Newspaper Page Text
Do you approve the resolutions on the sub-1
ject of Abolition adopted by the Whigs of'he
Northern Legislatures, and particularly tho
net passed by that party in the Lcslaittre of
New York, and the refusal of the Governor
to surrender negro stealers upon the demand
of the Executive ol Virginia?
Do vou desire to set: the same kind of le
gislation and Executive action resorted to by
ttie Legislatures and Governors of Pennsyl
vania and Ohiii, and other nou-slaveholding
States ?
Do yon believe it to be your duty to op
pose, with all your power and influence, a
party, the triumph of which will inevitably
leatl to such fatal results?
Do you not approve the nnti-Abuliijon re
solutions adopted by the Democratic Legisla
tures of the North, anti especially the act of
Ohio relative to fugitive slaves?
Do you desire to see the same spirit main
tained, and the same legislation prevail,
throughout the non-slavcholding States.
THE CONSEQUENCES.
Do you not believe it to be your duty to
encourage, cherish, am! aid a [ratty which
evinces, not by words only, but by acts, its
dev man i to your interest and safety, and its
‘fidelity to the Constitution?
Two things arc certain : If the Smith repel
and treat with scorn her friends and allies in
the North, she will soon have none! And if
she league herself with her enemies, she
must be'destroyed! Is it politic to make en
emies of our fellow citizens in Pennsylvania
and Ohio, in Indiana and Illinois, when it is
just as easy to have friends? Would it be
convenient to line the borders of Maryland
and Virginia, of Kentucky and Missouri, with
our sons in arms to repel aggression, or save
our property from the hands of Abolitionists
and negro stealers, i:i or out of authority?— |
These things we should think of only in the
the last extremity—only alter resorting toall
peaceful, just, and prudent -means to main
tain our rights, and preserve the peace and
union of the Stales. And is not concert of
action with those in the free States, who ac
knowledge and stand ready to defend and
maintain these rights, our first peaceful reme
dy, our first and most obvious duly? II we
refuse to act with them, can we expect them
to act with us? If we sacrifice them to their
enemies, and ours, how can we hereafter ex
pect their aid, or even sympathy? It would
be as unreasonable to expect it. as it would
be impossible to obtain it. Upon our heads
would fall the guilt, not only of surrendering
our dcatest interests to our natural enemy,
but also the crime of ingratitude in abandon
ing our “natural allies.”
THE CANDIDATES.
Is there anv tiling objectionable in tho can
didate whom the Northern Democracy pre
sents for our support, or any thing peculiar
ly attractive fur a southern man in the candi
date of the Whig Abolitionists ? Mr. Van
JLireu enjoys a fair moral character, talents
of a high order, principles on every leading
measure of public policy in conformity with
those of the South, and is moreover pledged,
by all legal means, even to the use ol the ve
to, if necessary, to resist tlie measures of the
Abolitionists. The attacks made upon him
are, in every instance vet disclosed, luunded
in utter falsehood, or upon circumstances mis
understood, or two frivifous to be brought, fur
a moment, in comparison with the great in
terests now involved in the struggle of par
lies. On the other hand, the candidate pre
sented by the Whig Abolition patty of the
North, stands identified with the great mea
sures and principles which the South has op
posed and resisted almost “unto blood.
True it is, that at different periods he has giv
en out indications of being on diiFerent sides
of most of these great questions; aud t i* o
qnally true, that he refuses to state on which
side tie now stands. If not art Abolitionist,
he has, while refusing publicly to answer
any questions on the subject, written letters,
and one to the lion. George Evans, member
of Congress from the State of Maine, giving
an Abolition coloring to ids acts and opinions,
with the view of obtaining the support of
those implacable enemies of the South. —
True it is, that at about the same period, lie
was writing letters to the South, cien\ mg ins
Abolitionism, wit It the view of obtaining also
the support of slave-holders! It appears that
tno.-i, if not ail, of these letters, were written
under an injunction that they should not be
published, lie has expressed no opinions on
the subject upon which the South can rely,
and stands ready to act with the one party or
the other, as either may have a majority in
Congress. Indeed, from evidence, the truth
of which we do not doubt, it appears lie has
recently declared, on more than one occa
sion, that he will not veto any bill which
Congress may pass!
