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I’OKT OF BRUNSWICK.
Wc give in another column, the acts of tlie
Slate Legislaiure ill relation to this port.—
The one mnemHng ami consolidating the acts
relative to the charter of the Brunswick Roil
R.mJ and Canal Company; the oilier provid
ing for the subscription on the part of the
•Slate rot five hundred shares of the capital
stuck. It is the intention of thoso enterprising
centlctoen who have now taken the matter
ini hand, we believe to open a Canal from
some point on the Altnmnhn or its branches
to some part ofTnrtlc river (on which Bruns
wick W »ituated) or its branches,—in order
that the interior of the Stale may have a com
plete water communication to the harbor of
Brunswick, said to be the best on the coast of
Georgia. The length of the Canal will he
about eleven miles; and measures arc in pro
gress we are informed, to carry op this" pro
ject of internal improvement, with a vigor
mni energy befitting its importance.
\ The Times.
The “ Wnodvillc and St. Martinsville Rail
Road and Banking company’’ has commenced
operations: Joseph Johnson being its Presi
dent. nnd C. B WnilnsiiK Cashier.
A turnpike re* I is projected from Louisville
to Nashville, to be constructed under the aus
pices of an internal improvement Bank—
■which shall have also for its object, the con
struction of other roads in the State of- Ken
tacky. The cost of the road from Isiuisville
toiNushville is estimated at 1,10,000 doljurs—
much of which has already heeti subscribed.
A roil road is also contemplated from Nat
ehez in Mississippi to Pearl river in'tho into
rior of that Stale.
A grand rail road convention was held
fjtallutin. Mi. Inst month to consider these
roads in conjunction with that of the gr nd
one proposed to intersect the Southern coun
try from the Mississippi river to the Atluutic
ocean—attended Ijy 54 dofegntos.
These projects, will of course require time,
toil ami expence: still they desorve encourage'
mom; and being practicable, may solicitously
bo .anticipated.
Rati. Road.—The income of the South
Carolina Canal and Rail Road Company, for
the b'ix months ending the 3lst Dee. last,
mounted tn ninety-one thousand Jive hundred
and seventy-six dollars and sixty-three cents,
which has enabled iho Company to give the
■dividend of three dollars per snare, pay ail
the enrreutexpenses, the repairs of the road
and machinery, and interest on their debt
and leave u surplus of about • $4000.
POLITICAL.
The Bank of Darien, it will bo observed
from tho subjoined appointments, is mado
wholly subservient to party purposes. A-
riiong'other changes. I)r. James Troup, the
former President, has been mado to give place
to Ausuu 14iuiberty.—Bccorder.
From, the Darien Telegraph.
Tho following gentlemen have been elected
Directors of tho Bank of .Darien, and of its
Branches fur the ensuing year:
Principal Bank.—On the part of the
State.—Messrs. Joseph Jones, C. M. Cnopor,
Samuel Puimcr, W. A. Dunham, James
Troop, Anson Kimberly, Thomas King.
On the part of the Stockholders.—Messrs.
Jacob Wood, Henry Yongo, Alexander Mitch
ell.
Savannah Branch.—Messrs. Ralph King.
John lialfhur, \V. W. Gordon, J. Hold, Will
iam Duncan.
Macon Branch.—Messrs. C. J. McDonald.
T. T Napier, Henry Chapman. P. R. Yorige,
A. I*. Patrick, 11. G*. Lainnr, Cliarlos Buy.
Milledgevillc Branch.--Messrs. Parish Car
ter. R. J. Nichols, Isaac Nowoll, B. 8. Jotii'-
dnn. N. McGohoc, William G. Lane, Will
' iam A. Tcnuilte.
[Direction of the Milledgevillc Branch Inst
year]—Mc.-srs S. Rockwell, Gooigo A. Brown.
William H. Torrance. John V\ fmanis. Parish
Conor, Joseph B. Gieouc and Nathan M'Gc-
heo j ' .
Aurnria Branch,—Messrs. Roswell King,
F.h McConnell, James Liddell, W. B. Wol
ford. C. A.- Ply, J. D. Field. G, K. Cessna.
' Ai n meeting of the Directors of the Bnnk
ct Darien, on Tuesday Inst. Anson Kimberly
Esq., was elected’ President (hr the ensuing
year—and nl the same time, Thomas King,
Eso., was oiected Cashier oft lie Macon B ranch,
in die place of Scoti Cray. Esq. resigned.
