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IKtUTICAl*.
To IIio I’coplc of OcorRiii.
Al a meeting of tlie Whig mcmbors of the last
General A.seinbly, n committee was appointed
to address you; as members of tl.av committee,
that duty lias devolved upon its.
In order rightly to understand and appreciate
a part of the legislation ol the last Genera! A--
semb'y, it is useful and pro[ er, that we briefly
advert to a portion of the legislation of the last
ton years, commencing with the condition of our
affairs when the picsent dominant party were
entrusted with the State Government. From
thisrevicw.it will appear, that the legislative
history of our State whilst under the control of
that Combination of citizens, who choose to caM
themselves the Democratic party, is strongly
marked with blunders and disasters, weakness
and wickedness, unsteadiness of purpose and
vacillations in policy, wasteful extravagance and
timid temporary expedients, a disregard of the
public interests in official appointments, and con
tempt for the sanctity of private contracts and
the public faith. Yheir most recent demonstra
tions scum to confirm these leading characteri
tics * there seems to he a» increased tendency in
their policy to substitute the will of the legisla
tive majority for the constitutional barriers which
fence about private rights, and protect them from
invasion; to squantiei the public funds in ac
complishment of partizanends, and then to sup
ply the deficiencies thus created iti the public
revenue, by the most odious and wrongful s
quo-! rations of the accumulated labor of partic
lar classes of the community who are believed
to lie weak, and sought to be made odious, by a
system rather deserving the name of legislative
spoliation, than legitimate and just taxation.—
The disregard of the public faith by these peo
ple has been evinced in pleading particular pub
lic funds by legislative enactment, to the security
end redemption of public contracts, and then di
verting and appropriating these funds to other
and dissimilar objects, or dissipating them in
public loans. We have but little cause to com
plain that the world esteemed but lightly, pledges
which we were so little careful to redeem.
During the long and disastrous reign of that
party, millions of public money have been ex
pended in a public improvement, not yet com
pleted, and therefore worthless ; and which they
are afraid either to complete or abandon. Other
millions, lira accumulated savings of their pre
decessors during many years of prudence and
economy, have been consumed and dissipated
by them without advantage or benefit to the pub
lic. 'Flie ordinary means for raising money for
public uses were abandoned, and loans were re
sorted to as the means of paying the ordinary
expenses of the government. Those were the
principles which they carried into the State Go
vernment; we purpose to trace their progress
and expose their results.
In 1631, when these gentlemen, under the
name of the ‘‘Union Democratic Republican
Party,’’ obtained a majority in the State by the
popularity of General Jackson, and the unpopu
larity of Nullification, our finances were in a
must prosperous condition—our troasuiy was
overflowing—we owed no debts, and owned be
tween two and three millions of money—our
credit wai good—our good faith was spotless—
our currency was sound, abundant, but not re
dundant—our poor school au-1 academic funds
were efficiently aiding in the education of the
people—our people wore prosperous, virtuous
and happy. Only four years of power by this
party were sufficient to reverse the picture. At
the end of that period we saw oar State wilhou t
money, witnoutcredit, her good faith dishonored,
our good currency exchanged for a redundant,
worthless, fraudulent one—onr individual pros
perity and happiness crushed beneath the over
whelming weight of our national calamities.
Before the meeting of the Legislature in 1837,
within four years after these gentlemen obtained
power, under the reckless policy which they
adopted, the accumulations of former years, to
gether with above a million of dollars received
from the General Government, were exhausted.
And at that session they were driven either to
borrow three hundred thousand dollars to pay
the ordinary expenses of the government, or to
tax the people. A tax might produce inquiry
among the people how their money had been
expended, and endanger their power, they there
fore resorted to borrowing. The loan was ef
fected through the Central Bank, on 1*2 months
time and it was expected to be paid from the
collections of that Bank during the year 1838.
But the Legislature of 1838 making no provision
for the support of government during the year
1639, used the funds collected by the Bank for
that purpose, and left the debt under protest;
our debt was annihilated almost as soon as our
money had been squandered. By this act of
State degradation, tiiay were enabled to hobble
through the year 1333, but at tho end of that
year their difficulties were formidable ; their
wants were great and urgent; they were unable
to borrow and afraid to tax. Out of their des
peration at this period sprung that desperate and
disastrous scheme of the Central Bank to con
tinue its suspension of cash payments, and sup
ply t!n.i;i with its bills to carry on the Govern
ment. The better to cover the real nature of
the transaction, they also directed a loan of these
bills to the people, to an amount limited only by
the discretion of the Directors of the Bank.
This was done to induce the popular belief that
the measure was intended to relieve the people
and not themselves from difficulties.
In this State of affairs, the political revolution
of Hill, which was scarcely less fortunate for
them than the country, 9wopt them from the pub
lie counsels, and the State Government was com
mitted to tiie Whigs. The Whigs found the
treai-nry without funds—no revenue law in ex
istence to replenish it—the poor school fund
swallowed up in the Central Bank and unavaila
ble—nearly a million of Central Bank notes in
circulation, with nothing to redeem them but the
notes of its customers and the small remaining
portion of its capital stock—a public debt to be
provided for of nearly a million and a half of
dollars, and above six hundred thousand dollars
of that debt due, ami pressing the treasury for
immediate payment—tho three hundred thousand
dollar Ijan of 18:57 still unpaid and under pro
test—ami a general suspension of cash payments
by the hanks. To arid to these difficulties, and
further to embarrass the government, his Excel
lency Governor McDonald recommended to the
Legislaturo to barrow enough money to relievo
the people from the consequences of a had crop,
and loan it out to them through the Central
Bank.