The nomination of Mr. Seward fur Gov
ernor of New Yoik, and the nomination of
General Harrison for President of the United
Stales, wore both procured by the same
means—by a coalition of Whigs and Aboli
tionists. In New York, they succeeded in
making the Governor; and what has been
the result ? Concessions to the Abolitionists,
which, on one subject, annihilate the Consti
tution and laws of that State, deptive the pro
perly of the South of the stipulated protec
tion,'and give encouragement and shelter to
those who"steal it. This is the natural fruit
of such a coalition. Elected by Abolition
voles, the Governor is able to retain his of
fice only on the assistance (-t those auxiliaries,
and the Constitution and the rights ol the
South are sacrificed to secure it. If Gener
al Harrison, after being nominated by a simi
lar coafition, shelll reacli the Presidential
chair, must not tho same results necessarily
follow? Will it not be equally necessary to
secure the continued suppoit of the Abolition
ists, and will not similar means be resorted
to ! Will not the party in power be compel
led to concede to their allies the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia, the in
terdiction of the transportation of slaves from
State to State, the withdrawal in every possi
ble way of the protection guaranteed by the
Constitution to slave property, and the en
couragement to those who steal it? A voice
from Heaven could not more certainly warn
the South of the consequences of placing the
power of the union in the hands of such a
coalition, than the example in New lork !
Why have the three Abolition members oi
the Whig executive committee, and their nu
merous associates in Congress, postponed
any attempt to redeem the written pledges
given to their constituents, that they would
use every eflbft to procure the abolition of
slavery in tbe District of Columbia, and an
interdiction of lhe slave trade between the
several States and Territories? Why did
they not redeem those pledges at the late scs
sion? ‘ Is it supposed that they have relin
quished all intention to redeem i*iem, or that
their Abolition constituents will permit them
to do so? No; it is only postponed, lest the
South should take the alarm too soon. It is
postponed until they make a President by
their votes—until their aid becomes essential
to sustain a party in power. Then, as
in New York, they expect to seo tho Con
stitution and the rights of the South sacrific
ed to maintain a party ascendancy, and se
cure lilt'offices of the General Government,
i lie result is as certain as that cause produ
ces effect. We ftavo already seen indica
tions ol the sacrifice. The Southern Whigs
in Congress have already united with Abo
litionists in appointing u political committee ;
\\ lugs have consented to act with
pledged Abolitionists upon that committee;
Southern Whigs, at the late session of Con
gress, were found voting with Aboltioi.ists
against propositions relative to Abolition pe
titions, which formerly they hail unanimous
ly supported ; fearful of offending the Aboli
tion spirit, a Whig committee of the House
of Representatives refused to report a bill to
prohibit the introduction of negro testimony
in Courts martial held in the sinveholding
slates or Terriloties; for tire first lime we be
lieve, a formal Abolition speech from Mr.
Slade was listened to on the floor of the
House; and for the first time, such a speech
was disseminated fur ami wide through the
columns of ilie most respectable \V big news
paper in Washington. Theconliiion at Har
risburg has already produced union of politi
cal action between the W higs and Abolition
ists in Congress ; it is bur oue step more to a
uuion of legislative actiou ; and that step will
assuredly be taken as soon as a President
shall have been elected with the aid of Abo
lition votes. Not to believe this, is to close
our minds to the approaches of reason, and
shut our eyes to the warnings of example.