Banks.—The Bill providing for the estab
lishment of u Brunch of the Bunk of the Stale
of Alabama in die Town ol' Iluutsvitle, wilh
a capital of Five Hundred Thousand Dollars,
mid also for the increase uf the 'capital-stunk
of the Brunch Bank lit Decatur, lias passed in
bath Branches uf the General Assembly.
A bill lias also passed increasing the Capi
tal of the Stock of die Bank of Mobile to One
Million Kiiiht Hundred and Fifty Thousand
Dollars. Two fifths of the capital of ihis
Bank, which amounts to Seven Hundred and
•Forty Thousand Dollars, will belong to die
State. The bill provides, dial there shod lie
Fifteen Directors, six of whom shall ho op r
pomted on the pan ufdioStute; who shall
for the; present year, he. itppointeil by the Go
vernor. lierenller they will he i-Msen by a
joint vole nl bulb Houses of the General As
sembly. Flag of Union.
‘ W illi feelings of deep regrei wo rccnnl the
death uf an old, re-peeied and worthy citizen,
Dr. Moses Sheftnll, who died suddenly, on
Smuidny morning last—although for some
mouths past ho had been laboring under an
nflixtion uf the heart, liisdomise has received
tho tegiel of e\ciy citizen. 1 lie .-hipping in
tho harbor, yesterday, had their colors at half
tmtst in respect to hint, ho having been one uf
tho inspectors of tho revenue, lie died us lie
had lived,, an honest mum—Sue. Hep.
The Raleigh Register ummuuces die final
.passage of the Convention Bill, to amend die
Constitution oftheBtale uf North Carolina—
the House of Commons having acceded to the
amendments of the Senate. One of the prin
cipal objects oftliis hill is tn obtain ou equal
Representation of.the People iu tile Legisla
ture
A bet of fifty thousand Dollars is said to
linvc been made iu New Orleans, by u large
Coitnn planter from tho vicinity of Natchez,
■ou the extern of the crop or supply of the pro
sent scubimi, viz:
MR. CLAY’S REPORT
From tho Committee of Foreign Relations in the Sen
ate, on tho subject of the French Treaty.
The following abstract of its contents, is
furnished'by the National Intelligencer.
The Report sets out with ex pressing tho en
tire concurrence of opinion of the Committee
with the President as to din justice of the
claims for the payment of wliieti the Treaty
between die United Slates and France makes
provision. They had their origin in flagrant
violations of tlte law of Nations, .and of our
neutral rights, for which the pretence olledged
nl tho time afforded no justification. At the
period of those aggressions, the Government
of the United States would have been fully
had it then appealed to arms to vin
dicate onr outraged riglit3; nnd it was a fuel
known to those wno were conversant with the
history of die limes, that tlte expediency of
such a measure had been seriously considered
in the councils of die United Slates. The
selection between die two belligerents, by
which another nation became tlte enemy at
that time, arose not from anv insensibility to
the injuries received from France, but from
considerations or u difl'erent nature. Res
trained by prudendn! considerations from then
making war upon France, die United States
had yet resolved never to acquiesce in the
wrong and injustice done to them, but ro per
severe in tlte indemnity until it should bo ob
tained. As early as 1812, one of our most
distinguished citizens, appointed Minister to
France, was instructed to demand reparation
for these wrongs, and'tlie demand had been
persisted in, by every Administration, from
that day down to tho conclusion of tho Trea
ty of l&il.
The report then gocs.on to say, that of these
claims die amount had not previously to the
Treaty been fully ascertained, nnd could not
he exactly known until- they were finally ad
judicated ; hut tlte Committee aoncur entire
ly with the President in tho opinion that the
amount awarded by tlie.Tronty, by way of in
demnity, falls far short of the just claims of
our citizens, including damages. The Trea
ty hud nevertheless been received in this coun
try with general satisfaction, for several rea
sons, but"more than all for tho reason,- that
tho People of tho United States sow in it the
removal of tho only obstacle to perfect har
mony betwcon this country and a nation, tho
rcmembrunco of whose ancient friendship was
always dear to them. It had not been fur a
moment supposed that a Treaty between the
two countries, being on tho fnco of |t n perfect
obligation, would he violated by the 51111116 1)/
either party to perform tho stipulations on its-
side, &e.—ami so little did Congress appro-,
hond such a slnto rtf things: that they passed
several nets founded upon the Treaty, one of
which was to provide for tho investment of the
to be received under the Treaty in
>10,C0O Unit tho supply will not be
1.150.000 bales.
1.175.000
l.VW'.WO
1.225.000
1.250.000
*50,000
A bet of $500 has been mado in Charleston,
Ihtu tin-supply ol the Adamic Stale- will fill
short nf lost year’s ulxtve il’U.tlOu bales, and
it is rejuirteil ,hat more may he had tin
the same b-1
Asiatic t- i.oL*i,.\—Wi uu- informed on
unquestionable . quihoritv, ‘ that the Asimie.
