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KOll THE NEWS <fe PLANTERS 1 GAZETTE.
No. 3.
“ Who yonder star's effulgence can display.
Unless he dip iiis pencil in the rav.”
1 lie history of a pure intelligence, of
thought rather than action, of moral rather
than physical power, is not so apt to excite
in tin: universal mind, that enthusiasm and
admiration, \\ hich is yielded to the pomp
end pageantry of war, the plumed helmet
end t lie* successful hero. It is to be hoped
hy every heart that loves its race, that as
tune rclls on farther and nearer to the con
summation of heaven's purposes, this love
es military glory ; this morbid fondness for
:ho carnage plain ; this admiration of
iu'C <■ t ul conflicts; will give wav to
’ ‘• : hind ness, the meliorations of
i j t o arts and blessings of uni
, io It is to be Itoped, that man
a hrured, not for his ability to harm j
it bless, net for the splendour of his :
i.lm y, but civil triumphs; not for the |
• nations and the subversion of
hut for the promotion of interna
. >rtal •.• -noonl, national prosperity and in
lii-'dual haziness. The name of Henry
- Clay >i, u c:. and with the arts that adorn
and bless, not those that oppress and injure
tear). liis !.t'e lias been an intellectual
one, in which’ the heaven- wrought beauty,
t'lory ami sublimity of mind, have been
■•‘-•played in peerless perfection. It has
electrifii d’■l: , n sponsive sympathies, its
kindred immateriality, hut language how
ever rich or copious, is incompetent to do-
J :-crjb its workings, or measure its (lights.
We have seen it however in its results, in
its efleets upon the host interests, the dear
est hop p s, the unsullied honor, the immortal
x destiny of our country. lias that country
rol!e#nn upon a tide of prosperous fortune
to wealth and greatness and renown ; has
her imperial eagle, in times of peace, fold
ed its wings in calm serenity and repose
and looked abroad upon the white sails of
her spreading and universal commerce;
upon the fields of her agriculture waving
with golden harvests; upon her system of
domestic industry bringing employment J
and comfort and happiness to millions ofj
her people ? Memory, truth and justice
point to Henry Clay as the father, or the
most eloquent advocate of those measures
by which these peaceful and happy results
have been produced. Has that same eagle,
when the storm of war was up, unfolded its
wings and grappled with victorious talons
the crouching lion of England ? Whose
snirit aroused his countrymen to a defence
•'* l A f f r rights BiVu u hOBW#4L-43aKtSS4p!?-
pet-voioe called them to. the conflict* - *,
arms and cheered them on in the second
■'war of independence ? It was.thb spirit
and the voice of Clay—of him whom Mr.
Madison asserted to be possessed of the
highest qualifications for a military chief
tain of any man in the Union, whom he se
lected to be Commander-in-chief of the
American Army, but whose name he did
not nominate to the Senate of the United
States for that high military station, be
cause he considered his services to be in
dispensable in the councils of the country.