Ilow did the Whig party meet these difficul
ties They reduced the appropriations, con
fined them to their legitimate and necessary pub
lic objects; levied a tax to meet their appropria
tion ami pay the debts left by their predecessors:
restrained the Central Bank from farther issues
of its hills; provided for tho redemption of those
already in the bauds of the people; ordered tho
sale of such of the ungranted lands as had been
drawn over eighteen years, after a limited lime
allowed to the drawers to gr mt them, provided
lor the sale of the haul; stock, and the collection
of the debts then due the State, and the applica
tiori of their proceeds to tire discharge of the
public debts then due, and of the interest on
those not due; passed an act compelling tho r
sumption of specie payments by the banks, and
providing for the forfeiture (if the charters of
such ns might refuse; considered and rejected
Gov. McDonald's electioneering project for p
pnlur relief, us wrong in principle, and utterly
impracticable in the then suite of our affairs
even if riant. Experience has confirmed til
wisdom nf all their measures. But immediately
upon tli • a Ijjurnment of the Icgislat ire of 1819,
piteous, hypocritical lamentations for the suffer
ings of the people (which they had greatly con
tribute.! to prod ice, and so conducted our final!
ces as io render i: impossible to alleviate, over
upon their mvn principles,) were forthwi h heard
from ther e gentlemen throughout the broad ii:n-
its nf tiie State. The Whigs were denounced
a gratuitous oppression of dispeople. An ex
ecutive order suspended the act disposing of the
_.. 0 rantnd lands. And this nil warrantable, mon
strous usurpation, utterly at war with popular
liberty and free government, was sanctioned by
ihnso who called themselves Democrats. Their
ert'orts succeeded, the grand result was accom-
plished. They carried the elections. Tbeir tri
umph was decisive, overwhelming, yet it was
beset with difficulties. They had excited ex
pectations in the public mind which were doom
ed to disappointment. They had given promises
and pledges which could not be redeemed. No
thing but a bold series of impositions could ex
tricate them. Emboldened by tbeir recent tri-
nnt’ps by the same means, they did not despair
of success. Some simple hearted gentlemen
among them were in earnest in tbeir cry for re
lief. They bad boon dupes themselves, they be
lieved in the “great measure of deliverance and
liberty.” Hence an early adjournment of the
Legislature became a leading object with the
managers of the party. They speedily set about
preparing "a tub lor the whale.” They saved a
few thousand dollars by curtailing the salaries of
the judges, and a few other public officers that
they might have a pretext to talk of retrench
ment—substituted for the whig prohibition of
further issues by the bank, a delusive enactment
of their own, intended to deceive ; which provi
ded that it should not “relieve the people” until
it could pay its debts in coin; a period, it is true,
sufficiently remote for all practical purposes, and
crowned their financial labours on this subject by
the magnificent project of authorising the bank
to issue 3fid,000 dollars of small hills, to be ex
changed for large ones, and giving itthe inonop
o!y of the shinplaster trade I In their address to
the people recounting their Herculean labors,
they demanded the approbation of the country
fur repealing the whig law, and restoring tli: bank
to “public usefulness;” affected to believe that
•hey had reanimated their favorite paper machine
vhen they Knew that their quackery had pro-
luoed and was intended to produces hut galvanic
distortion when life and vitality were extinct.
Relief, the great test of democracy in tiie elec
tions, they remembered to forget. Twenty per
cent was voted off of the "odious whig double
tax.” To ve*o that, was their Governor’s part
of the responsibility. lie performed it with
commendable fidelity, reserving his reasons
therefore, (which stamped with falsehood every
statement with which it had been attacked before
tho people,) for the next session. They did not
disdain to pocket the proceeds of tiie “odious
double tax law,” and adjourned.
They carried tiie elections of 1312 by dimin
ished majorities, and assembled new ilillicni’ies.
The financial crisis had arrived, tho truth could
no longer be concealed—tiie necessity seemed
resistless to vindicate the Whig policy of 1819,
and to record their votes for a series of measures,
the unjust condemnation of which had brought
them into power. Many and discreditable were
tho shifts and devices to which they resorted to
avoid it, the most prominent arid discreditable of
which originated with the executive. Ills Ex
cellency represented the public necessities as ur
gent. pressing, brooking no delay; the “odious
double tax law” brought in coin too slowly for the
wants of his retrenching democratic administra
tion ; the hanks were suspected of having tire
necessary supplies; their owners were few and
feeble, and their wrongs were unlikely to enlist
public sympathy—lienee they were marked out
as victims. He recommended that the specie
paying Banks be forced to convert Central Bank
nnfnj infra nrclnnera n rafn nnf Kifflinr Infill
. They carried every de- plunged into the other extreme of Nullification •
ivernment. The country And now his powerful mintl is ilcrote/l to the task
of denying liis old opinions, and of supporting his
ncir ones—never right, hut alicays in extremis.
the elections of 1841
pnrtmerit of the Government
was plunged in the deepest pecuniary distre--—
it was tiie time to test tho principle. But they
did not do it. If the principle was right and
practicable, as they said it was, they wore crim
inally indifferent to the public distress not to put
it in operation ; if it was wrong and impractica
ble, as the whigs alleged, they mocked the pub
lic calamity by inducing false hopes, destined
and intended to be disappointed.