Cholera -till lingers upmt the Suvarmtili Riv-
<r. A decided ease occurred but t he la-i
xvivkon the Carolina Mile. We itfuWiiind
. .oImi, that it lmd tint, a short time since, entire
ly disappeared on tlm Ogechec ItiVer. We
ik-tn it proper i.i'give thisinlbrm.itinn f-r th,
benefit of the Planters. Mercury.
money ... — . ...
snmo productive fuud, for the benefit of the
claimants, until the adjudication of the chiitmi
should bo completed. In consequence oftliis
last provision, when tho first instalment be
came due, a droll was drawn fur tho amount,
the protest of which was the first- notice of tlte
non-ex cation of the Treaty. To the man
ner in which this draft was drawn, perhaps on
the score of formality or etiquette snmo cxcep-
tion might betoken ; but the Committee are
unanimously id opinion that the modo adop
ted, uf drawing for the money,-was fully jus-,
iified by the terms of the Treaty. It is with
profound regret, says the Report, thnt tho
Committee have learnt the failure uf tho rea
sonable expectations of the Executive and
j.f .the ,country: ns In the oxeouiion .of the
Treatyi . •
The Report goes on to say, ns tho President
in hiR message justly remarks, that tlte idea
of uequlescetice in the refusal to execute the
Treaty, cuu never be for a mumeut onter-
mincif." Tint United States can never aban
don their rights under it. When negotiation
for procuring tho execution of the Treaty shall
be exhausted, it will then he fur the United
States >to consider what other measures are
'.ccossnry in' procure their rights to bo respec
ted. In the opinion of the President, that pe
riod lias already arrived, anti he : lins recom
mended to Congress to authorise Reprisals la
the event of u failure of. France promptly to
make puyitient, &c. The President, howev
er, does not present the courso of Reprisals as
the only one opeu tn Congress, hut by the
mlmissiunnf the nltcrnmive of waiting u fur
ther lime for the action of the French Chant-
bets, leaves to the choice ofCnngress tho two
courses, of further negotiation or of a contin
gent measure, whielt in its consequence, may
possibly lead in war.- As to the latter course,
il'iho Imbits, inclinations, and interest of this
people are opposed to war, when not unavoid
able, with What added force do not all these
objections apply to a war with an ancient al
ly, towards whom the people of the United
States entprtain the kindest sentimef Is. Par
taking oftliis sentiment themselves, tho Com
mittee extended their inquiry, first into the
practicability nnd expediency of the pcaceiltl
alternative presented by the message.
The report here proceeds to u ctiticul anal
ysis of the correspondence (between our Min
ister nnd the French Ministry) which prece
ded the formation Of the Treaty, showing, by
various quotations from it, that, throughout
the negotiation, the King of France evinced
the most friendly feelings towards the United
Slates, and took an unusual interest in the
adjustment of the question between the two
Countries! Our.minister.ltad been rouiindod,
over and over agnin, of the difficulties which
tlte Ministers would ltavo to encounter front
the Chambers, in consequence of tlte Treaty,
&c. To tills history of tho negotiation tho
Committee did. not advert to justify the omis
sion of tlte French Government to carry in
to effect tho Treaty ; tlte difficulty now expe
rienced in the French Chambers being on af
fair between them and their own Government,
and not between them and our Government.
But tlte Committee had recurred to this cor
respondence, because, oiler the warnings
which were given of the difficulties which
would have to he encountered, a fair construc
tion ought tn he put upun the course of the
King and his Ministers in this matter. If the
King has throughout acted with good faith
and is still laboring to effect the passage uf a
bill in tlte Chambers to carry into cfiect tlte
Treaty, it would bo not ouly unjust, as res
pects the French Government, but impolitic
aud unwise os respects the claimants them
wives, tn throw obstacles in the way .of the
success of the King’s exertions, by the adop
tion of rush or Imsty measures, even contin
gently, which might convert some of the warm
friends in the Chambors into bitter enemies uf
tlte claims.
The report then proceeds to the considera
tion of what has transpired since the ratifica
tion of tlte Treaty: carelltlly reviewing nnd
no reason since,' to distrust the sincerity or
perfect integrity of tlte King in this matter.
