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About News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844 | View Entire Issue (July 18, 1844)
NEWS & PLANTERS’ GAZETTE. D. G. COTTIMG, Editor. No. 47.—NEW SERIES.] News and Planters ’ Gazette. terms: Published weekly at. Two Dollars and Fifty Cents per annum, if paid at the time of Subscri bing ; or Three Dollars if not paid till the expi ration of three months. No paper to be discontinued,unless at the option of the rlditor, withoutthe settlement of all arrearages. ZT L Hers, an business, must be postpaid,to insure attention. No communication shall be •published, unless we are made acquainted with the name of the author. TO ADVERTISERS. Advertisements, not exceedingone square,first insertion, Seventn-f re Cents; and for each sub sequent insertion, Fifty Cents. A reduction will be made oi, twenty. live per cent, to those who advertise b> • yar Advertisements not ‘■'a red yr ;; v.v.ii’ br inserted till for ycf:, * i ’ iv.rt’ i tr • idii-giv Sains rs tin 1 1 :.ii t ’ qnces by Lsecutor?, Ati mimstr tor? ‘t. i J -jt tiar.e, re required by law, to be advert .a *?n; a public Gazette-, sixty days pievioo . to the dry at i :i> Tim saf&ay A.• it roper*.) meet bead's t tised m ir.'.i.:.*-! ri-ty da^ s Net:. ■ : . ‘.}• ‘ e <■..] < : :::• :s Man : • M-. I must be pitintake-. rt, 5..: r. Notice *h;:t •irpin .. ,c.n w.i. t— ‘he i Court of Ordinary, for -:v- • t Laud v. Ft- j groes, must be ; • ... . _,*<•••*.• stum’he — i notice that-oipwi. ■ v icr • . j of Adm.-cistr*'• •’ ‘ . > ... I and Letter? - . Jilt, POST OFFICE. : ‘ Washington, -j . rt 1, 1t;43. j : L.Gf.i’Lr.N .MAIL By yii i route, M.Ttls are made up for K .tow:.. Double-VVelia, Crawfordville, Cuniack, Warreii ton, Thompson, Bearing, and Barzelia. . ■ a;-.: iv MoiiJay ,V- -y, ■ Priday, a. 0, AM. ■rtc-'f ■ i'uesdty, Lne.r ... . Laturday, A 11, P. M WEe LEftN MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for all Offi Ices m South- Western Georgia, Alabama, Mis sissippi, Louisiana. Pi . : !':, also Athens. Ga and the North-W--. . art ..: . arrives—Wednesday and i- r.Jay, bv b A. M. • closes—Tuesday and Thursday, at 12 M. > ABBEVILLE, S.C. MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Danburg, | Pistol Creek, and Petersburg. ARRIVES. I Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, .by 1 P. M. CLOSES. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at C A. M- V 'M LEXINGTON MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Centre ville, State Rights, Scull-shoals, and Salem. arrives —Monday and Friday, at 9 A. M. closes —Tuesday and Saturday, at 9 A. M. APPLING MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Wrights boro’, White Oak, Walker’s Quaker Springs. arrives —Tuesday and Saturday, by 9 A. M. closes —Monday and Friday, at 9 A. M. ELBERTON MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Mallo rysville, Goosepond, Whites, Mill-Stone, Harri sonville, and Ruckersville. Arrives Thursdays P. M., and Closes same time. LINCOLNTON MAIL. By this route, Mails are made up for Reiioboth, Stoney Point, Goshen, Double Branches, and Darby’s. Arrives Friday, 12 M. | Closes same time. Jj* The Letter Box is the proper place to de posite alt matter designed to be transported by Mail, and such as may be found there at the times above specified, will be despatched by first post. COTTING & BUTLER, ATTORNIES, HAVE taken an OFFICE on the North side of the Public Square, next door to the Branch Bank of the State of Georgia. October, 1843. 28 NELSON CARTER, DEALER IN Choice Drugs and Medicines, Chemicals, Patent Medicines, Surgical and Dental Instruments, Perfumery, Brushes, Paints, Oils, Dye-Stuffs, Window Glass, fyc. fyc. ’bed MORTAR. S AVGUSTA, Ga. October 12, 1843. ly 7 HAVILAND, RISLEY & Cos. Near the Mansion House, Globe and United i States Hotels, AUGUSTA, GA., DEALERS IN CHOICE DRUGS AND MEDICINES, Surgical and Dental Instruments, Chemicals, Patent Medicines, Perfumery, Brushes, Paints, Oils, Window Glass, Dye Stuffs, &c. &c. Being connected with Haviland, Keese & Cos., New-York, and Hav 'WFW iland, Harral & Allen, Charles ■V ton, they are constantly receiving fresh supplies of every article in iheir line, which they are enabled to sell at the lowest market prices. O’ All goods gold by them, warranted to be of the quality represented, or may be returned. Augusta, August 1843- 51 MR. CL.AY’S SPEECH Delivered in the City of Raleigh, > April 13th, 1844. $ Friends and Fellow-Citizens — Ladies and Gentlemen of North Carolina ; A long cherished object of my heart is accomplished. lam at your Capitol, and in the midst of you. i have looked forward