation of the
tarilFof 1812, which turned tho balance of
j foreign trade in our favor. But such is
the enterprise and buoyancy of our popu
lation that wo have no security for the
j continuation of this state of tilings. The
i balance of trade may take another direo
; tion, new revulsions iu trade may take
i place, seasons of distress and embarrass
ment we must expect. Does any body
believe the local banking system of the
j United States is competent to meet and pro-
I vide for these exigencies ? It is the part
j of wise government to anticipate and pro
vide. us far as possible, for all these con
i tingencies. It is urged against banks that
; they are often badly and dishonestly ad
! ministered, and frequently break, to the in
jury and prejudice of the community. I
1 am far from denying that banks arc at
j tended with mischief and some inconvoni
: once, but that is the lot of all human in
! stitutions. The employment of steam is
j often attended with most disastrous conse
-1 quences, of which we have had recent mel
-1 ancholy examples. But does any body,
on that account, think of proposing to dis
continue the agency of steam power either
on tlie land or the water ? The most that
; is thought of is, that it becomes our duty
j to increase vigilance and multiply precau
j tions, against the recurrence of accidents,
j As to banks, the true question is, whether
j the sum of the inconvenience of dispensing
with them would not ho itreatcr than anv
I amount of which they are productive !
I A,id, in any new charters that may be
granted, we should anxiously endeavor to
provide all possible restrictions, securities
and guaranties against llieir mismanage
ment, which reason or experience my stig
gest.
Such arc my views on the question of
establishing a Bank of the United States.
They have been long, and honestly, ami
sincerely entertained by me ; but 1 do not
seek to enforce tho in upon any others.—
Above all, I do not desire any Bank of the
United States, attempted or established, un
less, and until, it is imperatively demand
ed, as I believe demanded it will he, by the
j opinion of the people.
j I slum..’ have been glad, fellow-citizens,
j if I had lime and strength, to make a full
j expo-;.. . i my views and opinions upon
i all the great measures and questions that
j diyid - us, an : agitate ourcountry. I should
| have been happy to have been able to make
ja i . examination of the principles and
measures of our opponents, if we could
find out what they are, and contrast them
with our own. I mean them no disrespect;
| 1 would not use one word to wound the feed
j ings of any one of them : but 1 am really
I and unaffectedly ignorant of the measures
j of public policy which they are desirous to
j promote and establish. I know what they
1 oppose. I know that they stand in direct
opposition to every measure which the
Whigs espouse ; but what are their sub
stitutes? The Whigs believe that the
Executive power lias during the two lust
and the present Administration, been in
tolerably abused ; tiiat it has disturbed the
balances of the Constitution ; anu that, by
its encroachments upon the co-ordinate
branches of the Government, it has become
alarming and dangerous. The Whigs are
therefore dasirous to restrain it within Con
stitutional and proper limits. But our op
ponents, who assume to he emphatically
tiio friends of the people, sustain the Ex
ecutive in all its wildest and most extrava
gant excesses. They go for Vetoes, in all
their variety ; for Sub-Treasuries stand
ing armies, Treasury circulars. Occupy
ing similar ground with tho Tories of Eng
land, they stand up for power and preroga
tive against privilege and popular rights.
The Democrats or Republicans 0f1798-‘9,
taught by the fatal examples of all history,
were jealous and distrustful of Executive
power. It was of that department that
their fears were excited, and against that
; their vigilance was directed. The Fed
i cralists of that day, imbibing the opinion
from the founders of the Constitution, hon
estly believed that the Executive was the
weakest branch of the Government, and
hence they were disposed to support and
strengthen it. But experience has demon
strated their error, and the best part of them
j have united with the Whigs. And the
Whigs are now in the position of the Re
i publicans of 1798-’9. The residue and
| propably the larger part of the Federalists
| joined our opponents, are now in the ex
! act position of the Federalists of 1798-’9,
with this difference—that they have shut
their eyes against all the lights of experi
ence, and pushed the Federal doctrines of
that day far beyond the point to which they
were ever carried by their predecessors.
But I am trespassing too long on your pa
tience, and must hasten to a close. I re
gret that I am too much exhausted, and
| have not time to discuss .other interesting
subjects that engage tho public attention.—
l shouid be very glad to express to you my
views on tiie public domain ; but I have
often, on the floor of the Senate and on other
public occasions, fully exposed them. 1
consider it the common property of the na
tion and the whole nation. I believe it to
be essential to its preservation and tlm pres
ervation of the funds which may accrue
from its sales, that it should he withdrawn
from the theatre of party politics, .id from
the temptations and abuse, inc: lent to it,
while it remains there. I think that fund
ought to be distributed, upon just and liber
al principles, among all the States, old as
well as new. If that be not done, there is
much ground to apprehend, at no very dis
-1 tant period a total loss of the entire do
main. Considering the other abundant and
JS. J. KAI'FEIi, Erinier.