It having been arranged in the correspon
dence Which followed the rejection of the bill
by tlte Chambers, that this Government should
await the further action of the French Cham
bers before taking any other step, die Com
mittee proceeded to examine on what ground
the President now recommends action with
out wailing. They review the correspon
dence between tlte French Minister here and
uur Sccretaty of State, in reference to the
supposed pledge of the Frcnclt Minister for
an extraordinary convocation of the Cham
bers. The Committee do not find such a
pledge, though they find every assurance that
the earliest practicable opportunity will be
seized for pressing the bill upon tho Cham
bers.
They find an expression of an expectation
on the part of the President , that the Kiag
will use his whole constitutional power, (which
includes the power to convene the Chambers
at any time,) but they do not find that expec
tation to have been responded to by the
Frenelt Minister; or, if it was, tho document
containing tile response has not been com
municated to Congress, &c. &c. If the
Chambers iiad boon .convened earlier titan
usual, though nothing should have been done.
Hy them, at tho time thnt Congress met; it is
not probable, says tlte Report, that the ?(esi-
dent would have held tho language towards
France, which is contained in his Message,
nor would he, if he had known wlmf subse
quent intelligence has disetused, font the
Chambers were to inept on the 1st at Dcccm-
ber.
The rensoris assigned hy, tho French Minis
try -for not calling nn extra meeting of tho
Chambers were plausible at least, and if they
dp not command conviction, would justify ac
quiescence ih the course of tho King, if, as
tlte Committee are entirely convinced, tliro’-
outtlie negotiation,, nnd on nil occasions,. be
fore tho treaty and after the treaty, thclKing
has invariably shown an' anxious desire for
’ the satisfactory adjustment of the differences
between France and tho United States.j The
opposition to the'execution of tho treaty had,
not proceeded front tlte Kingnf Franco or his
Ministers, but from the Chamber of Deputies.
Whilst thesa exertions are making ..by the
, French'Government, tho policy of tiiis Gov
ernment is to strengthen them—to second
them—and, above alii to do nothing to impair
tliefurco of them.
Tho refusal of one branch of a Government,
it is true, (says the Report) to execute a 'trea
ty may bu regarded as tho refusal of the whole.
Government: but when the head of the Gov
ernment evinces tlte earnestness which has
been shown in this case by tlte political head
of Hie French Government, such a conclusion
might not to bo hastily drawn. Upon the
whole, tho Committee Ore of opinion that the
time has not yet arrived, when Congress is
culled upon to go into the consideration of the
very serious question, whether they will en
ter into any measure for .the purpose of taking
into their own hands redrew; far wrougs by
France. Tlte Committee arc of opinion that
Congress ought to avoid any resort to war, or
to measures whielt may lead to it, and rather
wail to see the result of -tlte exertions which
tho Frcnclt King is undoubtedly making to
carry tlte Treaty into full effect,
We have not finished our account of this
Report, but wb havo followed it out far en
ough to discloso to tho reader its general char
acter, being prevented by tlte lateness of tlte
hour from adding more.
ing, otiiers with their tomb esla usted. some
iu English, others in German, others even in
Indian, thus making a compound jargon of ail
kinds of languages, with all the various dia
lects that oven twenty-four States aud three
Territories can boast of. The heroes of the
day, for every day must have a hero, you
know,—and people must havo something to
talk about, else we should die of ennui, and
such a place as Washington has ail sorts of
heroes, some of whom last an hour, others a
day, some more,—heroes from Col. Crocket
to Col. Benton, where a man who can “lick
a wild cat,” or scream the loudest, is as fam
ous as ho who towers above all others in the
Senate—hut plague on these snarled sentences
of mine for hero I am floundering in.the thick
et of one, and can’t get out,—hut as I was go
iog to say—the heroes of the day, are two Wy
andot Indians, with painted faces, and white
feathers in their paps, tall forest-born sons,
pacing wildly with n stately tread over the
rich carpets, and by the gorgeous, mirrors, and
illustrating in their looks the perfection of the
nit admirari whielt Horace says Will make one
so happy.
These Indians who never before had seen
suclt an assembly, and who were wild enough
to make themselves interesting, attracted ex
traordinary attention,—and, perhaps, with
the exception of an Amos Kendal), were the
only objects worth seeing. A 8 to Amos, all
feel about as much curiosity to see him, as
did our British forefathers to see" Guy
Fawkes:—and as Amos generally keeps him
self snugly ensconced in the Kitchen, he is t
curiosity whenever he appears but of Us
smoke. Macnmber would do well to put him
in liis caravan with his camels, tigers, and
monkeys,—for tlte people of the country, I
have not a doubt, would pay well to see this
keeper of the King’s conscience,—a man, by
tlte way, wltal may seriously say, has during
Gen. Jackson’s udministrationof the govern
meat exerted more influence over the deslin
ies of the Republic; than tiny other man in it
It is rumored in tlte political circles, and
with alt the air of authority,—that all the
members of the Tennessee delegation, Grun
dy and Polk excopted, have addressed a let
ter to Judge White requesting him to stand as
a candidate for the Presidency, to whielt he
has consented 1 . If this' be the fact adieu to
the prospects of the little Martin, whom every
one sajv to-day figuring so conspicuously.'—
the East Room.