to this my first visit to North Carolina, witli anxiou3 wishes, and with high expectations of great gratification ; and I am happy to say that my fondest anticipations have been more than realized. Wherever I have passed on my way to your city, wherever I have stopped, at the depots of rail roads, in country, town or village, it has been my* good fortune to receive the warmest demon strations of respect and kindness, from all parties, Worn both sexes, and from every age ; but no where have 1 met, no where had I exp’ Ctrd such a distinguished recep tion, e.iu* -och enthusiastic greetings as those with which my atrival here has been a'.Gnded. I an, rejoiced to be with you ti.nd surrounded by you tn the - ‘ m-- r .agnificent Capitol, a noble 1 .- i . vour public liberality and ..die my grateful heart has , .:. by the thrilling grasp ofeach i.u.s,.- * ‘,ind. mid my eye cheered by the mu: nod sauty of the fair daughters rl V • n Ca-wl'ni, who have honored this • •>! by their presence, 1 cannot but re- I “L iejoice, that I am an Ameri <r . and feel that, though far re i u.y ‘nimediate homb & friends, <: ,n.r. the soil of my own coun '•>, . . .■ midst of my friends and !• ; and can exclaim in the lan iilC ocuiil sh bard, that this, “ this : o i -.diny jon, my native land.” I own *.l S’ ; tiave bv'.Ti truly and greatly, but a grueai'ly surprised. I had expected to find some hundreds, perhaps a few thousands assembled here to meet and greet me. I oui not expect to witness such an outpour ing I did not expect to see the whole State congregated together; but here it is ! From the mountains and from the sea board —from the extremities and fiom the centre, I see around me the sons and the daughters of the good old North State 1 A State which ha. e'artr.-d this estimable title by the puri tj. simplicity, and efficiency of it? institu tions—by its uniform patriotism and inflex ible virtue—by its quiet, unobtrusive, and unambitious demeanor, and by its steady and firm attachment to the Union, of which it is one of the surest props and pillars—a noble title, of which although it is not proud, because it is not in its nature to be proud, its sister States may well envy and emu late her. For these hearty manifestations of your respect and esteem, 1 thank you all. I thank my fair country-women for gracing this meeting by their countenance and presence. 1 thank your worthy Chief Magistrate for the generous manner in which lie has represented your hospitality. I thank the various Committees for the kindness and attention which I have receiv ed at their hands, and particularly the Committee who did me the honor to meet me on the borders of your State, and escort me to this city. I am here, fellow-citzens, in compliance with your own summons. Warm and re peated invitations to visit this State and my own ardent desire to see it, to form the ac quaintance and to share the hospitalities of its citizens, have brought me in your pres ence. I have come with objects, exclusive- i ly social and friendly. 1 have come upon . no political errand. I have not come as a I propagandist. I seek to change no man’s opinion, to shake no man’s allegiance to his party. Satisfied and contented with the o pinions which I have formed upon public affairs, after thorough investigation and full deliberation, I am willing to leave every other man in the undisturbed possession of his opinions. It is one of our great privile ges, in a free country, to form our own o pinions upon all matters of public concern. Claiming the exercise of it for myself I am ever ready to accord to others equal free dom in exercising it for themselves. But, inasmuch as the manner in which we may exercise the rights, appertaining to us, may exert, reciprocally, an influence upon each other, for good or for evil, we owe the mu tual duty of considering fairly, fully, and disinterestedly, all measures of public poli cy which may be proposed for adoption. Although, fellow.citizens, I have truly said that I have not come to your State with any political aims or purposes, I am aware of the general expectation, entertained here, that I should embrace the occasion to make some exposition of my sentiments and views in respect to public affairs. I do not feel at liberty to disappoint this expectation.