I e.xhaustless resources of the Get.mu! Gov*
ernoicnt, I think that the proceeds ot the
sales of tho Public lands may he well spar
l ed to tho several Slates, to he applied by
\ them to leneficient local objects. In their
| bauds, judiciously managed, they will
i lighten the burthen ofinternal taxation, the
: only form of raising Revenue to which they
can resort, and assist in the payment ol
their debts or hasten the completion of im
portant objects, in which the whole Inion,
as well us themselves, are interested and
j will be benefited.
! On the subject ofahu ition, iam persuad-
I ed it is not necessary to .-ay one word to tins
enlightened assemblage. My opinion was
I fully expressed in lire Senate of the l a:-
| ted States a lew years ago, and the expres
j sicn of it was one of the n .-agned causes ot
: my not receiving the nomination as a can
! didate for the Presidency, in December,
l'SH.t. But, if there be any one who doubts
! or desires to obtain further information a-
I bout my views, in respect to that unfortli
j note question, I refer him to Mr. Mcndcu
] liali, of Richmond, Indiana.
| I hope arid believe, fellow citizens, that
i brighterdays and better tine s are approach
; itig. All the exhibitions of popular feeling
j —all tho manifestations of the public vvish
! es—this spontaneous and vast assemblage
deceive us, if the scenes and the memora
ble events of 1840 arc not going to bo renew ■
jed and re-enacted. Our opponents com
| plain of tiie means which were employed to
j bring about ihat event. They attribute their
! loss of the public confidence tothe popular
! meetings and processions, to the display .
! banners, tiie use of log cabins, tho Whig
j songs, and the exhibition of coons, which
preceded the event of WO. How greatly do
1 they deceive themselves 1 What little know
j ledge do they display of human nature !
All those were the mero jokes of the cam
: paigu. The event itself was produced, by
! a strong, deep, and general conviction per
vading all classes, and impressed by a
dear bought experience, that a change of
j both measures and men was indispensable
jto the welfare of the country. It was a
| great and irresistible movement of the peo
\ pic. Our opponents were unable to w’ith
-1 stand, and were borne down by a popular
j current, far more powerful than that of the
j mighty father of waters. The symbols
land insignia, of which they complain, no
1 more created or impelled tiiat current than
! the objects which float upon the bosom ot’
the Mississippi give impetus to the stream.
Our opponents profess to be great friends
of tiie poor, and to take a great interest in
their welfare, but they do not like the log
i cabins in winch the poor dwell ! They
dislike their beverage of hard eider. They
i prefer sparkling champaign, and perhaps
j their taste is correct, but they ought to re
flect that it is riot within the poor man’s
1 rcacii. They have a mortal hatred to our
unoffending coons, and would prefer any
other quadruped. And, as for our Whig
songs, to their cars they appear grating
j and full of discord, although chanted by the
j loveliest daughters, and most melodious
| voices of the land ! We arc very sorry
j to disoblige our democratic friends, but l
| am afraid they will have to reconcile thetn
i selves, as well as they can, to our log ca
lkins, hard cider, and Whig songs, l’opu
! lar excitement, demonstrating a lively in*
! tercst in the administration of public af
i fairs, is far preferable to a stillness,of sullen
1 gloom, and silent acquiescence, which de
notes the existence of despotism, nr a state
!of preparation for its introduclion. And
i we need not be disturbed, if that excite
, merit should sometimes manifest itself, in
ludicrous, but innocent, forms. But our
opponents seem to have short memories.—
Who commenced that species of display
! and exhibition of which they now so bit
terly complain? Have they already for
gotten the circumstances attendant on the
campaigns of 1828 and 1832 ? Have they
forgotten the use they made of the hog—
| the whole hog, bristles and all ? Has tho
i scene escaped their recollection, of burst
j ing the heads out of barrels, not of hard
i cider, but of beer, pouring their contents
\ into ’ditches, and then drinking the dirty
liquid ? Do they cease to remember the
j use which they made of the hickory, ot
i hickory poles, and hickory boughs ? On
j more occasions than one, when it was pre
i viously known that I was to pass on a par
j ticular road, have 1 found the way ob
! structcd by hickory bc-.iis. so. • ed along
j it. And I will not tai u; , ur time by
narrating tiie numerous sc 1 mean,
j low and vulgar indignity, to which 1 have
been personally exposed. Our opponents
had better exercise a lit* philo . >phy on
They have been our mas
ter, in emplo; ing symbols and device# to
operate up passion of the people.—
And, if they v uld reflect and philosophize
a little, they v uld arrive at the conclu
‘ sion, th..; w 1 never an army or a political
j party ves a victory over an advent*
ry, by m f any new instrument or
strata". , t adversary will be sure,
sooner oi r, to employ the same means.
I am truly glad to see our opponents re*
turning to a sense of order and decency.
1 should be stiil happier, if I did not fear
that it wes produced by the mortification of
a past defeat, and the apprehension of one
that awaits them ahead, rather than any
thorough reformation of manners. Most
certainly, I do not approve of appeals to tho
passions of the people, or of the use oi dis
gustin** or unworthy means to operate on
Their senses or their understanding. Al
though I can look and laugh, at the em
ployment of hogs and coons, to influence the
exercise of the elective franchise. I should
[you mi: xxix.