Extract of a letter from tlio rorrcffomlcnt "STURT
CONGRESS.
analyzing tlte correspondence which lias since
passed betwc n the Ministers Oftlic two conn-'
tries, See. The Committee express the great
pleasure they have in concurring with the
President of the United States, nnu Mr. Liv
ingston in entire confidence in the good faitlt
of tire King, See., as professed in several til
the Inters from our Secretary of State anil
our Minister in France; and they consider it
duo to candor to declare that they havo seen
Georgia Journal.
Washington, Dec. lCtli, 1834.
The late conduct of Georgia, bath as res
pects tho general elections and the conduct uf
the Legislature, is the perpetual theme of jest,
ridicule, contempt, anu indeed every-species
of game nut king that can possibly degrade a
people or reproach their want of integrity or
intelligence—Georgia is the buttof every com
pany and the scoff'of every newspaper—eve
ry whipster on the side walks—every lounger
in barrooms—every driveller’ in politics, are
cutting their wit at Georgia consistency—Geor
gia intelligence—Georgia honesty—depend
upon it, a Georgian has euouglt to mortify
him, tttru where he may. I was talking with
u Union man to-dny, from Soiilh Carolina,
who holds a very high offieo iu that Stato,
and with footings of unusual exultation he ex
pressed his gratification at the lute compro
mise between the nuffifier^find the union men
of his Blare, uud said one among the many
causes of sincere pleasure resulting from tltat
event, was • he consequent separatum whielt
would take place between his party and the
union men of Georgia. The latter he said
had disgraced tlte principles, ond would have
inevitabiy involved tho whole party, inclu
ding the South Carolina portion of it,-in the
sume contempt which justly belonged to their
lute outrageous doings. He complained bitterly
of Gov. Lumpkin’s recommending to the Geor
gia Legislature tp pass a Itighly penal law,
perhups a copilul crime, for any citizen to
question the Sbvereigmy of a State, ut the ve
ry moment when tlte union party of his State
were -moving heaven and earth to prevent the
nuU'ificre from passing a test oath, find then a
law making it treason fprtho union men of
South Carolina tp “draw in question, in any
court, the sovereignty of that State." lie said
it was tho most unblushing wickedness, con
sistency was loo soil a name for it. He also
expressed the roost profound disgust at. the
conduct of tho Georgia Legislature for its
treatment of her Judges, but particularly that
in relation to rite much persecuted Judge
Hooper, who had done nothing more than
their own Judges had done, (and perhaps not
so much) whose removal was expected and
earnestly deprecated by the. union men of
South Carolina, on the ground that the Judi
ciary ought not to be proscribed for opinions
sake—and what mado the matter worse, and
indeed infamous, theso very union men of
Georgia had wrung this case upon all its
changes in that Stare toiuflueuce the fall elec
tions, and the moment success crowned their
hypocritical cant and jesuitical murmurs, they
turned round and exercised tltat very persecu
tion, aggravated a thousand fold from tlte du
plicity and inconsistency employed, which
they lmd so much affected to reproach us cru
el, and condemn as unjust, in tho nuliifiers of
South Carolina. He said he was glut) to cut
hits relationship wit|t such a party, aud he hud
no doubt the.uniuq.men of South Carolina
were too honorable ami high-minded a set of
men, to lend them any countenance, aid or
support in such nefarious,’ inipudeui and il
liberal conduct.
Correspondence of tlte Baltimore Patriot.