We urge the calm consideration of these
irand questions upon all the people of Georgia.
The Democratic party are adroitly endeavoring
to divert tho public attention from tbeir own
gross mismanagement ot our State Government
by attempting to raise new issues upon national
politics. Their own political disgraces are
sought to be swallowed up in a presidential can
vass. Lei them not escape by this device, their
conduct will he the same under any political lea
der. Let the great political truth be kept con
stantly in the public mind that, under our pre
sent system of government, our social happiness
ami prosperity as a people, must forever mainly
depend upon.the honest and faithful administra
tion of our local affairs.
Respectfully, your fellow-citizens
G. FOSTER,
C. SAYRE,
ROBT. TOOMBS,
A. J. MILLER.
l>y
III#?!
i I**r violit
ing- pt<
dges which they had
fir
er £
veil, au 1 f»
iuscua
ibility to the pccuni.i-
ry
distress. The t:
x Jaw \
'as represented as im
I'O
sill"
“odious.”
ntoJera
)Ic and unnecessary
bnrth t
- upon jhe country
Semi oilicial jf-i’e-
mt
lit* \
re re put fori
i to d. reivo tho psople as to
lilt
am
out of m »n
ey whi
h the tax bill would
rai
sc.
The eoudi?
on nf
io Centra! Tank was
rr
ws!y
falsified, an
1 tbe
jople were taught to
he
iovc
that hut ft
r \Vi»i
T opposition to that
t»r
»s:r i
«• concern.
never
Isiili tig stream of^old
w.
u!<i
have fljvvn
from
t into their pockets.
1!
itnhi
5&ry was
e Inc •<!
to an exact science
1)
1 cl
»u mjtrated
by fi :
ire*. Distinguished
•TllOC
■itic politic i
toj enU
;red into arithmetical
c 1
cult
ions, provir
g to a
cent how much each
Vi
ter h
»? lost by th
* cruel
perverse opposition
*»r
the
Whigs
Me Don
aid s relief measure.
comp ailing rash payments by the banks
°.V bad faithlessly promised the people
to carry out, Was represented as a wan-
'■ --a; eoutraction of the i arreocy and
notes into exchange at a rate not higher than
five per cent premium, or in default thereof to
tax them two per cent upon their nominal capi
tal, which amounted in some instances to as
much as six per cent on their actual capital, when
other property was taxed at (averaging) not one
twentieth of that rate. Those of our fellow-
citizens who by legislative authority, if not invi
tation, had invested their money in a business
which proved to be unprofitable, and in which
some of them had lost the greater portion of the
investment, were required to pay that enormous
tax or submit to still greater exactions. This
measure was sustained by a large number of
Democrats in the House of Representatives.—
Other financial expedients were suggested and
introduced with the same objects, which if less
atrocious were equally unsuccessful, and the ma
jority finally affirmed the "odious whig double
tax” of 1810 by voting to increase it twenty five per
cent. They sanctioned its principles and details.
They virulently opposed it before the people in
1841 on the ground that it was oppressively and
unnecessarily high; after trying it two years
with the Government in their own hands, and
boasting of their economy and retrenchments,
their then only objection to it was, that it was too
low! Wo leave them to escape the dilemma
that they were either ignorant of tho wants of
the government or wickedly and wilfu'ly de
ceived tho people to get into power. They re
traced their steps of 1841, touching the Central
Bank and fell back upon the whig policy of 1010.
Having passed an act placing the bank in liqui
dation free from objection except that it does not
go far enough; they ratified the whig policy of
1840 concerning the ungranted public lauds,
even after they had extended the time for taking
out grun’,9 until December 1843, for which rea
son many of the whigs, deeming the public faith
implicated, were constrained to oppose the act.
What they did was chiefly in affirmance of the
policy of the whig party. That which they at
tempted and failed in was all their own. To tins
part of their career we propose now to refer.
It was chiefly characterized by efforts to replen
ish the exhausted coffers of the Central Bunk,
without reference to justice or right, and to ar
rest the ordinary administration of the laws.