— And yet I must declare, with perfect truth, that I have not and never had any taste for these public addresses. I have always found them irksome and unpleasant. I have not disliked public speaking, but it has been public speaking, in legislative halls, on public measures affecting the welfare of my country, or before the tribu nals of justice. It has been public speak ing, in which there was a precise and well defined object to be pursued, by a train of thought and argument, adapted to its at tainment. Without presuming to prescribe to any body else the course which he ought to pursue in forming his judgment upon po litical parties, public measures, and the principles which ought to guide us, I will state my own. In respect to political par ties, of which I have seen many, in this country, during a life which is now consid PUBLISHED EVE R Y THURS DAY MORNIN G. WASHINGTON, (WILKES COUNTY, GA.,) JULY 18, 1844. erably protracted, I believe, in the main, most of them think, or have persuaded themselves to believe, that they are aiming at the happiness of their country. Their duties and their interests, well understood, must necessarily urge them to promote its welfare. They are, it is true, often deceiv ed, deceived by their own passions and pre judices, and still more by interested dema gogues, who cloak and conceal their sinis ter designs. Political parties, according to my humble opinion of their legitimate sphere of action, ought to be regarded as nothing more than instruments or means, in effecting the great purposes of a wise ad ministration of government; highly useful when not factious,and controlled by public virtue and patriotism; but, when country is lost sight of, and the intorests of the par ty become paramount to the interests of the country, when the government is seized by a party and is not administered for the ben efit of the people, and the whole people, but to advance the purposes, and selfish aims of itself, or rather of its leaders, then is such a party, whatever may be the popular name it may assume, highly detrimental and dangerous. lam a Whig, warmly attach ed to the party, which bears that respected name, from a thorough persuasion that its principles and policy are best calculated to secure the happiness and prosperity of our common country ; but, if I believed otherwise, if I were convinced that it sought party or individual aggrandizement, and not the public good, I would instantly and forever abandon it, whatever might be the consequences to myself, or whatever the regrets which I might feel in separating from veteran friends. My opinions upon great and leading measures upon public policy, have become settled convictions, and I am a Whig because that party seeks the establishment of those measures. In deter, mining with which of the two great parties of the country, I ought to be connected, I have been governed by a full consideration, and fair comparison, of the tendency of their respective principles, measures, conduct and views. There is one prominent and characteristic difference between the two parties, which eminently distinguishes them, and which, if there were no other, would be sufficient to decide my judgment. And that is, the respect and deference uni formly displayed by the one, and the disre gard and contempt exhibited by the other to the constitution, to the laws, arid to pub lic authority. In a country, where a free and self-government is established, it should be the pleasure, as it is the bounden duty, of every citizen to stand by and uphold the constitution and laws, and support the pub lic authority ; because they art hts eonsli- tution—his laws, and the pirfilic authority emanates from his will. Having concur red, by the exercise of his privileges, in the adoption of the constitution, and in tho pas sage of the laws, any outrage or violation attempted of either, ought to be regarded as an offence against himself, an offence a gainst the majesty of tho people. In an arbitrary and absolute government, the subject may have some excuse for evading the edicts and ukases of the monarch, be cause they are not only promulgated, with out consulting his will, but sometimes a gainst the wishes and the interests of the people. In that species of government, the power of the bayonet enforces a reluctant obedience to the law. With a free people, the fact that the laws are their laws, ought to supply, in a prompt and voluntary rally to the support of the public authority, a force more peaceful, more powerful, and more reasonable than any derivable from a mercenary soldiery. It is far from my intention or desire to do the least injustice to the party to which I am opposed ; but I think that in asserting the characteristic difference between the two parties which I have done, I am fully borne out by facts, to some of which, only, on this occasion, can I refer, and these shall all be of a recent nature. The first to which I shall call vour a‘- tention, has occurred during the present session of