Washington, January 1,1834.*
The President gave his annual levee to
day, whielt liko all in-gatherings of this des
cription, made up a molly group of all sorts
of men and all sorts of characters. The heads
of ilufPepartments were there,—the Foreign
Ministers in llieit Court dresses,—attaches,—
grave Senators and husiliug Representatives,
—men, women and children, all busy in par
ading in the famous East Room, shaking
bauds, wishing each other “ a happy new
year,” talking and chatting some parld-touz-
Hon. Hugh L. White.—A resolution, has
already passed the popular branch of our
State Legislature, nominating this individual
as a suitable candidate for the next Presidency
What will bo the sense of the Senate on this
nomination wo can only infer from tho. very
handsome majority by which it passed in tho
House. From .present indications we should
rather infer, that this gentleman will be the
fuvorite candidate of the South. We have
no other acquaintance with Mr. White, than
what we have derived from his services as a
public man, and a few brief skefehes or his
character in the public .prints of Tennessoo,—
There are sume of our citizens, and readers
too we believe, who are personally acquaint
ed with the gentleman, who have known him
well and fur a long time. We should esteem
it a special favor if some correspondent, who
fools himself competent to the .up k, would for
ward us u.history of his character and life, as
much in detail as the circumstances of the
case may seem to require. There is do ques
tion, wo think, bultlmt Judge White will be
preferred iu Alabama, fur the next President,
liefuro Martin Van Burdn.—Journal.
The.Government of a Majority.—It
is supposed by the great' body of people at
the north, that the Government of the United
States is constructed upun the principle, that
a majority has it right to govern. This; hmv-,
ever,Is not’tho fact, in proof of which it would
be sufficient to state, that twenty six Senators,
represent the thirteen smallest Etates, which
now send to the House Uf Representatives on
ly thirty five members out of the two hundred
and forty uf which it is composed, (being less
thnn one fourth of the whole number) have
the power to prevent the passage or the repeal
of a law, which may be deinanded by three-
fourths of tne whole population of the twenty-
four States. Thiscottld not be the caso, if it
was intended thut a majority should govern.
Nor is it in tlte power of a majority to niter
the constitution. In framing that instrument
it was very wisely foreseen, that under popular
excitement, great danger wtmid exist of having
the fundamental law changed; if a bare ma-
jnrity wore to be entrusted with that power,
and it was therefore provided, that no. altera
tion should be made without the concurrence of
three-fourths of the States—so that, so far
from a majority of the people having a right
to change that instrument, itis-iii the power
of one twenty third part of the whole popula
tion to prevent any change, however benefi
cial it might he, and however unanimously
called for. by the other twenty-two twenty-
third parts of the whole population. This is
proved from the fact, that as the population of
the seven smallest States of the. twenty four,
was. by the census of 1830, ouly 1,051,623.
Tho vote of epch of these States could be con
trolled by a majority, so that seven votes more
thati one half the above sum’, that is, 526,819
persons objecting to the change, could, prevent
It, against the wishes pf 12,267,376, the ag
gregate of the two sums being equal to the
whote population.
The absolute right of a majority to govern,
eon only result from compact. _\Vhere life,
liberty and property are at stake, it would jbo
a monstrous doctrine to be laid dawn as indis
putable, that a majority lias a right to govern.
What says the trial by jury—that institution
which is held so dear amongst us, that no
State constitution has’omitted to pronouuce it
one of the reserved rights ofthe people? That
a majority of a jury shall pronounce a ver
dict depriving a fellow citizen of his life, liber
ty, or property? ■ No; but, on the contrary,
that nothing short of absolute unanimity,'shall
so deprive him. And yet", theremay bo some
people who, because one man out of n jury ol
twelve, may defeat a virdict, consider the
trial by jury ns anti-republican, .upon the
ground that a minority governs iho majority.
And this they might do with as much propri
ety, as a man might insist that where a ma
jority of the people do not govern tin majori
ty are ruled by the tninorty.—Examiner,
Wo were on Friday shown,' says the Na
tional Intelligencer, a letter from a gentleman
ofthe first respectability at Paris, under date
of Dec. 1st. from which we are allowed to
make the following extract.
*• The general impression here is that the
Chambers will refuse the appropriation for
the payment of the twenty-five millions (of
francB.) T hove talked with many of the De
puties, and almost all nre of that opinion.
The question will .be brought up early; and
will be made a Ministerial one; and,’if the
appropriation be not made, the Ministry will
go out.”
Private letters from Franco, as late as the
10th of last month, give various opinions os
to the result of the deliberations in the Cham
bers, as to providing for American indemni
fies, agreeably to the Treaty. The most pre
valent belief was, that the Treaty with this
country would be approved of.
Saturday, January 3, 1835.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The House resumed, the consideration of the
following resolution, submitted yesterday by
Mr.- Gamble.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treas
ury be directed to communicate to tins House
whether, in his opinion, it is practicable or
convenient for that Department to collect,
safely keep, and disburse the public mantes of
the United States without the agency of a
Bank, or Banks; and if so, to report to this
House the best mode, in bis opinion, by which,
that object can be accomplished.
Mr. CLAYTON, of Georgia, said he wished
to present to the consideration of the House,
one or two views in favor of his colleague’s
resolution, which, in his opinion, seemed not-
only .to justify, but to call loudly for its pas
sage.