And they were required there. Tories,
traitors and federalists united in their op
position to the war. They were led on by
Josiah Quincy and John Randolph, both
remarkable for their erudition, their wit
.>hnd sarcasm, and power in de-ldfte. They
denounced the administration of Mr. Madi
son in terms of the bitterest reproach, they
assailed its motives and the motives of the
war party-, they declared the measure to be
unjust, unnecessary and impious. But
the I:- retribution was fiery and dreadful,
never was a castigation more severe, or
more just, than that which Mr. Clay inflict
ed upon them. They shrank from before
the lightning flash of his eye, they quailed
and quivered under the lash of bis invec
tive. The great orator in speaking of the
thousandsof American citizens and gallant
tars, who had been impressed on board of
British vessels, and compelled to fight and
die in her battles, broke forth in the follow
ing noble and pathetic appeal. “ Let me
suppose, that the genius of Columbia should
visit one of them in his oppressor’s prison,
and attempt to reconcile him to his forlorn
and wretched condition. She would say
to him, in the language of gentlemen on
Other ; le, ‘ Great Britain intends you
no barm , .he did not mean to impress you,
but one of her own subjects ; having taken
you by mistake, I will remonstrate, and
try to prevail on her, by peaceable means,
release you, but I cannot, my son, fight
for you.’ If he did not consider this mere
mockery, the poor tar would address her
judgment, and say, ‘You owe me, my
country, protection ; I owe you, in return
obedence- lam no British subject; lam
a native of old Massachusetts, where live
my aged father, my wife, myjchildren. I
have faithfully discharged my duty. Will
k-you/refuse to do yours?’ Appealing to
passions, he would continue, I lost this
Jeyc fighting under Truxton, with the In
: surgente ;” I got this scar before Tripoli; I
this leg on board the Constitution,
vs h n the Guerrier struck to it.” In the lan
£ua<*e of Prentice, “ There was something
the impassioned gesture sod pathetic
| tone of utterence which distinguished this
1 appeal, that the feeling which dictated it
! passed from man to man, as if one mysteri
j ous chain of sympathy connected every
; bosom. The editor of the Notional Intel
| ligenccr declares, that the pathetic effect
| produced by the appeal, admits not of de
| scription. There were few individuals in
| the house, who did not hear witness, by
i their streaming eyes, to the orator’s control
I over their sensibilities. Members of both
i political parties—men whose patriotic
1 souls had been sustained by his eloquence,
: and those who had-been writhing and ago
nizing under his indignation—forgot their
antipathies and wept together.” It was by
such glowing and heartfelt appeals, united
with a power of argument and force of rea
soning never excelled that the President’s
I recommendation of war was sustained.—
j The Hon. Richard Rush a member of the
| Cabinet of Mr. Madison in a letter to Geo.
I D. Prentice Esq., of Kentucky said, “ 1
well remember, that during the war of 1812
having myself had a share in the adminis
tration of Mr. Madison, during that war,
though only in an humble wav, we consid
ered Mr. Clay as the great prop of the
public cause in Congress. However emi
nent and useful others might have been, he
stood foremost in ardour, in eloquence, in
power to achieve the great ends, which
liie exigencies of that period demanded.—
This of itself is no light praise, when that
body contained such men as Lowndes,
Cheves, and Calhoun, besides others of
scarcely inferior renown.” Mr. Madison
himself said, “ The Army is doing its duty,
the Navy is doing its duty, and Henry
Clay is here doing his duty.” Can such
deeds be forgotten ? Can they be recol
lected but with the deepest emotions of
pride, admiration and gratitude ?
Other nations have risen, and reigned
and fallen. Greece and Rome live only
in history and classic recollection. It is
no wonder then that our experiment of free
dom should be exposed to tests of its dura
bility and existence ; it is no wonder that
the spirit of discord, should have stalked
j abroad among our happy people, to disturb
their repose and test the cohesive princi
ples of their Union. Slavery is tiie ele
ment of greatest discord and danger with
us. Guarantied and perpetuated by our
Constitution ; that sacred Constitution sign
ed hy the Revolutionary fathers of the Re
public; the offspring of their wisdom and
patriotism, the tender child of their adop
tion ; it is strange indeed, that a portion of
our people should so soon forget its obliga
tions ; it is strange indeed, that they should
thijto early exhibit a faith and practice so
treacherous and which
in its consequences, if carried out, would
annihilate every hope of security, safety
and happiness, for which that constitution
was formed by the wisdom of those, whose
valor had first achieved our independence.
