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NEWS & PLANTERS’ GAZETTE.
D. G. COTTIMG, Editor.
No. 47.—NEW SERIES.]
News and Planters ’ Gazette.
terms:
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TO ADVERTISERS.
Advertisements, not exceedingone square,first
insertion, Seventn-f re Cents; and for each sub
sequent insertion, Fifty Cents. A reduction will
be made oi, twenty. live per cent, to those who
advertise b> • yar Advertisements not
‘■'a red yr ;; v.v.ii’ br inserted till for
ycf:, * i ’ iv.rt’ i tr • idii-giv
Sains rs tin 1 1 :.ii t ’ qnces by Lsecutor?, Ati
mimstr tor? ‘t. i J -jt tiar.e, re required by law,
to be advert .a *?n; a public Gazette-, sixty days
pievioo . to the dry at i :i>
Tim saf&ay A.• it roper*.) meet bead's t
tised m ir.'.i.:.*-! ri-ty da^ s
Net:. ■ : . ‘.}• ‘ e <■..] < : :::• :s Man : • M-. I
must be pitintake-. rt, 5..: r.
Notice *h;:t •irpin .. ,c.n w.i. t— ‘he i
Court of Ordinary, for -:v- • t Laud v. Ft- j
groes, must be ; • ... . _,*<•••*.• stum’he — i
notice that-oipwi. ■ v icr • . j
of Adm.-cistr*'• •’ ‘ . > ... I
and Letter? - .
Jilt,
POST OFFICE. : ‘
Washington, -j . rt 1, 1t;43. j :
L.Gf.i’Lr.N .MAIL
By yii i route, M.Ttls are made up for K .tow:..
Double-VVelia, Crawfordville, Cuniack, Warreii
ton, Thompson, Bearing, and Barzelia.
. ■ a;-.: iv
MoiiJay ,V- -y, ■ Priday, a. 0, AM.
■rtc-'f ■
i'uesdty, Lne.r ... . Laturday, A 11, P. M
WEe LEftN MAIL.
By this route, Mails are made up for all Offi
Ices m South- Western Georgia, Alabama, Mis
sissippi, Louisiana. Pi . : !':, also Athens. Ga and
the North-W--. . art ..:
. arrives—Wednesday and i- r.Jay, bv b A. M.
• closes—Tuesday and Thursday, at 12 M.
> ABBEVILLE, S.C. MAIL.
By this route, Mails are made up for Danburg,
| Pistol Creek, and Petersburg.
ARRIVES.
I Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, .by 1 P. M.
CLOSES.
Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at C A. M-
V 'M LEXINGTON MAIL.
By this route, Mails are made up for Centre
ville, State Rights, Scull-shoals, and Salem.
arrives —Monday and Friday, at 9 A. M.
closes —Tuesday and Saturday, at 9 A. M.
APPLING MAIL.
By this route, Mails are made up for Wrights
boro’, White Oak, Walker’s Quaker Springs.
arrives —Tuesday and Saturday, by 9 A. M.
closes —Monday and Friday, at 9 A. M.
ELBERTON MAIL.
By this route, Mails are made up for Mallo
rysville, Goosepond, Whites, Mill-Stone, Harri
sonville, and Ruckersville.
Arrives Thursdays P. M., and Closes same time.
LINCOLNTON MAIL.
By this route, Mails are made up for Reiioboth,
Stoney Point, Goshen, Double Branches, and
Darby’s.
Arrives Friday, 12 M. | Closes same time.
Jj* The Letter Box is the proper place to de
posite alt matter designed to be transported by
Mail, and such as may be found there at the
times above specified, will be despatched by first
post.
COTTING & BUTLER,
ATTORNIES,
HAVE taken an OFFICE on the North
side of the Public Square, next door to
the Branch Bank of the State of Georgia.
October, 1843. 28
NELSON CARTER,
DEALER IN
Choice Drugs and Medicines,
Chemicals, Patent Medicines,
Surgical and Dental Instruments,
Perfumery, Brushes,
Paints, Oils, Dye-Stuffs,
Window Glass, fyc. fyc.
’bed MORTAR. S AVGUSTA, Ga.