Congress. The variety in the mode of electing members to the House of Representatives of the United States, some being chosen by whole States, and others by separate districts, was long a subject of deep and general complaint. It gave to the States unequal power in the councils of the nation. Mississippi or New Hampshire, for example, by a general ticket, securing the election of its members to the House of Representatives, all of one political party, might acquire more power, in that House, than the State of New York, which, elect ing its members by districts, might return an equal or nearly an equal number of mem bers ofboth the parties. According to the general ticket system, it is impossible that that the elective franchise can be exercised with the same discretion and judgment as under the district system. The elector can not possess the same opportunity, under the one system as under the other, of becoming acquainted with and ascertaining the ca pacity and fidelity, of the candidate for his suffrage. An elector, residing in one ex treme of the State, cannot be presumed to know a candidate living at a distance from him, perhaps at the other extreme. By the General ticket, the minority in a State is completely smothered. From these, and other views of the subject, it has been long a patriotic wish entertained that there should be some uniform mode, both of electing members to the House of Representatives and choosing electors of President and Vice President. I recollect well, some twenty years ago, when public opinion appeared to be almost unanimous upon this subject. Well, the last Whig Congress in order to i prevent the abuses, and to correct the ine quality, arising out of the diverse modes of, electing members of the House of liepre- ; sentatives, passed an act requiring that it ! should be uniform and by districts. This j act was in conformity with an express grant 1 of power contained in the constitution of the United States, which declares that “ the times, places, and manner of holding elec tions for Senators, and Ilepresentativesshall be prescribed in each State by the Legisla ture thereof; but, the Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators. With that reasonable, equal, and just net of Congress; every Whig State, whose Legislature assembled in time after its pas sage, strictly complied, and laid off their re specting States into districts accordingly. But the four States, with Democraiie Le gislatures, of Georgia, Mississippi, Missou ri, and New Hampshire refused to conform to the law, treated it with contemptuous ne glect, & suffered the elections for members of the House of Representatives to proceed, in total disregard of its provisions. This was anew species of nullification, not less rep rehensible than that which was attempted formerly in another State, though admitting of a more easy and peaceful remedy. That remedy was to refuse to allow the members, returned from the four States, to take their seats in the House of Representatives, which they had no constitutional or legal right to occupy. That question the present House of Representatives had to decide. But it 1 was predicted, that, the members from the ! four refractory States would be allowed to take their seals, the constitution and th. law notwithstanding. Why aa?it so pro | dieted? Was it n.v . t t was km-un, | from the nral eharaet c mduct of the dominant j> :/. the Hou-c, that it i would not he:-i:u'i to trample unde: f both law and constitution, if necessary to i the accomplishment of a party object ? j Accordingly, the question r centlv came I up in the 1 louse, and the members from the | four States were admitted to their seats And what, fellow citizens do you suppose was the process of reasoning by which this most extraordinary result was brought a bout ? Congress you have seen is invest ed with unlimited power to make regula tions as to the times, places, and manner of holding elections for representatives, or to alter those which might have been previ ously made by the State Legislatures.