In opposing the admission of Missouri, un
less Slavery was prohibited by her consti
tution, its enemies were aiming a deadly
blow against that institution. It had nearly
proved fatal to the Constitution and the
Union. The waves of passion which it ex
cited ran high and tumultuous. The chasm
of disunion yawned before the assembled
representatives of the people. While the
dark storm was up, and howling in its
wrath, when the stoutest hearts quailed at
the solemn and awful prospect, when the
Union was tottering to and fro, and its dis
solution appeared inevitable, there was still
a hope left to the friends of liberty. Their
eyes were turned as a last hope to Henry
Clay. On the 16th of January 1821, when
the Session was more than half expired,
Mr. Clay arrived at Washington. He
moved like a guardian angel, in calm se
renity and majesty amidst the raging tu
mult. His eloquent voice was heard float
ing like music upon the storm of passion,
calming its violence and lulling it to rea
son. With a sagacity unequalled, and an
influence possessed by no other man, he
came forward in a spirit of compromise.—
He spoke of the dissolution of the Union
and the Achilles and Ajaxes of anti-slave
ry trembled at the picture. He spoke of
the blood of our fathers shed for human li
berty, and tlieir iron hearts melted to sym
pathy and affection. He reasoned, he im
plored, he pursuaded, he rose in majesty
with the strength of Demosthenes and the
fascination of Cicero, and that compromise
so well known, which secured Slavery and
preserved the republic, became the basis of
peace and harmony to the disruptured ties
and the distracted councils of the nation.
It was hailed with rapture and acclamation
from every section, and Clay was called the
second Washington, and saviour of his
country. Oh ! what then must have been
the calm sunshine, and the deep joys of his
soul. No selfish ambition was there, the
good of man, the glory of his country was
his only motive and impulse to action.
The lurid lightnings ceased; the thunders died
1 awayj'CjX. ■
A nation’t ‘gratitude belongs to Henry Clay.
Similar'T r ts of this great |
man in 1833, when'the Union was again j
shaken to its centre, by one of those civil j
1 convulsions to which all naitions or people
are at times subjected. Who has forgot
ten the fury of that contest, and who does
not recollect the magic wand by which that
fury was subdued ? The genius of Clay,
• which Heaven gave for noble purposes,
was again the salvation of the country. —
His powers of pacification have never been
excelled, perhaps never equalled, and the
true secret of his success exists in that love
of country, of truth and justice ; that per.
sonal and political integrity ; that noble
and magnanimous self-sacrificc, which
while they have secured the love and ad
miration of his friends, have in periods of
public danger, given him the confidence of
political opposition. This confidence and
its consequent influence, was siguailyex.
hibited by the unanimous vote of the Senate
in favor of a resolution of Mr. Clay, by
which our relations with France, which the
rashness of Gen. Jackson had made socrit
ical, were turned into those of a just and
pacific character. But for his noble exer
tions on that occasion, it is believed by ma
ny, competent to judge, that the United
States, without justification, would have
pointed its hostile cannon at the bosoms of
a people who had sympathized with us in
our war of the revolution, who had aided
us with men and money, who had fought
for our liberties under that noble and gal
lant Frenchman, LaFayette, the generous
friend of America, and the bosom friend of
Washington. Such have been a part of
the many and matchless services of this il
lustrious Statesman ; such is the man who
has been called by his unscrupulous ene
mies, a traitor to his country, its interests,
and its honor. No terms of obloquy and
detraction, afforded by our language, have
been left unused to defame and blacken his
personal and political character. Have his
neighbors, of all political parties, borne tes
timony to the beauty of his daily life, the
kindness and charity that flow from his
heart and hand ; have the holy ministers of
a peaceful religion given their hallowed
testimony to his puritv and worth ; those
neighbors are alike assailed with their no
ble friend, and those ministers are unpro
tected by the sacredness of their vocation,
and the purity of their ermine.
The foul and slanderous charge of bar
gain and intrigue with Mr. Adams, is again
raked up from the reservoir of infamy to
which it had been consigned, to tarnish the
purity of his political character. Kremer
who originally made the charge, wanted to
apologize to Mr. Clay openly in Congress,
but the friends of Gen. Jackson prevented
’ him from doing so. The charge a9 subse
i quently made by Gen. Jackson himself,
i was branded as false by Mr. Buchanan,
the witness relied upon to sustain it, and
Carter Bevetly who had also participated
in the act of injustice, some few years since,
having long been stung by remorse of con
science, voluntarily wrote a letter to Mr.
Clay, .retracting the aspersions w hich he
had made. How self evidently false the
charge of General Jackson, that Mr. Glay,
through his friends, had proposed to give
him his vote and influence for the Presiden
cy, if he would make him his Secretary of
State! Who could believe that Henry
Clay would thus degrade hirtiself to be
Gen. Jackson’s secretary, tvhen he could
have obtained, as Mr. Madison has said
himself, any office at home or abroad in his
power to bestow'.