And CAN the South give up the security
she has in the character, pledges, and cottJ
duet of Air. Van lluren, and it) the principle!
declarations, anil uctsofthe party which sup”
ports him, for the chances oi jtistice she may
have from a man without any publielvavow
ed principles, elevated to the Presidency by
a coalition of which the sacrifice of her rights
aud principles is every where the necessary
fruit ? Wc cannot believe it. Such infatua
tion dues not exist among the people of the
South.
What! submit to, regi.-ter anil approve the
fiat of Abolition, that “to be a slaveholder is
to disqualify a man for President ?” Is there
an honest man in the South who will not ro
sist this unconstitutional proscription? Is
there one among us who, by bowing his neck
and giving his sup port tin lie Harrisburg nom
ination, will degrade his State, degrade the
statesmen whom lie delights to honor, de
grade himself, and make the Southern States
laud Smi’hi-n statesmen, not the equals, as
the Constitution makes’ them, hut the provin
ce-. inferiors and vassals of the Northern
Statc-s and Northern men ! Who is there
among us. that with the hope of receiving
minor offices at the hands of Abolition Presi
dents, will meanly sacrifice the dignity and
hanor, as vveli as the rights, interest and safe
ty, of his Stale ami its people? Wc hope
not one.
OUR TRUE POLICY.
The true course lijr the South is to reject
aqd repudiate nil connection, direct or indi
rect, with Abolition and its allies, it is to
vote for no man for any office in the Govern
ment, who will not openly renounce ami de
nounce all connection with Abolition, direct
or indirect, and pledge himsi If to exert all the
p.ovvcis vested in him l>\’ the Constitution aud
laws, to protect the Constitutional lights of
the sinveholding States. It is to supputt
such statesmen as are true to the Constitution
and faithful to their duties as membersofthis
great confederal V. This course of conduct,
steadily and sternly pursued, would afford to
the South an immediate and ample protec
tion. True to themselves, presenting an un
broken front, and never wavering from their
purpose, it is to be hoped the South would
find in other sections, men in sufficient num
bers, influenced by a sense of obligation to
the Constitution, to make up a majority of the
Union, to set nrc to Southern men their con
stitutional equality, to Southern interests
their constitutional protection, and to lire
whole Union that limited, benign, aud just
Government, v. hicli the Fathers of the Re
public intended to establish.
It is the hope of pr moling this grand and
salutary uuion of sentiment in the South, no
less useful to the Union ami encouraging ‘o
mankind, than is essential to your own inter
ests and safely, that we have taken the trou
ble to collect these facts and submit these
views.
C. C. CLAY; of Ala.
IE C. NICHOLAS, ofLa.
Wm. S. FULTON, of Ark.
FRANCIS THOMAS of Md.
G. C. DKOMGOOLE. ofVa.
.T. J. McKAY, of N. C.
FELIX GRUNDY, ofTenn.
WILSON LUMPKIN, of Ga.
JOHN JAMESON, of Mo.
LYNN BOYD, of Kv.
A. G. BROWN, of Miss.
T. D. SUMTER, ofS. C.
(The Resolutions*, See. referred to in the pre
ceding Address, will le published in lie next
paper.)
INDEPENDENT FKESS.
WASHINGTON:
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 4K40.