October 12, 1843. ly 7
HAVILAND, RISLEY & Cos.
Near the Mansion House, Globe and United
i States Hotels,
AUGUSTA, GA.,
DEALERS IN CHOICE
DRUGS AND MEDICINES,
Surgical and Dental Instruments,
Chemicals, Patent Medicines,
Perfumery, Brushes, Paints, Oils,
Window Glass, Dye Stuffs,
&c. &c.
Being connected with Haviland,
Keese & Cos., New-York, and Hav
'WFW iland, Harral & Allen, Charles
■V ton, they are constantly receiving
fresh supplies of every article in
iheir line, which they are enabled to sell at the
lowest market prices.
O’ All goods gold by them, warranted to be of
the quality represented, or may be returned.
Augusta, August 1843- 51
MR. CL.AY’S SPEECH
Delivered in the City of Raleigh, >
April 13th, 1844. $
Friends and Fellow-Citizens —
Ladies and Gentlemen of North Carolina ;
A long cherished object of my heart is
accomplished. lam at your Capitol, and
in the midst of you. i have looked forward
to this my first visit to North Carolina, witli
anxiou3 wishes, and with high expectations
of great gratification ; and I am happy to
say that my fondest anticipations have been
more than realized. Wherever I have
passed on my way to your city, wherever I
have stopped, at the depots of rail roads, in
country, town or village, it has been my*
good fortune to receive the warmest demon
strations of respect and kindness, from all
parties, Worn both sexes, and from every
age ; but no where have 1 met, no where
had I exp’ Ctrd such a distinguished recep
tion, e.iu* -och enthusiastic greetings as
those with which my atrival here has been
a'.Gnded. I an, rejoiced to be with you
ti.nd surrounded by you tn the
- ‘ m-- r .agnificent Capitol, a noble
1 .- i . vour public liberality and
..die my grateful heart has
, .:. by the thrilling grasp ofeach
i.u.s,.- * ‘,ind. mid my eye cheered by
the mu: nod sauty of the fair daughters
rl V • n Ca-wl'ni, who have honored this
• •>! by their presence, 1 cannot but re-
I “L iejoice, that I am an Ameri
<r . and feel that, though far re
i u.y ‘nimediate homb & friends,
<: ,n.r. the soil of my own coun
'•>, . . .■ midst of my friends and
!• ; and can exclaim in the lan
iilC ocuiil sh bard, that this, “ this
: o i -.diny jon, my native land.” I own
*.l S’ ; tiave bv'.Ti truly and greatly, but a
grueai'ly surprised. I had expected to find
some hundreds, perhaps a few thousands
assembled here to meet and greet me. I
oui not expect to witness such an outpour
ing I did not expect to see the whole State
congregated together; but here it is !
From the mountains and from the sea board
—from the extremities and fiom the centre,
I see around me the sons and the daughters
of the good old North State 1 A State which
ha. e'artr.-d this estimable title by the puri
tj. simplicity, and efficiency of it? institu
tions—by its uniform patriotism and inflex
ible virtue—by its quiet, unobtrusive, and
unambitious demeanor, and by its steady
and firm attachment to the Union, of which
it is one of the surest props and pillars—a
noble title, of which although it is not proud,
because it is not in its nature to be proud,
its sister States may well envy and emu
late her. For these hearty manifestations
of your respect and esteem, 1 thank you
all. I thank my fair country-women for
gracing this meeting by their countenance
and presence. 1 thank your worthy Chief
Magistrate for the generous manner in
which lie has represented your hospitality.
I thank the various Committees for the
kindness and attention which I have receiv
ed at their hands, and particularly the
Committee who did me the honor to meet
me on the borders of your State, and escort
me to this city.
I am here, fellow-citzens, in compliance
with your own summons. Warm and re
peated invitations to visit this State and my
own ardent desire to see it, to form the ac
quaintance and to share the hospitalities of
its citizens, have brought me in your pres
ence. I have come with objects, exclusive- i
ly social and friendly. 1 have come upon .
no political errand. I have not come as a I
propagandist. I seek to change no man’s
opinion, to shake no man’s allegiance to his
party. Satisfied and contented with the o
pinions which I have formed upon public
affairs, after thorough investigation and full
deliberation, I am willing to leave every
other man in the undisturbed possession of
his opinions. It is one of our great privile
ges, in a free country, to form our own o
pinions upon all matters of public concern.