The charge against Mr. Clay of being
an Abolitionist, is so utterly false, base,
and malicious, that it is rather insinuated,
than made openly and directly. It is pro
fessed to be founded upon his having favor
ed the scheme of emancipation in Kentucky
in 1797 ; his belief that slavery is an evil;
and that the petitions of the anti-slavery
party for the abolition of slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia and the Territories, in
stead of being rejected, ought to be receiv.
ed and reported upon. In 1797 anew Con
stitution was about being formed for the
State of Kentucky, and Mr. Clay then only
twenty years of age, advocated, in com
mon with a large and respectable minority
of the citizens of that State, a scheme of
gradual emancipation of the slaves within
its limits. Did not Kentucky have the
right to act upon this subject for herself?
The scheme did not prevail, and no further
answer can be wanting, than that which ex
ists in the affection, which the people of
that Slave State entertain for Mr. Clay
(himself a slave holder) and the pride with
which they have honored him in every way
in their power, for more than forty years.
If Mr. Clay thinks Slavery an evil, he does
so in common with the sentiments which
were entertained by Washington, Jefferson,
Madison, Monroe and Franklin,all of whom
were Presidents of the Republic, and slave
holders exceptthe last. Until within a few
years past, I conscientiously believe, that
seven out of every ten citizens of the South,
looked upon Slavery to be an evil in some
one or other of its features. For the ex
pression of the opinion that it is a political
evil, and that petitions, in reference to its
abolition in the District of Columbia,ought
j to be received by Congress, even our own
! distinguished fellow-citizen and represen
5 tativc elect for the Bth Congressional dis
■ trict, has also been called an Abolitionist,
s Born and raised in this State, in this coun
-1 ty, a large slave-holder himself, true and
j unfaltering in his devotion to Southern
. rights and institutions, he has not escaped
- the malice, and detraction, and reckless
i falsehoods of some of those, who have
> sought to injure our illustrious candidate
* for the presidency. He has however es
■ caped the harm intended him, and they
i have reaped the harvest of his scorn, and
i that of all honourable minds. That Sla
■ very is a political evil, may be believed or
f not, without any, the last sacrifice of our
f rights, interests or honor. Though the
I country has been more rapidly advanced
• bv it; yet, to the eye of contemplation, as
i it surveys the gullied fields, the pine
’ wastes, and the red hills that surround us
i on every hand, the ultimate results and ad
■ vantages may be considered against the in
stitution. The power is given to Congress,
in the following language of the Constitu
tion :
“ To exercise exclusive legislation in all
. cases whatsoever over such districts (not
[• exceeding ten miles square) as may by cos.
sion of particular States, and the accept
ance of Congress, become the seat of Gov
ernment of the United States.”
In the opinion of most of the people of
the North, this sweeping clause gives to
j Congress the same Legislative powers over
the District of Columbia, that are possess
ed by the States within their respective
limits. Under that impression, and with
the right of petition secured to the citizens
of the Union by the Constitution, the Abo
litionists petition Congress to abolish slavery
in the district. Mr. Clay entertains the
just, prudent, and sagacious opinion, that
those petitions ought to be received
and reported upon, and their absurd
objects and the dangerous consequences of
graining them exposed to the view of the
whole country. He thinks this the best,
and simplest method by which the diaboli
cal schemes of the abolitionists may he
met and crushed, whereas by rejecting
them, refusing to receive them, treating
them with contempt, those artful incendia
ries connect with their hellish schemes the
cry, that the right of petition secured by the
Constitution, is denied to the people; and
thus, obtain a respectability as to position
and numbers, which could not be obtained
without that connection, for the hateful and
pernicious principles whic h they entertain.
Can any honorable mind, after reading the
celebrated speech of Mr. Clay, delivered
in the Senate of the United States on the
7th Feb. 1839, connect his sympathies, his
feelings, his name, with those infernal ene
mies of the South and the Constitution ?