It will be recollected that we of the South
are opposed to tlte Bank upon constitutional
grounds, and indeed, it must not be forgotten
that a renewed charter bos already mot with
Executive rejection upon that ground. Our
mncipal argument is- that tiiis Goverment
tas no right to grant charters of incorporation,
for any purpose. Now, we contend that
Congress has no right to do that indirectly,
which it lias not the power to do directly. If
it cannot imurporate a Bank fora given pur
pose, it cannot by law, use a similar corpora
tion created by another distinct government
for the'identical same object. Let me illus
trate the idea. We say, and so says the Ex
ecutive, you cannot establish a Bank in Phil
adelphia, or any where else, for the purpose
of collecting and disbursing your revenue —
Why? because,, by the Constitution, you
have no right to create charters, uf incorpora
tion; But here we part with the Executive
and find'it on the other side ofthe question
maintaining, that, by law, you may take a
Bank already incorporated to your hands, by
the independent authority of Pennsylvania,
for (he purpose of collecting and disbursing
your revenue. Now; how can tiiis bo recon
died? Is not this accomplishing, by indi
rection, that which it is acknowledged cannot
be done by direct : legislation ? Tire law
which enacts that the charter of a State Bank,
already cut aud prepared, shall he held and
taken as tlte authority of tho Federal Govern
ment for the performance of certuin ants, or
more properly speaking,, for executing some
of its constitutiunul powers, cannot possibly,
in principle, differ from a law -hat should
create u charter of its own.. The people of
this couutry surely do not so lack discernment
as to be made to believe there is any differ
ence. -Let tlie collectors of the revenue-de-
pusite the public mouey where they please,
holding them responsible for it, and, perhaps,
as uge'nts, the Slate Banks may effectually
answer the purpose; but do not let the Gov
ernment so fold its arms around them as to
make theiti political machines. But, sir, we
are (old, and, indeed, we urc in the midst, of
the very fact, that the United States Batik and
its twenty-four branches, are incompetent to
the fiscaloperttfioiisof tlie Government. Not
from inability,'either mental or pecuniary, for
experience, the bust of witnesses, gives a flat
contradiction to thut. idea, but because its
greut monied power is dangerous to the- liber
ties of the country. -Now, although this is
not a sound argument against its capacity, to
perform the fiscal function of the-treasury, yet.
it will.be udmitted to be a very sound argu
ment ngains*.connecting it with the Govern
ment & applies with as much force against one
Bunk as aa other,'against forty little monsters
the present number in use, as ouc big-one
with twenty-four whelps,
The object of my colleague’s resolution is to
inquire, and merely to inquire, whether there
is no plan by whiuh we may escape from the
clutches of either. Whet Iter it is not possible
to divorce the Treasury Department from ail
eonncctipn with the Banking system; thut
system tltat controls tlte great monied power
oftliis vast qouhtry, and which is sni-1 to liuve
so'dangorous un influence over the liberties of
tho country. And, sir, this inquiry becomes
a matter of still deeper interest when it is re
membered that one ofthe main reasons for
removing the public deposites was fit.) discov
ery that tlie United States Bank was opposed
Ip the “ Government," and lmd actually inter
fered in its elections. -Now admit this, is
there no danger from a similar interference
on the part of this great monied influence,
though wielded in another form? Grant tltat
it tnay not lie opposed to the Government, (I
use the-word iu its modem signification) may
irpotb.i iu favor of the Government, nnd I
put it to tho candor of genliemen'tosav, which
is the’ most dangerous of the two? Recollect
that goverumeut in any sense is a monstrous
power, ami lias oftener overt brown tho liber
ties ofthe people than any -other ono cause
that has ever effected that object. It is as
much to be watched as any other power.—
Now is it not safet;, for tlie liberties of tho peo
ple,that two great powers shoitld contend a
against each other, lhau that they should bo
united in the same cause, and for a common
object? Let us throw our view some fifty
years ahead of the times, anil this a states
man should do, in order to get out of the mis
erable web of party feelings, selfish aims, and
ambitious projects, with which he Buds him
self entangled, nud make tlte cool' nnd na:
lional inquiry, whether the liberties oftlio peo
pie and the inestimable privilege of the elec
five franchise, would not bp in ttijro .danger
from having tlie great monied power ofthe
country nnuer the entire control ofthe. Exec
utive branch of the Government, than if it
was actually opposed to it?