— There is nothing in the grant of the power, which enjoins on Congress to ex ercise the whole of it, or none. Con siderations of obvious convenience concur in leaving to the several States themselves, the fixation of the times and places ofhold ing those elections. In that, each State may b governed by its seose of its own convenience, without injuriously affecting other States. But it is different with the manner of holding elections, that is, wheth er it be by general ticket or by tie district system. If some States elect by a general ticket, it gives them an tindu l advantage o yer those States which elect by the district system. The manner, therefore, of hold ing elections was a fit subject, and the only fit subject contained in the grant of power, for Congressional legislation It Congress had legislated beyond that. would have overreached the convent nee and necessity of the case. But tin- do i.;nai party, in the House of Representatives, ita’ e strange ly assumed, that Congress could not exe cute a part of the granted power, without the whole. According to their logic the major does not include the minor. In their view Government cannot execute a part of a power with which it is entrusted without it executes the whole of a power vested in it. If this principle be true, when applied to a part of the Constitution, it would be e qually true in its application to the whole constitution ; but there are many parts of the constitution that never have been and probably never will be executed. And, if the doctrine of the dominant party, in the House of Representatives be sound, all the laws enacted by Congress since the com mencement of the Government are null and void, because Congress has not executed all the powers of Government with which it is entrusted. The doctrine, applied to the en joymentof private property, would restrain a man from using any part of his properjy, unless he used the whole of it. The case of the New Jersey election is familiar wth every body. There the Whig members who presented themselves at Washington, to take their seats, bore with them the highest credentials, under the great seal of their State, demonstrating their right to occupy them. They had been reg ularly declared and returned elected mem bers of the House of Representatives, by the regular authorities, and according to the law of the State of New Jersey. Agreea bly to the uniform usage which had prevail ed in that House from the commencement of the Government, and according to the usage which prevails in every representa tive body, they had a right to demand to be admitted to their seats, and to hold and oc cupy them, until any objections which might exist against them should be subsequently investigated. In the case of the four States already noticed, it was important to the in terests of the dominant party, in order to swell their majority, that the members re turned should be allowed to take their seats, although elected contrary to law.— In the New Jersey case, it was important to the dominant party to enable it to retain its majority to exclude the Whig members, although returned according to law. The decision in both cases was adapted to the i exigency of party interest, in utter contempt, : both of constitution and law; it is worthy of! , observation that, in the decision against the i I Whig members of New Jersey, members, I who boast of being emphatically the pat rons and defenders of State rights, concur red in trampling under foot the laws ami \ authorities of that State. In qpnnexion with the subject on which I am now addressing you, the manner of j admission of Michigan into the Union is ! worthy of notice. According to the usage which had uniformly prevailed, prior to the admission of the States of Michigan and Arkansas, a previous act of Congress was passed, authorizing the sense of the people of the territory to be taken, in convention, and regulating the election of members to that body, limiting their choice to citizens of the United States residing in the territo ry. Michigan, without the sanction of a previous act of Congress, undertook, upon her sole authority, to form it Constitution, and demanded admission into the Union. In appointing members to that convention, a great number ofaliens, as well as citi- , zens of the United States, were allowed to ! vote, against the earnest remonstrances of’ many resident citizens. Under these cir cumstances, she applied to Congress to be admitted into the Union. No one ques tioned or doubted that she was entitled to be received, whenever she presented her- ; self, regularly and according to law. But ! it was objected against her admission, that ; she had assumed to act against all i without the authority of Congress, and that j contrary to the Constitution and laws of the j United States, she had permitted aliens to | partake of the elective franchise. The : danger was pointed out, of allowing aliens unnaturalized, and without renouncing | ieir allegiance to foreign sovereigns and I potentates, to share in that great and inesti mable privilege- But all objections were navailing ; the dominant party under the hope of strengthening their interests, in spite of all irregularity, and in contraven tion of law, admitted