No no. So overwhelming was iiis denunci
ation of the Abolitionists and their schemes,
that Mr. Calhoun rose from his seat and
thanked him for the effort, and it was be
lieved, that it would have the effect of
sweeping off that heresy from the bosom of
the body politic. Remember, Southern
freemen, that while he is called a bloody
minded Abolitionist by his enemies at the
South, he is denounced by all their papers
and adherents at the North, as the inhuman
champion of Slavery In the memorable
speech to which I have referred, afier al
luding to their wishes to abolish Slavery in
the District of Columbia and the territories,
he remarked.
“ These as I have already intimated with
ultra Abolitionists, are but so many mask
ed batteries, concealing the real and ulti
mate point of attack. That point of at
tack is the institution of domestic Slavery
as it exists, its these States.”
“ The Convention wisely left to the sev.
eral States the power over the institution of
Slavery, as a power not neeessary to the
plan of Union which it devised, and as one
with which the general Government could
not be invested without planting the seeds of
certain destruction. There let it remain un
disturbed by any unhallowed hand.”
The following is the splendid and beautiful
conclusion of the speech :
“ I beseech the Abolitionists themselves
solemnly to pause in tlieir mad and fatal
course. Amid the infinite variety of ob
jects of humanity and benevolence, which
invite the employment of their energies,
let them select someone more harmless,
that does not threaten to deluge our coun
try in blood. I call upon that small por
tion of the clergy, which has lent itself to
these wild and ruinous schemes, not to for
get the holy nature of the divine mission of
the Founder of our religion, and to profit
by his peaceful examples. I entreat that j
portion of my countrywomen who have
given their countenance to abolition to re
member that they are ever most loved and
honoured when moving in tlieir own ap
propriate and delightful sphere; and to re
fleet that the ink which they shed in sub
scribing with their fair hands abolition pe
tilions, may prove but the prelude to the
shedding of the blood of their brethren. I
adjure all the inhabitants of the free States
to rebuke and discountenance, by their
opinion and their example, measures which
must inevitably lead to the mod ealatni
tous consequences. And let us all as
countrymen, as friends, and as brothers,
cherish in unfading memory the motto
which bore our ancestors triumphantly
through all the trials of the revolution, as,
if adhered to, it will conduct their posterity
through all that may, in the dispensations
of Providence, be reserved for them.”
The most dishonorable efforts have been
made to injure Mr. Clay, by charging him
with being unfriendly to our Irish fellow. .
citizens, and an enemy to the Catholic reli-
I gion. Let the following extract from one
i ofhis speeches in the Senate of the United
States in 1832, show what he thinks of that
i brave,oppressed, and generous-hearted peo
ple, the countrymen of the patriots and ora
tors Curran and Grattan, and the young,
unfortunate, immolated Emmett:
“Os all foreigners, none amalgamate
themselves so quickly with our people as
the natives of the Emerald isle. In some
of the visions which have passed through
my imagination, 1 have supposed that Ire
land was originally, part and parcel of this
continent, and tiiat by some extraordinary
convulsion of nuture, it was torn from A
merica, and drifting across the ocean was
placed in the unfortunate vicinity of Great-
Britain. The same open-heartedness ; the
same generous hospitality, the same care
less and uncalculating indifference about
human life characterize the inhabitants of
both countries. Kentucky has been some
times called the Ireland of America. And
I have no doubt that, if the current of emi
gration were reversed, and set from Ameri
ca, every American emigrant to Ireland,
would there find, as every Irish emigrant
here finds, a hearty welcome and a happy
home !”
How, in what way, at what time has he
shown himself to be the enemy of the Cath
olic religion ? Did he evince this hostility
in his generous and untiring efforts in favor
of the Catholic patriots of South America ?
Did he show it in his glowing appeals to
the representatives of the Union to recog
nize their independence in their dark hours
of trial and danger ? Did that people con
sider him their enemy when his speeches
were read at the head of their armies, to
animate and encourage them in their dead
ly conflicts with the brutal and ferocious
myrmidons of Spain ? Did the Roman
Catholic comrnander-in-chief, Simon Boli
var, the Washington of South America,
look upon him as an enemy when he wrote
him a letter of thanks, in which he used the
following language:
“ All America, Colombia, and myself, owe
your Excellency our purest gratitude for
the incomparable services you have render
ed to us, by sustaining our cause with a
sublime enthusiasm.”