The depreciation of Central Bank notes, re
sulting as it did, from the most uniform and ob
vious laws of trade, was attributed to whig bro
kers. It suited their purposes to give the whigs
a monopo'y of that class of traders. Under the
avowed pretence of abolishing the business of
brokerage, but with tiie real object of compelling
people by law, under heavy pains and penalties,
to receive a depreciated, fluctuating currency,
at a rate fixed by the legislature, tiiey introduced,
and a majority of tho party sustained, in its dif
ferent stages through the House of Representa
tives, that memorable bill entitled “an act to de
fine the business of brokerage, and to require
brokers to takeout license, and for other purpo
ses.” The definition of brokerage contained in
the bill included, and was intended to include,
every human being who could by any possibility
acquire a Central Bank note. Tiiey defied it to
be. among many other things, buying or selling
bank notes, coin, gold or silver bullion, “prom
issory notes, due bills, drafts or bonds.or other
obligations, to pay money of any description
whatever.” It subjected to its grinding oppres
sions every description of citizen, the capitalist,
and the honest daily laborer were equally to be
its victims. It annihilated the internal trade of
the State, unless tinder legislative license, to be
issued only upon the payment of heavy pecu
niary executions, and violations of its provisions
were punishable by heavy fines and disgraceful
and protracted penitentiary confinement. The
humblest laborer in tho State, who toiled hon
estly for Iris daily bread, and accepted in pay
ment for his labor the note of his employer, or
a Central Bank bill, was by that act to be re
strained in the free disposition ol either without
license from the State, and was to bo ptiuished
as a felon for exercising die commonest right of
a freeman. The worst of tyrants have some
times debased the currency of our country, and
inflicted punishment upon such of their unfor
tunate subjects as refused lobe swindled by the
operation: but the Democratic Representatives
of tho pcoplo of Georgia are believed to be the
first representatives of freemen who ever at
tempted to imitate tliuv.example.
Their efforts to arrest die administration of
the laws, lost much A'their force for the want of
concentration. The legislative calendar was
trim; with the heterogenous collection of bills
imposing stay laws, valuation laws, laws au-
horising officers to receive Central Banknotes
fur debts, or upon refusal of plaintiff to receive
them, to suspend collections, and laws author
ising the redemption of properly sold at sheriff
sales. Each of these measure* strutted its “brief
hour upon tiie stage,” cud w«3 defeated. After
they had been severally defeated, a committee
was raised in the House of Representatives upon
the subject of efficient and practicable relief to
the people. Nothing was expected to grow out
of this movement; it was well understood to be
intended to produce a measure fur consumption
in the elections this fall. Tho bill which this
committee reported, embraced all the worst fea
tures of its predecessors on the same subject, and
shared their fate ; and all their promises of relief
ended in that bcuuticient measure of docking
Justices Courts to three instead of twelve terms
a year ! The conduct of the Democratic party
upon this question of legislative relief alone
should forfeit them the last vestige of public
cmiliJcncc. Tho special Executive message of
1' in paved the way, and "McDonald and Re
lief’ were the watchwords of the party during
From the Georgia Journal.
OPINIONS OF JOHN C. CALHOUN.
Upon almost every important subject which
the political press is now agitating the country
with Mr. C tilljuii s recorded opinion, can bn
any thing but acceptable to the Democratic
party; and to those who advocated his con-is-
tency—w ho have the temerity to assort that lie
has not changed; these opinions cannot but be
mortifying in tho extreme. The people arc
told by his supporters, that their interests and
cn.n liberties are at stake in tho presidential con
test—that, to save tho country from tho evils
which threaten it, they must support Mr. Cau-
iioun for the Presidency, because of tho well
known opposition of this gentleman to a Bank
Internal Improvements, and a Tariff; and some
of them desperate in their efforts in fiis behalf,
even venture to say, that his opposition to these
measures has been during bis whole political
life.—But the record does not lie 1 If the Bank
is a measure injurious to the people, tho record
proves that Mr. Calhoun was one of its ablest
advocates, and that to his ability in advocating
and defending it, it owes more to Mr. Calhoun
than to any other politician living.
It was the proud boast of this gentleman, not
many years since, that lie was the chief advo
cate of the old Bank, when first established, and
there is scarcely a man in tho whole Union who
does not remember how nobly lie defended it,
when it was assailed by Gen. Jackson.
The record, too, proves that Mr. Calhoun was
no less an advocate tor Internal Improvements
than for a U. 8. Bank. Internal Improvements,
by the Federal Government, was by him, urged
in the Councils of the Nation ; and to such an
extent did ho carry his then favorite doctrines,
that ho was, by Timothy Pickering, rebuked for
his lalitudinarianism. Take the following ex
tract as a portion of the testimony which the
records of the country furnish upon tilts point.
It is from ono of his speeches delivered since
the last war.
“ We ought to contribute as much as possible
to the formation ef good military roads, not only
on the score of general political economy, but
to enable us on emergencies to collect the
whole mass of our military means on the point
menaced. The people are brave, great, and
spirited ; but they must be brought together in
sufficient number and with a certain prompti
tude to enable them to act With effect. Tiie im
portance of military roads was well known to
the Romans; the remains of their roads exist
to this day. some of them uninjured by tho
ravages of time. LET US MAKE GREAT
PERMANENT ROADS, not like the Romans,
with views of subjecting and ruling provinces,
bat for more honorable purposes of defence;
and connecting more closely the interest of carious
sections of this great country. Let any one look
at the vast cost of transportation during the
war, much of which is chargeable to the want
of good roaJ*and canals, and bo will nut deny
the vast importance of a due attention to this
object.”
Now we ask the Democrats if they can point
out to us, in any of Mr. Clay’s speeches, lan
guage strougei than this ? What man is there
in this whole Union who has gone as lar as Mr.
Calhoun, and who can go farther. To despotic
Romo, he even went for argument to prove the
utility of liis favorite policy; and yet, he is held
up now to the country, as one to be admired
and supported for his consistency, and for the
vast benefits which his administration will con
fer upon tho country ! Strange infatuation.