Michigan as a State, | into the Union. In intimate connection witli this case the. | subject of Dorism may be noticed. Rhode! Island had an existing government of long | duration, under which her population had i lived happily and prosperously. It had j carried her triumphantly through the war of the revolution, and born her into the Un ion, as one of the original thirteen indepen dent sovereign States. Under the opera tion of it, the people of no state in the Union, in proportion to her population, had dis played more valor, patriotism and enter, prize. Dorr did not find Ins ambitious as pirations sufficiently gratified under this venerable government, and he undertook to subvert it. Asserting the principle that every people have a right to alter, modify, & change their government whenever they think proper—an abstract principle which with cautious limitations, may be true — without consulting the established govern ment and the public authorities, he under took to beat up for recruits, to hold irregu lar elections, at which persons qualified and unqualified, dead and living, were pre tended to have voted, and thus securing a heterogeneous majority, he proceeded to form anew Constitution and to set up a new government. In the mean time, the legitimate and regular government pro- | ceeded in operation and prepared to sustain itself and put down the insurrectionary pro ceeding. Dorr flew to arms and collected a military force, as irregular and heteroge neous as his civil majority had been. But on the first approach of military* force, on the part of the legitimate and regular gov ernment, Dorr took to his heels and igno miniously fled, leaving his motley confede rates to fare as they might. Now fellow. • citizens what has been the conduct of the j two parties in respect to this insurrection which, at one time, seem, and to he so threat ening? The Whigs, every where, I be- i lieve to a man, have disapproved and con demned the movement of Dorr. It has been far otherwise with our opponents. With-j out meaning to assert that tho whole of them 1 countenanced and supported Dorr, every j body knows that all the sympathy and on- ! qouragement which he has received, have ! been among them. And they have intro- 1 duced the subject into the present House of Representatives We shall see what they will do with it. You can readily comprehend and feei what would be the es sects and consequences of Dorrisnt he” at the South, if Dorrism were predominant Any unprincipled adventurer would have nothing to do but to collect around him a mosaic majority, black and white, aliens and citizens, young and old, male and fe male, overturn existing governments and set up new ones, at his pleasure or caprice! What earthly security for life, liberty and property, would remain, ifa proceeding so fraught with confusion disorder and insub ordination, were tolerated and sanctioned 1 Then there is Repudiation—that dark and foul spot upon the American name and character—how came it there ? The stain has been put there by the Democratic ma jority of the Legislature of Mississippi.— Underspecial pleas, and colorable pretexts, which any private man of honor and probi ty would scorn to employ, they have re fused to pay the debts of that State—debts contracted by the receipt of an equivalent expended within the State ! The Whigs of that State, who are the principal Tax paying portion of the population, with re markable unanimity, are in favor of pre serving its honor und good faith, by a re imbursement of the debt ; but the Demo . cratic majority persists in refusing to pro- .1. It Al’PEIi, Printer : vide for it. lam far from charging tho whole of the Democratic party with this I shameful public fraud, perpetrated by their brethren in tho State of Mississippi. With out the State, to their honor be it said, most of their, disapprove it; and within the State ‘there are many honorable exceptions, a mong tho Democrats. Other examples might be cited to prove i the destructive and disorganizing tendency I qf’ the character, tendency and principles of the Democratic party, but these will suf fice for this occasion. Iftiie systems and measures of public policy of the two par ties are contrasted, and compared, the re sult will be not less favorable to the Whig party. With tho Whig party there pre vails entire concurrence as to the princi ples and measures of public policy which it espouses. In the other party we behold nothing but division and distraction—their principles, varying at different times and in different latitudes. In respect to the tariff whilst in some places, they are pro : claiming that free trade is the true