Did he show himself this enemy, when,
in combatting the arguments of those who
called those patriots ignorant and supersti
tious Catholics, unworthy of Liberty ? He
said : .
“ They worshipped the same God with
us. Their prayers were offered up in their
temples to the same Redeemer, whose in
tercession we expect to save us. Nor was
there any thing in the Catholic religion unfa
vorable to freedom. All religions united
with government, were more or less inimi
cal to liberty. All separated from govern
ment, were compatible with liberty.”
This spirit of toleration, this privilege to
wur hip God aecn.ding to the dictates of
our own conscience, is found in the Consti
tution. and finds a congenial home in the gen
erous and noble nature of Henry Clay.
The period is rapidly approaching, for
the people of the United States to make
choice of another Chief Executive ruler.
This is the. highest office in their power to
bestow. Shall it be given to one whose
name is unknown in the bright annals of
your country, or the dark periods of her
danger ? James K. Polk has been known
only, as the subaltern and bitter partizan of
Gen Jackson and Mr. Van Buren. The
impress of his genius and services, is visi
ble in no great national measure, no victo
rious battle field. The Presidency should
be the reward of the long tried and veteran
friend and servant of his country. Set
aside the claims of one who has grown old
ana grey in the public service, upon whom
his country leaned for security in war and
danger, and for prosperity in peace; set
aside the claims of such a man, for a
thing of yesterday, a national nothing, and
it needs no prophecy to tell the doom of
that country. To tell that political ambi
tion instead of being noble, will become
mean, instead of being pure will be cor
rupt, instead of seeking the aid of public
virtue and integrity, will seek those of in
trigue and corruption, of treachery and
treason. Countrymen of Henry Clay !
“ Now’s the day and now’s the hour” to re
ward him, who is “first in peace; first in
war, and first in the hearts of his coun
trymen,” and this you are called upon to
do, for the good and glory of your country.
This man was the mill boy of the Slashes
of Hanover ! He was no gem of aristo
cracy, his childhood was not spent amidst
the splendors of a palace. History tells
us, that he toiled many a long summer day,
with his feel bare, following the handles of
a plough to assist his widowed mother to
maintain her family. Poor and friendless,
with no education but that obtained in an
old field school in the neighbourhood of his
mother’s dwelling, he toiled along the steep
ascent by his own unaided exertions. He
has been the architect of his own fortunes.
Were his name now torn from the pages of
his country’s history, that history would be
obliterated ; were the pictures which are
hung up in the Temple of Freedom robbed
of their representations of his deeds, those
pictures would be mutilated and defaced; j
were the exhibition of his achievements. ■
which are carved within its inner walls,
ami emblazon them on every handout
out and torn frem their places, that tern pie ■
would look as though it had been blasted
by a curso of Heaven. Miltiades the hero
of Marathon, died in prison of the wounds
received in fighting for his country. The-’
mistocles died a friendless ad wandering
exile from the country he had so faithfully
served in peace and in war. Cicero was
slain by his own countrymen, and his head
was hung up in (he Forum, where the
thunders of his eloquence had so often
struck terror to the hearts of tyrants ; and
it remains to be seen, whether tlie Ameri
can people will bo finally ungrateful to the
noblest champion of their rights, their li
berty, their Constitution and tlieir Union.
Shall I appeal to the Whigs to do their du
ty ? No ! I can add nothing to the sublime
, enthusiasm with which you will rush to the
coming conflict. Venerable patriot and
Statesman ! The measure of your fame
is full. Success can add no new honor
to your character, defeat can detract noth
ing from the fullness of your immortality !
“ Unchanged in thy glory—unstained in thy fame,
The homage of ages shall hallow’ thy name.”
MADISON.
Washington, Oct. Isth, 1844. ‘
COALITION ! COALITION f !