Again. Mr. Calhoun is now the great Anti-
Tariff candidate. Scarcely can he he brought
to support a Tariff for revenue ; and with him
and his followers, a Protective Tariff is an abom
ination. Well, the record here too tells a tale,
disagreeable in the extreme, to the ultra free
trade politician, as well as to his followers. Ez-
punged though it be from his published book of
speeches, yet it cannot be kept from the people,
by deception and artifice. Where his other
speeches were collected, the ono in which he
lauds Protection, and a protective tariff, can
also be found. The files of the Washington
city papers teem with expressions which go to
prove the fondness of Mr. Calhoun at one
peiiod of his political life, for the American
System. Front one of his speeches, the follow
ing extract is also taken. Read, and ponder
upon it, people of Georgia!
“ In regard to the question how far manufac
tures ought to be fostered. Mr. Calhoun said
it was THE DUTY of this country as a means
of defence, TO ENCOURAGE THE DO
MESTIC IN IJ USTRY OF THE COUNTRY,
more especially that part of it which provides
the necessary materials Cor clothing and defence.
Let us look at the nature of the war most likely
to occur. England is in tho possession of the
ocean ; no man, however sanguine,can believe
that we can deprive her soon of her predomin
ance there. That control deprives us of the
means of maintaining onr army and navy
cheaply clad. The question relating to manufac
tures must NOT depend on the abstract principle,
tluit industry, left to pursue its own course, will
find in its own inicrcsl all the encouragement that
is necessary. I lay the claims of manufactures
entirely out of view, said Mr. Calhoun : but
on general principles, without regard to their
interest, acertain encouragement should be ex
tended at least to our toollsn and cotton manufac-
lures.’’
it.sa U ntil, that to Mr. Calhoun’s efforts, as
much as to any other American statesman, is the
country indebted for the introduction, as the
Government policy, of a United States Bank
Internal Improvements, and a Protective Tariff.
The fact cannot be denied, that ho most ably
sustained all these measures, and that to him, as
much as to any one else, is the country to attri
bute the evils, whether imaginary or real, com-
plntiicd of by the democrats. Let them then
AGRICULTUBAL.
A
politician from 1815 to 1833. utterlt unsafe,
and never to be trusted!”
What do the Democracy of Georgia think of
it? Whatdo Mr. Calhoun’s friends think of it ?
For our own part, we have been somewhat sur
prised at Mr. Ritchie’s eourse—we have been
somewhat surprised at his preferring, particu
larly at this time, Mr. Van Buren to Mr. Cal
houn. But we are no longer surprised—the
matter is plain enough now. In tho above Mr.
Ritchie asserts that Mr. Calhoun is “uttet.i.y
unsafe and never to be trusted.”
Georgia Journal.
From the Baltimore American.
“WHO ARE THE PLUNDERERS.”
It is unpleasant to find in a political opponent,
or any one else, a dismgeniousness in statements
of facts. Such perversions aro pitiful subterfu
ges; they depend for tbeir effect upon the ignor
ance of men; they must stand exposed sooner
or later to the view of all wlio prize honesty or
possess intelligence; they are resorted to only
by such as feel the want ol better means of ex
culpation.—Chronicle and Sentinel.
Some of the Van Buren journals are asking
“Who are the plunderers?”—and they are an
swering the question in a manner to suit them
selves. The Richmond Enquirer publishes an
article from the Nashville Union, and commends
it to particular attention, ivitli the view of show
ing that the Whigs are the authors of the great
bulk of the existing debt of the Government?
Statements marked “official,” and by “T. L.
Smith, Register,” are submitted, ono to show the
amount of public debt on the 4th ofMarch. 1841,
and another to show the amount on tho 18th of
February, lc-13.
By tiie first it is made to appear that on Mr.
Van Buren’s retirement from office the public
debt was in all $7.460,692—of which the chief
item was for Treasury notes. I!y the other state
ment it is made to appear that the public debt
on the 13th of February, 1*43, was 827,369,221.
It is then said—“there can be no mistake in the
statements, for they emanate from no doubtful au
thority.”
Here then is an apparent difference in the pub
lie indebtedness of some twenty millions in the
course of two years. The Whigs have been in
tho majority in Congress during that time. Mark
the grave complacency with which Whig extra
vagance is condemned in tho article above men
tioned.
“It is a moment when wo arc at peace with all
nations; and yet we have been running in debt
at tiie rate of ten millions a year. IIho arc the
plunderers? The Presidenthimselfcannotspend
a dollar of the public money unless it is first ap
propriated by Congress—lie cannot even draw
bis own salary—so be cannot be charged with
no offence. Who then?—Look into the Con
gress of tho United States, ill both branches of
which there is a large modern Whig majority, S(C.”
One would suppose from the air of virtuous
indignation distinguishing this severe lecture on
Whig extravagance, that the writer really be
lieved there was some truth in bis inferences and
accusations. Yet it is difficult to imagine that
any well informed man could have been so ig
norant of common facts as to be misled by the
shallow artifice of the two official statements,
from tho juxtaposition of which erroneous de
ductions were designed to be made.
The amount of Whig expenditures for tho two
years just passed may he easily ascertained from
the appropriations. Those of tho last year, un
der the rigid system of retrenchment and econo
my introduced by the Wings, will scaicely ex
ceed one half the amount cf the average annua!
expenditure under Martin Van Buren. Every
body knows this or may know it.