We present to nur readers to-day an ad
dress to the people of the South, by the Re
publican members of Congress; and we take
occasion to bespeak for it an attentive peru
sal. Tljp stubborn, undented and undenia
ble facts there slate'll, and established, require
no comment. They shew beyond all ques
tion, the existence of a foul coalilion, of the
federal vviiigs, with the abolition incendia
ries of tho North ; and that the combined fac
tions, are prostrating every constitutional bar
rier erected for the protection of Southern
rights in every state where the power lias fal
len into tlieir hands; while those rights, thus
assailed, are nobly respected, vindicated aud
defended, by the democracy of the northern,
middle and western non-slaveholding stales,
‘iho great point established by these facts is,
that “the democracy of the North are tlie al•
lies ol the South ;” —and Federal ivliiggery
is now, as ever, our inveterate loe. Let par
ly hacks and slaves, ieitl rivi ling slang G ang
ers aud fuddle-brained idlers, without infor
mation or the ability to acquire it, nr the dis
position to slate it truly even if they had it; j
prate üboul standing armies , negro testimony
ami other standing lits, of federal whig lubri
cation. Much stuff is addressed to tiro people
upon the ohl federal principle, that they are
Jools, incompetent to sclf-govermneut, and
may be gulled with any soil ofdtipery. \\ c
have no umbition beyond a desire to sprend
fuels before our readers; and when they have
the facts fairly aud fully stated, we are wil
ling to leave them taAijko up their own
obwiding our commenta
ries upon tiiabm have ever been, anil
we are still auaßUfratc li.r strict construction,
against federal jpPnwiiua nanism;—as much
opposed to a Aplerul^iuok now, as we were
vvheiiGen.Jackson ‘Skfcd its reckoner; —
and like the old hero of’2s, we intend to re
sist the re-establish memos that federal engine,
because we believe that “every tkingjincuu-
will follow” iu its train.
jflpr ‘ R. A TOOMBS.
■Phiisindividual, as will be seen by Ids note,
[thinks that our statement in regard to his ad*
j missions at Maliurysville is iniv ct so far as
! lie is represented to have admitted slavery to
Ibe a “moral” evil. It is a only u political
| evil. While we claim liir ourselves uo tx-
I emption iiotn that liability to err common to
, man, we are yet unprepared to admit the iu
j fulibiliiy of Mr. Toombs, it is possible that
| we, and those who understood Mr. Toombs
j as v.e did, may be mistaken; and it is also
1 possible that lie, from a misapprehension of
i the full purport of our questions made larger
i admissions than lie intended. As the terms
| of Mr. Toombs’ note arc not disresj ‘ctful,
[ and wc are at all times ready to do ample
justice, when called upon in a proper inan
! nur, vvegiie his note a place in our columns..
; We take occasion to say, that while we do!
1 not care to hold Mr. Toombs responsible fur
| the admission which lie disclaims, wc have
j yet deemed it but justice to ourselves loap
pem.l to this article a number t certificates
from men of unquestionable truth, which if
they do not shew t hat the mistake in ibis mat
ter is on the side of Mr. Toombs ; will at lea-t
>u i fy every candid mind, that ii we erred, it
was upon reasonable grounds.— After all, n
w iil puzzle Mr. Toumbsio shew, Imw it is pos
sible for slave!\ to be a political, arid yet not
a moral evil. It is not a moral evil because
the Bible “sanctions it;” —yet is a “political
evil!” Does (he Bible sanction evil of any
kind Mr. Toombs? That God wills and
wishes the; happiness of bis creatures, is the
basis of all moral law; or rather that will,
v. huher re vealed in the Bible or discoverable
from the light of nature, is the moral law—
“ Ills tender mercies are over all Ids work.s”
Ifthen slavery he a political ■ Gl.it ran on
i
ly ue because it is calculated to ■ d'ect injuri
ously our social happiness; and if it so af
fects our happiness it is adverse to Ins will,
whose will is ilio moral law :—it is a moral
evil. We regard then the attempt to set up
a distinction between moral and political mil
as a mere quibble. Whatever is till in any
sense, is offensive to God, and therefore mor
ally wrong.
We tell Mr. Toombs, and we proclaim it to
the country, that his doctrine that slavery is a
political evil, and that Congress should re
ceive Abolition petitions, will not do for the
South. It encourages the intermedliiig, and
animates the hopes of the fanatics. It iscal
rulated to lead to another com; romise of the
Southern rights. It is abandoning the high
ground heretofore occupied by the South.—
Let the overwhelming vote given a few years
ago to General Glascock for the stand he
ma le against the reception of those petition,
bear witness! Let Georgians of all parties
maintain tlieir ground upon this momentous
question, and put the seal of their reprobation
upon him who falters at a crisis like this!