Address of the Abolitionists of Pennsylva
nia—Abuse of Henry Clay as a Slavehold
er, and opposed to all Emancipation im
mediate or remote—the Abolitionists hand
in hand with the Democrats— Startling J)e
----• velopments—The proofs offered.
GEORGIANS, READ IT! READ IT!!
In our Washington letter of Saturday', it
was announced that the Abolitionists wore
in league with the Democrats to defeat
Henry Clay. The address of the par
ty in Pennsylvania has come to baud,
and is one of the most startling docu
ments we have ever put eyes upon. It is
an authentic document, signed by C. J.
Cleveland and Russell Errett, Chairman of
the Eastern and Western Committees, of
the State. It professes to oppose both Mr.
Clay and Mr. Polk, and to advocate the
claims of Birney for the. Presidency, and
yet it is filled with the most bitter and scan
dalous abuse of Henry Clay, while? it con
tains scarcely one word of censure upon
Polk. It barely intimates that heis a slave
holder, and cn;y?ain,? (think of that!) that
Van Buren was not the nominee of the jlerti
ocratic party ! !
But we must be brief. Here is an, ex--
tract from the address :
GEORGIANS, READ IT ! READ IT!!
“There are some features of the moral
character of Henry Clay which we have
not the least desire to discuss. From the
time lie first entered upon public life at
Washington, until a very few years, unless
common fame has done him the grossest in
justice, his moral character could npt but
meet the reprobation of every good
Had he given any evidence of sincere re
pentence, we would be the last even to de
lude to these things. That he is utterly
unworthy of the suffrages of the friends of
liberty, however, we need hardly te}! you.
That a man who will say in a speech be
fore the Colonization Society, tkaj ’ he-is ut
terly opposed to all emancipation of the slaves,
either ‘immediate or gradual, without their re
moval ;’ that a man wlioexeried all his in
fluence for the admission of Missouri into
the Union as a slave State ; that a man who
declared in the Senate ofthe United States,
February 9, 1830, that ‘that is property
which the law declares to be property' —that
two hundred years of legislation have sanc
tioned negro slaves as property ;’ who, in
the same speech pronounced the opinion of
Madison, that ‘man cannot hold property in
man,’ to be a ‘ visionary dogma ;’ and who
had the awful blasphemy to compare men,
held as slaves, with other ‘ live stock ;’
that such a man has no claims to a free
man's vote, we need, certainly, take no
pains to prove.”
Can it be longer concealed from the
Slaveholders of the South, that the Aboli
tionists are leagued hand in hand with the
Democrats of the North : that jheir com
mon work is the defamation of Henry Clay,
and their common object his defeat ? Here
is the proof from the Abolition side of the
House—it is authentic—the names are gen
uine—it can be seen and examined—but
our opponents may say that the Democrats
are not moving in favor of emancipation.
Do they desire the proof? Here it is :
“TwELyE thousand Democrats in Mont
gomery county, New York, in favor of an
nexation, because it will extend no incon
siderable influence to the final extinguish
ment of slavery.”
Hear them ! Hear them !!
From the Albany Argus, (Deni) Sep. 20 ’44.
“Resolved, That we believe the title to
Oregon to be ic these United States, and
that immediate steps should be taken to se
cure the possession, and that we are in fa
vor of the re-annexation of Texas to this re- i
public as soon as may be consistent with
the honor and faith ofthe Union, being ful
ly satisfied of its great interest to this coun
try, and that the re-annexation of Texas,
while it must necessarily cut off the foreign
slave trade entirely from the continent will
EXTEND NO INCONSIDERABLE INFLUENCE TO
THE FINAL EXTINGUISHMENT OF SLAVERY IT
SELF.”
People of Georgia, read, reflect, and vote
not under the shaokles of party, but so as
to defend the character ofthe great and pat
riotic from the aspersions of Abolitionists
and Democrats, and so as to defeat the “fi
nal extinguishment of slavery'’ by annexa
tion, in the form advocated by the twelve
j THOUSAND DEMOCRATS OF MONTGOMERY COUN
! ty, New-York.
Savannah Republican.