But whence comes the large public debt of
$27,389,221, when it is made to appear that the
amount on Mr. Van Buren’s retirement was on
ly $7,480,032 ? The explanation is easy enough
if one docs not wish to suppressfit. In the state
ment of the Van Buren debt no account is luken
of the appropriations left by that administration
unprovided for, to be met by the suceednig ad
ministration. These appropriations amounted
to about twelve millions. Many of thorn were
made recklessly during the last session of the
Van Buren Congress, when it knew that the
responsibility of meeting them would devolve
on the Whigs. The Whigs accordingly found
them as obligations that con'd not be set aside ;
they existed by force of law, and must be provi
ded for.
There were also sums due the tiavy pension
fund for money used by Government—sums due
various Indian tribes—sums due to I’ost Office
conductors and others—sums due Florida, Geor
gia and Maine for services of Militia—the vari
ous items amounting, together with the out
standing Treasury notes, to 12 millions moro.
The revenue, moreover, had been allowed to
dwindle down to an amount altogether inade
quate to the wants of the Treasury. For two
years and mere Mr. Van Buren had been rely
ing on Treasury notes to make tip the deficiency
in the annual income of the nation. What mar
vel is it then that the Whigs were obliged to use
the same means temporarily, until a sound rev
enue system cotild be established and made to
operate efficiently ? They were obliged to bor
row money, both by way of Treasury notes and
a loan, to meet the outstanding obligations of the
Van Buren administration, consisting of actual
debt and appropriations unprovk’ d for, and to
procure tbe means of supplying tho deficiency
m revenue necessary to carry on the government.
When Whig extravagance is condemned here
after let tho accuser learn to discriminate be
tween an inherited and created debt; let him not
impute the profligacy of a previous administra
tion to the succeeding otic that was obliged to as
sume tbe burden ready prepared for its shoul
ders: let him look to facts, and state them as
they are. If lie will have the candor to do this
he will be an accuser no longer. Tho expendi
tures of tho Whigs are to be ascertained hy the
amount of their own appropriations—not by the
amount which they were compelled to borrow to meet
the appropriations nf another administration.
INTERESTING TO FARMERS.
VV iieat and Fiajun.—If we mistake not, the
public intelligence has fallen far behind the
actual improvements already made and now in
progress in tho growing 0 f wheat, especially on
tho Continent of Europe. Everywhere we see
journals, well informed on other matters, taking
tho average price of wheat for the last forty
years as a fair estimate what may be expected for
the samo article for years to cotno. tinder this
impression, the St. Lottie New Era. of22d June,
publishes the following list of prices in Phila
delphia, made by a flour house of fifty years’
standing, from actual sales •—
Annual average, price of Flour in Philadelphia
for forty years, commencing in 1795.
1795,
$9
00
1819,
$4
72
1790,
1*2
54
1820,
4
78
1797,
8
94
1621,
0
59
1798,
8
15
1822,
0
84
1799,
10
15
1823,
5
59
1800,
10
40
1824,
5
II
ISfll,
6
90
1825,
4
70
1802,
0
85
1820,
ft
27
1803,
0
21
1827,
5
00
1S04,
9
69
1828,
6
32
1805,
7
30
182!),
4
96
1600,
7
18
1830,
5
77
1807,
5
55
1831,
5
73
1803,
7
76
1832,
5
7“
1809,
0
09
1833,
5
20
1810,
10
06
1834.
5
88
1811,
0
54
1835,
8
01
1812.
8
70
1836,
8
06
1813,
7
88
1337,
9
53
1814,
8
57
1333,
7
73
1815,
9
80
18.19,
7
22
1816,
11
72
1840,
5
07
1817,
9
97
1841,
5
40
1818,
9
90
1842,
a
28
lavish abuse upon Mr. Calhoun, in the same
proportion, that they do upon Sir. Clav, and
tiie people will put some confidence in their
denunciations. But until they do this, upon
these subjects, they may 33 well maintain pro
found silence.
The Richmond Enquirer and 3fr Calhoun.—In
a controversy with the U. S. Telegraph in 1835,
Mr. Ritchie, Editor of the Richmond Enquirer,
thus speaks of Mr. Calhoun:
“ We retort upon the Telegraph the false
hood which it has charged upon us. Its editor
knows, as well as we do, that John C. Calhoun
was an advocate of the Tariff system in 1810—
that he went out of the war an ultra-stickler for
the powers of the Federal Government—that he
supported the Bank; a general system of In
terna! Improvements; ami the Protective Sys
tem as tbe qurnuincnt jndicy of the Government.
The loyal Telegraph knows, and his political
master knows, that spite of his late equivocating
speech, Ac was the advocate of the bill of 1610 ;
that there is not cne word about raising revenue
:n tbe speech of 1810 ; and that he insisted that
manufactures should bo established beyond the
reach of contingency; and that he strenuously
supported the odious and oppressive system of
minimums.