Claiming the exercise of it for myself I am
ever ready to accord to others equal free
dom in exercising it for themselves. But,
inasmuch as the manner in which we may
exercise the rights, appertaining to us, may
exert, reciprocally, an influence upon each
other, for good or for evil, we owe the mu
tual duty of considering fairly, fully, and
disinterestedly, all measures of public poli
cy which may be proposed for adoption.
Although, fellow.citizens, I have truly
said that I have not come to your State with
any political aims or purposes, I am aware
of the general expectation, entertained here,
that I should embrace the occasion to make
some exposition of my sentiments and views
in respect to public affairs. I do not feel
at liberty to disappoint this expectation.—
And yet I must declare, with perfect truth,
that I have not and never had any taste for
these public addresses. I have always
found them irksome and unpleasant. I
have not disliked public speaking, but it
has been public speaking, in legislative
halls, on public measures affecting the
welfare of my country, or before the tribu
nals of justice. It has been public speak
ing, in which there was a precise and well
defined object to be pursued, by a train of
thought and argument, adapted to its at
tainment.
Without presuming to prescribe to any
body else the course which he ought to
pursue in forming his judgment upon po
litical parties, public measures, and the
principles which ought to guide us, I will
state my own. In respect to political par
ties, of which I have seen many, in this
country, during a life which is now consid
PUBLISHED EVE R Y THURS DAY MORNIN G.
WASHINGTON, (WILKES COUNTY, GA.,) JULY 18, 1844.
erably protracted, I believe, in the main,
most of them think, or have persuaded
themselves to believe, that they are aiming
at the happiness of their country. Their
duties and their interests, well understood,
must necessarily urge them to promote its
welfare. They are, it is true, often deceiv
ed, deceived by their own passions and pre
judices, and still more by interested dema
gogues, who cloak and conceal their sinis
ter designs. Political parties, according to
my humble opinion of their legitimate
sphere of action, ought to be regarded as
nothing more than instruments or means, in
effecting the great purposes of a wise ad
ministration of government; highly useful
when not factious,and controlled by public
virtue and patriotism; but, when country
is lost sight of, and the intorests of the par
ty become paramount to the interests of the
country, when the government is seized by
a party and is not administered for the ben
efit of the people, and the whole people, but
to advance the purposes, and selfish aims of
itself, or rather of its leaders, then is such
a party, whatever may be the popular name
it may assume, highly detrimental and
dangerous. lam a Whig, warmly attach
ed to the party, which bears that respected
name, from a thorough persuasion that its
principles and policy are best calculated
to secure the happiness and prosperity of
our common country ; but, if I believed
otherwise, if I were convinced that it sought
party or individual aggrandizement, and
not the public good, I would instantly and
forever abandon it, whatever might be the
consequences to myself, or whatever the
regrets which I might feel in separating
from veteran friends. My opinions upon
great and leading measures upon public
policy, have become settled convictions, and
I am a Whig because that party seeks the
establishment of those measures. In deter,
mining with which of the two great parties
of the country, I ought to be connected, I
have been governed by a full consideration,
and fair comparison, of the tendency of their
respective principles, measures, conduct
and views. There is one prominent and
characteristic difference between the two
parties, which eminently distinguishes
them, and which, if there were no other,
would be sufficient to decide my judgment.