Washington, Sep. Iff, IS-10.
Mr. S. Fouche,
Your statement in your paper of the I6th
inst. that I have admitted that slavery was a
“moral” evil, i< incorrect. 1 never entertain
ed or expressed such an opinion. I know of
no rule of morality, except the revealed will
of God in the Bible, that sanctions it.
Correct the statement yourself, or insert
tliis note in your next paper.
Your ob’t serv’t.
ROB’T TOOMBS.
■
I certify that Mr. Toombs, a’ tlie Alallo
rvsville meeting, responded affirmatively to
the two following questions, propounded by
Mr. Fouche viz :
Do you consider slavery a moral and politi
cal evil ?
Are you in favor of the reception by Con
gress of Abolition petitions ?
His answer to the second question, I think,
was thus—“yes, receive and report upon
them.” I). M. ANDREWS.
I hereby certify, that Mr. Fouche, while
addressing the citizens of Mallorysville, ask
ed tbe following questions, pointing at the
same time to Mr. Toombs, who sat just in
front of myself:
I)o you believe slavery a moral and polit
ical evil ?
Are you in favor of tLu reception by Con
gress of Abolition Petitions?
To which Air. Toombs noded assent.
I. T. IRVIN. Jr.
I hereby certify that I was present at the
discussion at Mallorysville. anil heard Air.
Fouche ask Air. Toombs whether lie re
gardeil slavery or. a moral and political evil?
and whether he was favorable to the recep
tion of abolition petitions bv Congress? To
these questions Air. Toombs assented by a
nod of his head.
REUBEN KENDALL.
1 itereby certify that I was at Maltorytvilte I
at ffte discussion in this month, and heard ;
Mr. Fouche ask Mr. Tootnln whether he re
ganletl elavery us n moral and political evil?
and whether lie was favorable to the recep
tion of abolition petitions by Congress?—“to
all ofwhich lie nodded assent.
THOMAS WOOTTEN.
Sep. 28,1840.
I was present at tho meeting nt Atnllorys
ville, on the 2d Saturday in this month, and
would say, that to the best of my recollection,
Air. Toombs admitted slavery to be a moral
and political evil, and tiuit abolition petitions 1
ought to be received by Congress.
WYLIE H. POPE.
I certify tlint 1 was present at a public dis
cussion at Alnllnrysville on the 2d Saturday
in this month, and heard Mr. Fouche a-k Air. ;
rViombs tiie billowing questions, viz:—Dues
the gentleman consider slavery a moral and !
political evil ? Would lie be in favor of the
reception of abolition petitiehs? To both of
these questions Air. Toombs answered in the
affirmative. DANIEL SHUMATE.
September 28, 1840.
I certify that I was present at the discus
sion at .Mallorysville, op the 2d Saturday in
this mouth, and heard Mr. Fouche propound
the following questions toll. A. Toombs, viz : i
Does the gentleman regard slnvrry as a mor
al aml political evil? Is lie in favor of the
teceplion of abolition petitions by Congress?
These questions Toombs answered by nod
ding his head and saying vos.
k WOODSON CALLAWAY.
■k Sep. 28, 1840.
> September 28, 1840.
•Ve hereby certify that at a political meet
ing at Mallorysville, on the 2d Saturday in
this month, we heard Air. Fouche enquire of
R. A. Toombs, whether be regarded slavery
as a moral and political evil? anil whether
he was favorable to the reception of abolition
petitions by Congress?—To both of which
questions Toombs assented.