•• Wc know further, and we have no doubt this
miserable sycophant of Mr. Calhoun knows the
same, that as fardown as 1821 ; he was in favor
of building up manufactures by the scaffolding
of tbe Federal Government. Finding, however,
that his ultra-doctrines were becoming odious to
tiie south, and thatlns ambition never could be
gratified by this course, lie was compelled to
yield to the force of Suiitbcr:: sentiineuts—
cooled towards liis Federal doctrines—gradually
came over to tbe cause of State Rights ; l*nt
like .11 new proselytes, hurried to cxe-ss, and
There is a long letter from Nicholas Bid
dle published in the Philadelphia papers, in
which he broaches a new doctrine in regard
to the debts due to foreigners by those
States of the Union, which have proved de
linquent in paying; it is that the loreign
creditors can coerce payment by having
suits brought by their Governments in the
Supreme Courts ot the United States
against the States so having failed to pay.
He lays down these three propositions; the
State of Pennsylvania is taken as an ex
ample :
1st. That by the Constitution of the Uni
ted States, a tribunal independent of the
States is established to decide all questions
between Pennsylvania and any foreign
State.
2d. That before that tribunal, judgment
can be obtained for every dollar, principal
and interest, that the Stale owes, and that
the property of the State can be sold to pay
the judgment.
3d. That the other twenty five States are
bound to carry into execution, by arms if
necessary, the judgment against the State
of Pennsylvania.
The New York Express says that Mr.
Biddle in a clear, able, and forcible manner,
contends that foreign creditors can obtain
We do not hesitate to express the
opinion that the average of the above
prices cannot be maintained. Im
provements in tiie science of wheat
culture, and in all the mechanical
operations, by the aid of which the
business is prosecuted, will soon bring
down the average market value of
cotton, woollen and iron goods with
in tho last twenty-five years ! A re
duction in the price of bread studs in
England, France, Spain and else
where on the continent, analagous in
haracter though less in degree, is
now in progress. It has taken an
enormous increase in the aggregate
to bring the supply up to the demand,
and this may not yet be fully accom
plished. But the day is at hand when
such will be the case.
According to the official tables
published in the llevue des Econo-
mistes of recent date, it appears that
the annual wheat crop in France has
been nearly doubled within the last
eight years ! The increase of wheat*
en food has been ninety per cent, lar
ger than the increase of human mouths
to be fed. Even priest-ridden Spain
produces more wheat than the Islands
of Great Britain, not to say the whole
of the United States. It is needless
to speak of the large wheat-exporting
regions on the Rhine, Danube, Black,
Adriatic, and Baltic Seas. Col.
Lecoutcur, of the Island of Jersy, one
of tbe most successful wheat growers
in Great Britain, in his “ Prize Essay,'
for which the Royal Agricultural So
ciety of England awarded him a pre
mium of twenty sovereign?, and which
we are sorry to say has never been
republished in this country, estimates
the amount of land annually cultivat
ed in wheat in Great Britain, at five
millions of acres. He has shown by
data, which cannot be controverted,
that it is quite probable that the crop
of each acre of this land, will soon be
increased to the average amount of
eight bushels, giving an annual aggre
gate increase of 40,000,000 bushels,
and thereby furnish a large surplus
foi exportation.
Professor Johnston, in his recent
work on agricultural chemistry, says
—“ The superficial area of Great
Britain comprises about fifty-seven
millions of acres, of which thirty-four
millions arc in cultivation, about thir
teen millions are capable of culture,
and the remaining ten millions are
susceptible of improvement.” With
a superabundance of capital lying idle,
with a limited and decreasing foreign
market for manufactures, with a large
population without work and without
bread, and with all the advantages of
science and concentrated manures—
the latter, by a wise law of our bene
ficent Creator, seems to increase in the
ratio with the increase of tho human
family —why should not these ten mil
lions of acres of waste lands be cul
tivated, and confer plenty and to spare
upon every human being in England,
Wales, Scotland, and Ireland ? The
proposition is entirely practicable, and
will soon be effected so far as to se
cure a full supply of all the bread
stulls needed for home consumption.
The all-grasping despotic policy of
Great Britain has pushed her naval
power, her commerce and her manu
factures quite too far for the well
being of her people. All nations need
only a limited amount of food and
raiment, and these in due proportion
It is folly, nay, it is madness to
spend time, labor and money in pro
ducing vastly more of anything than
there is a good remunerating market
far. So deeply have American far*
mers been impressed with the uncer
tainty of all foreign demand for their
surplus bread stuffs in times past, that
Thomas, ol this county. The pro
cess of manufacturing, we learn was
of the simplest character. The corn
stalks were cut up, beaten in a trough,
and then thrown into a common cider
press—the juices of the stalk, then un
derwent boiling, &.C., and the syrup is
thus made. Our planters without ex*,
ccption should prepare to make this
syrup—if not for a market, at least
for their own home consumption.—
Tho sample before us was made in
South Carolina. The stalks from an
acre of land, it is said, will produce
about 90 gallons.—Geo. Journal.
From the Georgia UcpuUicau.
GEORGIA COTTON BAGGINu
It is more than a year and a half
since, that we had an article on this
subject. Lately wc referred to it a*
gain, showing statistically, that cotton
bagging enough, and more than
enough to suppy this State could be
made at Columbus, at 8 to 0 cents
per yard. Experience has proved
first, that the cotton bagging is as
strong as the hemp; and secondly,
that it is as durable, if not more so.
In our first article alluded to. wc in
stanced the fact, that several years
since, when Cotton bagging was used
to some extent, a boat load was left
on the bank of Savannah River for
two or three weeks. It had been
wet, and lay there until it could be
removed. A part of it was put in
cotton bagging—a part in hemp.