And that is, the respect and deference uni
formly displayed by the one, and the disre
gard and contempt exhibited by the other
to the constitution, to the laws, arid to pub
lic authority. In a country, where a free
and self-government is established, it should
be the pleasure, as it is the bounden duty,
of every citizen to stand by and uphold the
constitution and laws, and support the pub
lic authority ; because they art hts eonsli-
tution—his laws, and the pirfilic authority
emanates from his will. Having concur
red, by the exercise of his privileges, in the
adoption of the constitution, and in tho pas
sage of the laws, any outrage or violation
attempted of either, ought to be regarded as
an offence against himself, an offence a
gainst the majesty of tho people. In an
arbitrary and absolute government, the
subject may have some excuse for evading
the edicts and ukases of the monarch, be
cause they are not only promulgated, with
out consulting his will, but sometimes a
gainst the wishes and the interests of the
people. In that species of government, the
power of the bayonet enforces a reluctant
obedience to the law. With a free people,
the fact that the laws are their laws, ought
to supply, in a prompt and voluntary rally
to the support of the public authority, a
force more peaceful, more powerful, and
more reasonable than any derivable from a
mercenary soldiery.
It is far from my intention or desire to do
the least injustice to the party to which I
am opposed ; but I think that in asserting
the characteristic difference between the
two parties which I have done, I am fully
borne out by facts, to some of which, only,
on this occasion, can I refer, and these shall
all be of a recent nature.
The first to which I shall call vour a‘-
tention, has occurred during the present
session of Congress. The variety in the
mode of electing members to the House of
Representatives of the United States, some
being chosen by whole States, and others
by separate districts, was long a subject of
deep and general complaint. It gave to the
States unequal power in the councils of the
nation. Mississippi or New Hampshire,
for example, by a general ticket, securing
the election of its members to the House of
Representatives, all of one political party,
might acquire more power, in that House,
than the State of New York, which, elect
ing its members by districts, might return
an equal or nearly an equal number of mem
bers ofboth the parties. According to the
general ticket system, it is impossible that
that the elective franchise can be exercised
with the same discretion and judgment as
under the district system. The elector can
not possess the same opportunity, under the
one system as under the other, of becoming
acquainted with and ascertaining the ca
pacity and fidelity, of the candidate for his
suffrage. An elector, residing in one ex
treme of the State, cannot be presumed to
know a candidate living at a distance from
him, perhaps at the other extreme. By the
General ticket, the minority in a State is
completely smothered. From these, and
other views of the subject, it has been long
a patriotic wish entertained that there should
be some uniform mode, both of electing
members to the House of Representatives
and choosing electors of President and Vice
President. I recollect well, some twenty
years ago, when public opinion appeared
to be almost unanimous upon this subject.
Well, the last Whig Congress in order to i
prevent the abuses, and to correct the ine
quality, arising out of the diverse modes of,
electing members of the House of liepre- ;
sentatives, passed an act requiring that it !
should be uniform and by districts. This j
act was in conformity with an express grant 1
of power contained in the constitution of the
United States, which declares that “ the
times, places, and manner of holding elec
tions for Senators, and Ilepresentativesshall
be prescribed in each State by the Legisla
ture thereof; but, the Congress may, at any
time, by law, make or alter such regulations,
except as to the places of choosing Senators.
With that reasonable, equal, and just net
of Congress; every Whig State, whose
Legislature assembled in time after its pas
sage, strictly complied, and laid off their re
specting States into districts accordingly.
But the four States, with Democraiie Le
gislatures, of Georgia, Mississippi, Missou
ri, and New Hampshire refused to conform
to the law, treated it with contemptuous ne
glect, & suffered the elections for members
of the House of Representatives to proceed,
in total disregard of its provisions. This was
anew species of nullification, not less rep
rehensible than that which was attempted
formerly in another State, though admitting
of a more easy and peaceful remedy. That
remedy was to refuse to allow the members,
returned from the four States, to take their
seats in the House of Representatives, which
they had no constitutional or legal right to
occupy. That question the present House
of Representatives had to decide. But it 1
was predicted, that, the members from the !
four refractory States would be allowed to
take their seals, the constitution and th.