EDWARD J. COX.
his
JOHN S. ] [*!] COMBS.*
Test. mark
T. AI. Bradford.
Ido hereby certify that I was at the meet
ing held iri Mallorysville on the second Sa
turday in this month, and distinctly recollect
hearing Air. Fouche ask Air. Toombs wheth
er lie considered slavery to be a moral arid
political evil ? and whether he was favorable
to the reception of abolition petitions by Con- j
fgress ? to both of which questions Air. ‘Toombs j
■answered, yes, with a nod of the head. \
R. W. JOYNER. \
AoM'Wf- introduced into the last
Legislature, and passed the lo\Wl’ HR use by
a vote of 113 to 48, repealing from the27thio
the 29th sections ofan act to incorporate the
Savannah Insurance and Trust Company,
and the Oglethorpe Insurance and Trust
Company of the city’ of Alacon, and also the
it estern insurance and Trust Company, as
sented to December 23, 183(5. This” last is
now called Alaj. Cooper’s Siiavinu Ma
chine by party hacks, for political effect, tho’
granted nearly four years ago to a Ciderite,
and heard little of until recently. W ould
not plain dealing honest men suppose that
those so Imrror stricken at this “ iniquitous ”
“shaving shop” voted to repeal its charter?
Against the repeal we find tbe name of An
derson, Harris of Warren aud Miller in the
Senate, where the bill was lost, by a majori
ty of two. IJad these gentlemen voted dif
ferently, there wodld have been no such
tiling as Maj. Cooper's shaving shop iu exis
tence. Against the repeal in the House we
find Darden of Warren, Jenkins. Wingfield,
and Q7STEI*i!ENS. s /B Pretty’ deep
shaving can be done without an incorporated
machine. If some of those gentry wete half
as attentive to business in the Legislature as
they are in using means to get there, we
should have shorter sessions and bellet laws;
no enormous and unjust tax upon piivitle mo
ney lenders, and exborbitant privileges to in
corporated compunies.
A SPEC IVES.
A writer in the News says that the opin
ions of Harrison upon the subject of internal
improvement were the same as those of Mr.
Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Monroe!—
Tliisis a fair specimen of whig accuracy. Does
this writer know that Harrison voted for a bill
making appropriations for internal improve
ments which was vetoed by Madison on con
stitutional grounds; anil that Harrison en
deavored to carry it over the head of .Madi
son by a vote of two-thirds ? Either he does
not know it, and is therefore writing upon a
subject in relation to which his ignorance
leads him into mistakes; or ire dors know it,
anil asserts what lie knows to be unfounded.
In either case, he is an unsafe guide. We
can siiow 28 votes given for wot Us of inter
nal improvement of every grade by Harrison.
Can this writer exhibit similar evidence that
Jefferson, Madison, and Alonroe were in fa
vor of that system ? We defy him to make
the attempt —Nor can he strew but one little
isolated vote of Air. Van Buren in favor of
such a work; given at the commencemerrt of
his career in Congress, and that followed up
by a long train of votes against them in Iris
after course. These are the facts. They
shew that Air. Van Burcn’s course upon this
question, accords with tbe republican rule of
construction, while Harrison’s was in strict
accordance with tiie rule of tiie federalists.
This is one of tire systems which will follow
I in tiie trait) of a federal Bank.—The attempt
jof this witter to throw the mantle of Jeffer
son sd Aladison over this system of scumb
ling for the public plunder, is as (utile as it
is unblushing.
FEDERAL WHIG REFORMERS.
These gentry are getting up among them
selves a spirit which falls but little short of
treason. Some of their office seeking lead
ers have intimated a disposition to appeal
from the ballot box to tbe sword, in the event
of tlieir defeat by the people in the approach
ing elections. We are to be refoimed by
force! In an adjoining county, a creature
professing to be a’ Christian and a man of
peace, profaned the sacred desk, and dese*
crated the Sabbath by pleaching Harrison
isiti from (he pulpit, instead of “Christ & him
crucified.” In the same county, wo have
heard of a wretch who professed his rendincss
to assassinate tho Chief Magistrate of the lit*
public. These arc ilio ir/ti mat ions of the re
form these desperadoes would bring us.—
‘l’ite followers of Absalom, of Catuline, and
Ctrzur, were in debt, am! so arc many of the
leaders, as well ns tho ia:ik anil file of fede
ral wlrlggery. They appeal constantly to
the debtor classes to join tlrein. Their cry is
distress! distress! by which they mean debt.