When taken aboard again, the hemp
bagging would tear off by the slight
est exertion. The cotton was as
strong as ever to all appearance, and
the essential oil in this species of bag
ging had protected the cotton in such
manner, that it was not so much
damaged as that put up in tbe hemp
bagging.
Taking the ordinary crop of Geor
gia cotton, it can be clearly proved
that if wc would manufacture our
own bagging within our own borders,
the citizens of this State would save
more than $350,000 per annum, which
they now pay for foreign and Ken
tucky bagging. It is true, that free
trade goes against making our own
bagging, and would pay all this mon
ey to England or any body else.
But free trade is nothing more than a
popular democratic cry, the folly of
which is now discovered. It was
well to cry free trade when cotton
was 10 cents per lb., but now that
it is 0 scents, we must make within
ourselves, what we used to buy else
where.—Then we had the means to
buy ; now, we have not the means,
anil wc must take the trouble of being
economical.
The article of cotton bagging is
now manufactured in this State, and
wc are told that its manufacture is on
the increase,—but we fear it is not
sold so cheap as it ought to lie.
When the machinery used for its fab
rication is as well managed, as highly
improved and efficient as it might be,
this bagging should be furnished at
11a 12 cents per yard at the out
side. Wc hope tbe time will soon
come when the citizens of Georgia
vvill not be compelled to send cither
down to the opposite side of the Globe,
to England, Scotland, or to Ken
tucky, for an article which can be
made at their own doors for hall the
price which they now pay for it. Oh 1
the excellence of Universal free Iradc,
which operates in favor of every na
tion but ourselves.
Some sensible remarks from the
Southern Agriculturalist, on this sub
ject, will be found in our columns this
morning, to which we refer the read
er. We would also take occasion to
remark that Mr. T. J. Walsh, of this
city, keeps the article for sale, a spe
cimen of which can be seen at the
Savannah Reading Room.
comenus wai loreign creditors cun uoiain .1. ' *i j r • •
from any defaulting State tire amount ihcy have faded for yep in succession
1 to grow enough for home consump
tion. The increased faculties for
transporting bread stuffs by means of
railroads and canals from the most
sequestered portions of Europe and
the United States, vvill of itself create
a new state of things, which will ren
der all former experience in regard to
the price of wheat and flour on the
sea-board, entirely at fault. It will
lead to the vastly wider diffusion of
agricultural labor, and bring into suc
cessful cultivation millions of acres of
wheat land hitherto untouched by the
plough of the husbandman.
their established claim, and that the whole
military force of the other States, if neces
sary, must see the judgment and payment
enforced. The position taken is in a great
measure a new one, and one that will be
very apt to be pushed. If it is sound law
that States can be sued in the United States’
Courts, and a judgment when obtained be
enforced and collected, such suits will he
very apt to be brought. The prevailing
opinion has been, that neither suits nor any
compulsory measure, could be brought
whereby a recovery could be had. It vvill
he fortunate indeed if Mr. Biddle’sdoctiine
should prove true. There is no more rea
son wiiy a State should cot be compelled to
pay than individuals ; lint on the contrary,
if there should be any favor, it should be to
the individual.—N. C. Chronicle.
I Corn Stai.k Svnur.—We have
Dread/,U. It is state,! by some of Mr. Cal j before US an article of Com Stalk
houn'i friends? in S. Carolina, that when Martin j Syrup, Whjcil 13 GCjUaf, IP every TG-
Van Buren first proposed.to him to • ‘come over ’ ... * ““
that Johnny fainted. Has he recovered from th
fit JT» ! 1 —Carolina paper.
Turnips.—As this is the proper
time for sowing this useful and profi
table vegetable, we would suggest the
propriety of sowing more largely than
has been our custom in this State.
In Europe, and in the northern states,
turnips constitute a large share of
the winter food of stock. Why should
it not be so in the South ? Certainly
not because our cattle and sheep have
an abundance of other food. Bute-
ven if it were so, that our planters fed
their stock liberally m winter,the im
portance of this crop would not be
diminished. For every one who
knows anything of rearing stock, is
aware that a change of food is im*
portant to all animals; and turnips,
even with an abundance of other food,
would be profitable on this account.
But it is very far from being true,
that our stock arc well led in winter.
To keep them from dying of actual
starvation, during the cold months,
seems to be the very perfection of
good management on the part of ma
ny planters. If, however, instead of
a half acre of turnip, some six or
eight acres were sown, a very large
amount of wholesome winter food for
stock would be afforded, at the cost of
very little time and labor.
We have never had experience
enough in stock raising to speak from
personal observation, os to the value
of this crop for them ; but the lact
that in England, whence we import
our finest cattle and sheep, it has. for
a hundred years or more, been re
garded as a valuable crop for this
purpose, should be sufficient to in
duce us to avail ourselves more fully
of its advantages.
[ Carolina Planter.
spec;, to the best molasses. It was
left tit our office l>v Col. John ft.
To Make Yeast.—Take two mid
dling sized boiled potatoes, mash, and
add a pint of boiled water and two ta
ble spoonfuls of brown sugar. One
pint of hot water should be applied
to every half pint of the compound