Demd- I cratic doctrine, and the encouragement of I domestic industry federal heresy, in other ’ parts of the Union, they insist that the De mocrats are alone to be relied upon to pro 'c: t the industry of the country, and that the Wiiigs are opposed to it. That is a great practical and administra tive question, in respect to which there is happily now prevailing among the W'liigs, ‘ throughout the “ hole Union a degree of . unanimity as unprecedented as it is grati | fying. From New Orleans to this place, i I have conversed with hundreds of then , i and I have not met with a solitary one, who ; does assent to the justice and expediency of I the principles ofa tariff for revenue, with j discriminations for protection. On this in teresting question, fellow-citizens, it is my purpose to address you with the utmost freedom ami sincerity, and with as little re serve as if I were before an audience in the State of Kentucky. I have lons given to this subject the most impartial and de liberate consideration, of which my mind is capable. I believe that no great Nation ever has existed, or can exist, which does not derive within itself, essential supplies | of food and raiment and the means of de i fence. 1 recollect no example to the con trary in ancient or modern-times. Al though Italy did not itself afford all those supplies to Ancient Rome, the deficiency was drawn foom her subjugated provinces. Great Britain, although her commerce en compasses the world, supplies herself main ly from the little island under her immedi ate dominion. Limited and contracted as it is, it furnishes her with bread and other provisions for the whole year, with the ex ception only of a few days ; and her manu factures, not only supply an abundance of raiment and moans of defence, but afford a vast surplus for exportation to foreign coun tries. In considering the policy of introducing and establishing manufactures in our enun trv it has always appeared to mo that we should take a broad and extensive view, looking to seasons of war, as well as peace, and regarding the future as well as the past and the present. National existence is not to be measured by the standard ofin dividual life. But it is equally true, both of nations and of individuals, that, when it | is necessary, we must submit to temporary and present privations, for the sake of fu ture and permanent benefits. Even if it were true, as I think I shall be able to show it is not, that the encouragement of domes tic manufactures would produce some sa crifices, they would be compensated, and more than counterbalanced, by ultimate advantages secured, combining together seasons of peace and of war. If it were | true that the poliev .if protection enhanced : the price of comm it would be found that their cheai . .“•..•..ling in a time of peace, when . . jreign supply might be open to us, would be no equivalent for the dearness in a period of war, when that sup ply would be cut off from us lam not old enough to recollect the sufferings of the soldiery and pope lation of the United States, during the war of Independence ; but his tory and tradition tell us what they were ; they inform us what lives were sacrificed, what discomforts exi aed, what hardships I our unclad and unslu and soldiers bore, what enlerprizes were ret ■ Jed or paralized.— Even, during the last war, all of us, who are old enough to remember it, know what difficulties, and, at what great cost, the ne cessaryclothing and means ofdefence were obtained. And who does not feel con scious pride and patriotic satisfaction that these sufferings, in any future war, will be prevented, or greatly alleviated, by the progress which our infant manufactures have already made. If the policy of en couraging them wisely, moderately, and certainly, be persevered in, the day is not distant when, resting upon our own inter nal resources, we may be perfectly sure of an abundant supply of ail our necessary j wants, and, in this respect, put Foreign Powers and Foreign wars at defiance. 1 know that, from extreme suffering and the ! necessity of the case, manufactures, in the [ long run, would arise and sustain them selves, without any encouragement from i Government, just as an unaided infant child i would learn to rise, to stand, and to walk ; i but, in both instances, great distress might j be avoided and essential assistance derived 1 from the kindness ofthe parental hand, i The advantages arising from the divisiou ! ofthe labor of the population of a country , are too manifest to need being much dwelt upon- I think the advantage of a heme, as i we’i of foreign Markets, is equally man;- [VOI.I ME XXI.Y.