law notwithstanding. Why aa?it so pro |
dieted? Was it n.v . t t was km-un, |
from the nral eharaet c mduct of
the dominant j> :/. the Hou-c, that it i
would not he:-i:u'i to trample unde: f
both law and constitution, if necessary to i
the accomplishment of a party object ? j
Accordingly, the question r centlv came I
up in the 1 louse, and the members from the |
four States were admitted to their seats
And what, fellow citizens do you suppose
was the process of reasoning by which this
most extraordinary result was brought a
bout ? Congress you have seen is invest
ed with unlimited power to make regula
tions as to the times, places, and manner of
holding elections for representatives, or to
alter those which might have been previ
ously made by the State Legislatures.—
There is nothing in the grant of the
power, which enjoins on Congress to ex
ercise the whole of it, or none. Con
siderations of obvious convenience concur
in leaving to the several States themselves,
the fixation of the times and places ofhold
ing those elections. In that, each State
may b governed by its seose of its own
convenience, without injuriously affecting
other States. But it is different with the
manner of holding elections, that is, wheth
er it be by general ticket or by tie district
system. If some States elect by a general
ticket, it gives them an tindu l advantage o
yer those States which elect by the district
system. The manner, therefore, of hold
ing elections was a fit subject, and the only
fit subject contained in the grant of power,
for Congressional legislation It Congress
had legislated beyond that. would have
overreached the convent nee and necessity
of the case. But tin- do i.;nai party, in
the House of Representatives, ita’ e strange
ly assumed, that Congress could not exe
cute a part of the granted power, without
the whole. According to their logic the
major does not include the minor. In their
view Government cannot execute a part of
a power with which it is entrusted without
it executes the whole of a power vested in
it. If this principle be true, when applied
to a part of the Constitution, it would be e
qually true in its application to the whole
constitution ; but there are many parts of
the constitution that never have been and
probably never will be executed. And, if
the doctrine of the dominant party, in the
House of Representatives be sound, all the
laws enacted by Congress since the com
mencement of the Government are null and
void, because Congress has not executed all
the powers of Government with which it is
entrusted. The doctrine, applied to the en
joymentof private property, would restrain
a man from using any part of his properjy,
unless he used the whole of it.
The case of the New Jersey election is
familiar wth every body. There the Whig
members who presented themselves at
Washington, to take their seats, bore with
them the highest credentials, under the
great seal of their State, demonstrating their
right to occupy them. They had been reg
ularly declared and returned elected mem
bers of the House of Representatives, by the
regular authorities, and according to the
law of the State of New Jersey. Agreea
bly to the uniform usage which had prevail
ed in that House from the commencement
of the Government, and according to the
usage which prevails in every representa
tive body, they had a right to demand to be
admitted to their seats, and to hold and oc
cupy them, until any objections which might
exist against them should be subsequently
investigated. In the case of the four States
already noticed, it was important to the in
terests of the dominant party, in order to
swell their majority, that the members re
turned should be allowed to take their
seats, although elected contrary to law.—
In the New Jersey case, it was important to
the dominant party to enable it to retain its
majority to exclude the Whig members,
although returned according to law. The
decision in both cases was adapted to the
i exigency of party interest, in utter contempt,
: both of constitution and law; it is worthy of!
, observation that, in the decision against the i
I Whig members of New Jersey, members,
I who boast of being emphatically the pat
rons and defenders of State rights, concur
red in trampling under foot the laws ami \
authorities of that State.
In qpnnexion with the subject on which
I am now addressing you, the manner of j
admission of Michigan into the Union is !
worthy of notice. According to the usage
which had uniformly prevailed, prior to the
admission of the States of Michigan and
Arkansas, a previous act of Congress was
passed, authorizing the sense of the people
of the territory to be taken, in convention,
and regulating the election of members to
that body, limiting their choice to citizens
of the United States residing in the territo
ry. Michigan, without the sanction of a
previous act of Congress, undertook, upon
her sole authority, to form it Constitution,
and demanded admission into the Union.
In appointing members to that convention,
a great number ofaliens, as well as citi- ,
zens of the United States, were allowed to !
vote, against the earnest remonstrances of’
many resident citizens. Under these cir
cumstances, she applied to Congress to be
admitted into the Union. No one ques
tioned or doubted that she was entitled to
be received, whenever she presented her- ;
self, regularly and according to law. But !
it was objected against her admission, that ;
she had assumed to act against all i
without the authority of Congress, and that j
contrary to the Constitution and laws of the j
United States, she had permitted aliens to |
partake of the elective franchise. The :
danger was pointed out, of allowing aliens
unnaturalized, and without renouncing |
ieir allegiance to foreign sovereigns and I
potentates, to share in that great and inesti
mable privilege- But all objections were
navailing ; the dominant party under the
hope of strengthening their interests, in
spite of all irregularity, and in contraven
tion of law, admitted Michigan as a State, |
into the Union.