Will a change of Presidents ge* them out of
e b I
.. .
I ‘fc [k ’’ /
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ffl : ’ , ; - . ,
/ ■'■ -’ Vflj * £-> -• •../ j/i ‘> /.?////‘
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’ wi ,
l! :l V -.
.vi i v i . m.
lie dimt Cl t hi- liGVfJj ■ G . .
and that the “string /
“ 11111111>;l- I >)l r I i,i ~ |,
tint” —.. prt .t'.-arii; nt i-i which
less typical of the condition
tail. We dismiss this peltv retailer of
men’s opinions, to ‘-fret and fume arid stink
along” in the elevated “ atrn.tsphcrc” to
which he Iras attained.
XT’ Republican Ticket,*£s .
FOR THE LEGISLATURE.
Senate.
TIfOKLIK TAIBOT,
House of Representatives.
LEWIS S. ISROWJV,
IKENBSY I\ WOOTTKY,
RIl lIARI? HESAUEOKP,
Congressional Ticket.
EDWARD J. CLACK, of Scrivcn,
MARK A. COOLER, of Hull,
AV. T. GOLQ?TT, of AI nsoogee,
D. C. CAMPBELL, of Bibb,
JUNIUS HILLYER, of Clark,
ALFRED IVERSON, of .Muscogee,
J. 11. LUMPKIN, of Floyd,
J. S. PATTERSON, of Early,
ROBERT YV. POOLER, of Chatham,
Kleetoral Ticket.
THOMAS WOOTTEN, of Wilkes,
B. W. WOFFORD, of Habersham,
W. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham,
JOHN BATES, of Murray,
MILNER ECHOLS, of Walton,
SAAIIJEL BEAL, of Wilkinson,
JOHN ROBINSON, of Jasper,
SAMUEL GROVES, of Aladison,
SEABORN JONES, of Muscogee,
EDWARD HARDEN, of Clark,
JAMES ANDERSON, of Burke.
COMMUNICATED.
Dikii in this place on the 27th insf. Job tf
F. Vickkrs, formerly of Greenville, S. C.
in tire 2lib year ofTiis age. But a short time
belore his illness, Air. V. became ll e happy
subject of redeeming grace, and from a sense
of duty united himself with the Methodist
Church; after which lie evinced by a well
ordered walk and a Godly conversation, that
he was what he professed to be—a Christian.
It may be some consolation to distant friends
to learn, that his last moments were those of
peace;—exclaiming while sinking in the em
braces ofileaili— all is well.
WE are nthorised to announce Air.
•Tacacs Itcnily a candidate for
Collector &. Uaceiver of Taxes, in lire coun
ty of Wilkes, nt the election iri January next.
Sep. 30, 1840. ll—tile.
E are authorised to announce Air. E
” phl'RilM Baißey a candidate at
the election in January next, for Receive! &
Collector iif Taxes in Wilkes county.
Sept. 30 1340. 11—2tdlw.
~ WASHLTOTOW -
Female Seminary.
THE THIRD TERM, in tliis In
stil nt ion, commences mi the FI RST
MONDAY in OCTOBER.
E. AI. BURTON, Secretary.
September, 23d 1840. 10—2 t.
GEORGIA , Wilkes County^
WHEREAS Thomas Rlakcy applies
to me for letters of Administration,
on the Estate of John T. Dent, deceased.
This is therefore, to cite, summon and ad
monish, all and singular the kindred and
creditors of said deceased, to be and appear
at tny office within the time prescribed by
law. to shew cause, (if any they have) why
said letteis should not be granted.
Given under my hand at office, this 28th
September, JB4O.
JOHN H. DYSON, c. c. o,