In intimate connection witli this case the. |
subject of Dorism may be noticed. Rhode!
Island had an existing government of long |
duration, under which her population had i
lived happily and prosperously. It had j
carried her triumphantly through the war
of the revolution, and born her into the Un
ion, as one of the original thirteen indepen
dent sovereign States. Under the opera
tion of it, the people of no state in the Union,
in proportion to her population, had dis
played more valor, patriotism and enter,
prize. Dorr did not find Ins ambitious as
pirations sufficiently gratified under this
venerable government, and he undertook
to subvert it. Asserting the principle that
every people have a right to alter, modify,
& change their government whenever they
think proper—an abstract principle which
with cautious limitations, may be true —
without consulting the established govern
ment and the public authorities, he under
took to beat up for recruits, to hold irregu
lar elections, at which persons qualified
and unqualified, dead and living, were pre
tended to have voted, and thus securing a
heterogeneous majority, he proceeded to
form anew Constitution and to set up a
new government. In the mean time, the
legitimate and regular government pro- |
ceeded in operation and prepared to sustain
itself and put down the insurrectionary pro
ceeding. Dorr flew to arms and collected
a military force, as irregular and heteroge
neous as his civil majority had been. But
on the first approach of military* force, on
the part of the legitimate and regular gov
ernment, Dorr took to his heels and igno
miniously fled, leaving his motley confede
rates to fare as they might. Now fellow. •
citizens what has been the conduct of the j
two parties in respect to this insurrection
which, at one time, seem, and to he so threat
ening? The Whigs, every where, I be- i
lieve to a man, have disapproved and con
demned the movement of Dorr. It has been
far otherwise with our opponents. With-j
out meaning to assert that tho whole of them 1
countenanced and supported Dorr, every j
body knows that all the sympathy and on- !
qouragement which he has received, have !
been among them. And they have intro- 1
duced the subject into the present House
of Representatives We shall see what
they will do with it. You can readily
comprehend and feei what would be the es
sects and consequences of Dorrisnt he” at
the South, if Dorrism were predominant
Any unprincipled adventurer would have
nothing to do but to collect around him a
mosaic majority, black and white, aliens
and citizens, young and old, male and fe
male, overturn existing governments and
set up new ones, at his pleasure or caprice!
What earthly security for life, liberty and
property, would remain, ifa proceeding so
fraught with confusion disorder and insub
ordination, were tolerated and sanctioned 1
Then there is Repudiation—that dark
and foul spot upon the American name and
character—how came it there ? The stain
has been put there by the Democratic ma
jority of the Legislature of Mississippi.—
Underspecial pleas, and colorable pretexts,
which any private man of honor and probi
ty would scorn to employ, they have re
fused to pay the debts of that State—debts
contracted by the receipt of an equivalent
expended within the State ! The Whigs
of that State, who are the principal Tax
paying portion of the population, with re
markable unanimity, are in favor of pre
serving its honor und good faith, by a re
imbursement of the debt ; but the Demo
. cratic majority persists in refusing to pro-
.1. It Al’PEIi, Printer
: vide for it. lam far from charging tho
whole of the Democratic party with this
I shameful public fraud, perpetrated by their
brethren in tho State of Mississippi. With
out the State, to their honor be it said, most
of their, disapprove it; and within the State
‘there are many honorable exceptions, a
mong tho Democrats.
Other examples might be cited to prove
i the destructive and disorganizing tendency
I qf’ the character, tendency and principles
of the Democratic party, but these will suf
fice for this occasion. Iftiie systems and
measures of public policy of the two par
ties are contrasted, and compared, the re
sult will be not less favorable to the Whig
party. With tho Whig party there pre
vails entire concurrence as to the princi
ples and measures of public policy which
it espouses. In the other party we behold
nothing but division and distraction—their
principles, varying at different times and
in different latitudes. In respect to the
tariff whilst in some places, they are pro
: claiming that free trade is the true Demd-
I cratic doctrine, and the encouragement of
I domestic industry federal heresy, in other
’ parts of the Union, they insist that the De
mocrats are alone to be relied upon to pro
'c: t the industry of the country, and that
the Wiiigs are opposed to it.
That is a great practical and administra
tive question, in respect to which there is
happily now prevailing among the W'liigs,
‘ throughout the “ hole Union a degree of
. unanimity as unprecedented as it is grati
| fying. From New Orleans to this place,
i I have conversed with hundreds of then ,
i and I have not met with a solitary one, who
; does assent to the justice and expediency of
I the principles ofa tariff for revenue, with
j discriminations for protection. On this in
teresting question, fellow-citizens, it is my
purpose to address you with the utmost
freedom ami sincerity, and with as little re
serve as if I were before an audience in
the State of Kentucky. I have lons given
to this subject the most impartial and de
liberate consideration, of which my mind is
capable. I believe that no great Nation
ever has existed, or can exist, which does
not derive within itself, essential supplies
| of food and raiment and the means of de
i fence. 1 recollect no example to the con
trary in ancient or modern-times. Al
though Italy did not itself afford all those
supplies to Ancient Rome, the deficiency
was drawn foom her subjugated provinces.
Great Britain, although her commerce en
compasses the world, supplies herself main
ly from the little island under her immedi
ate dominion. Limited and contracted as
it is, it furnishes her with bread and other
provisions for the whole year, with the ex
ception only of a few days ; and her manu
factures, not only supply an abundance of
raiment and moans of defence, but afford a
vast surplus for exportation to foreign coun
tries.
In considering the policy of introducing
and establishing manufactures in our enun
trv it has always appeared to mo that we
should take a broad and extensive view,
looking to seasons of war, as well as peace,
and regarding the future as well as the
past and the present. National existence
is not to be measured by the standard ofin
dividual life. But it is equally true, both
of nations and of individuals, that, when it
| is necessary, we must submit to temporary
and present privations, for the sake of fu
ture and permanent benefits. Even if it
were true, as I think I shall be able to show
it is not, that the encouragement of domes
tic manufactures would produce some sa
crifices, they would be compensated, and
more than counterbalanced, by ultimate
advantages secured, combining together
seasons of peace and of war. If it were
| true that the poliev .if protection enhanced
: the price of comm it would be found
that their cheai . .“•..•..ling in a time
of peace, when . . jreign supply might be
open to us, would be no equivalent for the
dearness in a period of war, when that sup
ply would be cut off from us lam not old
enough to recollect the sufferings of the
soldiery and pope lation of the United States,
during the war of Independence ; but his
tory and tradition tell us what they were ;
they inform us what lives were sacrificed,
what discomforts exi aed, what hardships
I our unclad and unslu and soldiers bore, what
enlerprizes were ret ■ Jed or paralized.—
Even, during the last war, all of us, who
are old enough to remember it, know what
difficulties, and, at what great cost, the ne
cessaryclothing and means ofdefence were
obtained. And who does not feel con
scious pride and patriotic satisfaction that
these sufferings, in any future war, will be
prevented, or greatly alleviated, by the
progress which our infant manufactures
have already made. If the policy of en
couraging them wisely, moderately, and
certainly, be persevered in, the day is not
distant when, resting upon our own inter
nal resources, we may be perfectly sure of
an abundant supply of ail our necessary
j wants, and, in this respect, put Foreign
Powers and Foreign wars at defiance. 1
know that, from extreme suffering and the
! necessity of the case, manufactures, in the
[ long run, would arise and sustain them
selves, without any encouragement from
i Government, just as an unaided infant child
i would learn to rise, to stand, and to walk ;
i but, in both instances, great distress might
j be avoided and essential assistance derived
1 from the kindness ofthe parental hand,
i The advantages arising from the divisiou
! ofthe labor of the population of a country
, are too manifest to need being much dwelt
upon- I think the advantage of a heme, as
i we’i of foreign Markets, is equally man;-
[VOI.I ME XXI.Y.