-While theso two great powers are warrhtg
against each oilier, the people will look on
and if they have the capacity of self-govern
ment, which is so readily accorded to them
by all, surplv they will he aole to control that
power which seems most opposed to tlteir
rights. Not so if they ate united; they will
present a force wholly irresistible, find which
no moral energy can withstund. Now, sir
the purpose of the resolution, is. not to here
inquire whether the State Ranks will answer
better the objects of the Government than the
United States Bank, but whether we cannot
do without the Banking system altogether, ti
have it neither for nor against the Govern
ment: to have it intermeddled with the elec
tions, neither for nor against the office hold
ers—to have no communion with the monster
in any shape, either as pets or beasts of prey.
If the power of money cannot be -trusted in
one shape, it is idle to suppose that it can in
another. You may think you. have cltuined
il to a post, around which it is obliged to beat
its path like a tame bcar.or you may think yon
have drawn its teeth, by taking the little State
Banks fof your purpose; yet, depend upon it,
a bundle of rods will hurt fully as bad as a
mdgel of the same size, and though they
may not bruise yet they will as effectually
sting you to death. Then, sir, upon the con
stitutional, as well as the questiun of expedi
ency, growing out'of tho dangerous conse
quences uf connecting the Banking System
witlt the Government, iu any shape, it would
appear that the inquiry sought by theresolu
tiun was of the first importance.
^ After some remarks by Mr. Chielten, Mr;
Polk, Mr. Ewing and Mr. Allen.
Mr. S. JONES regretted that tho resolu-»
non had been brought forward at this time,
and hoped his colleague would withdraw it.---
It would.lead to no beneficial results, and was
calculated to renew tho discussion of a ques
tion which had. been moored for mouths du
ring the last session. The information sought
could be of no service, and if it could, it would
be found substantially in the supplemental
report ofthe Secretary of the Treasury.
But he rose not so much to oppose the reso
lution as to notice some observations which
had- been made by those supporting it. His
colleague seemed to suppose that, if wc could
employ the State Banks' as fiscal agents, we
necessarily had the right to create a Batik for
that purpose. He could not conceive by what
process of reasoning his colleague had b’rought
himself to that conclusion. The State Banks
had been created by the laws of the different
States iit the exercise of their rightful and
constitutional powers. Congress had nothing
to do with, and cpuld not'judge ofthe consti
tutionality of those institutions. Wo find
them in existence, and the only, question for
us to determine in regard to them is, whether
we will use them as fiscal ugents. for the col
lection and disbursement of the revenue ofthe
United States.. It is distinct . front the ques
tion, whether we. will create a Bank to act as
a fiscal agent; and is -entirely unconnected
with and independent of it. The Secretary
ofthe Treasury'is the fiscal officer ofthe U-.
nited States, and with him rests the discre--
tion and responsibility of'plaeing the public-
money in what depository he pleases. Con- .
gress has the power to direct in what places it'
shall be deposited, and upon what terms and
conditions; but in the absence of all law upon
this subject, the Secretary of the Treasury
must exercise his own responsibility. And
lie would assure his colleague that he would
at any time join him in limiting the discretion
of that office,- in passing a law which shall
point out where the public moriey shall be
deposited, and the 'terms and conditions on
which the deposites shall be made. And, sir,
both the gentlemen (Mr: Clayton and Mr.
Ewing) seem to have fallen imo another mis
take : they contend that.by the establishment
of State Banks an attempt hits been made by
tho States to regulate the currency ; and we-
are told this belongs to Congress and. not to-
the States. Never was there a greater errot-
Congrcss has the right to coin money, and
regulate tlte value thereof. So far then from
the Bunks regulating the currency, the value
and currency of bank notes are regulated by
the value ofthe coin. For, if any bank does
not pay Us notes in specie, they must necessa
rily depreciate, and may become'entirely val
ueless. . The State Banks then cannot regu
late the currency, r,or can the Secretary of
tlie Treasury, in selecting any of them as de
positories of the public money, regulate tho
currency, nor can Cungrcss, tty auy law ia
regard to it, regulate the currency.
This government is and ought to be a hand
money government- It wns so until Con
gress, in chartering tlie Bank ofthe United
suites, authorised the payment of debts]to tlie
United States, to-be paid in its bills, and it
will be so again as soon as that charter ex-
tires. Congress may make, such provision
n favor of the slate Banks, but never with
his consent. No, sir, let tlie dues to this Go
vernment' be payable in gold and silver. -1
was opposed to any law which shall authorise
the bills of any Bank to be receivable in pay
ment of debts to the Government. Congress
may go further, and say .no bill of any Bank
shall be received in payment. But this would
be useless. None will be taken unless it cao
be redeemed in gold and silver; and while a
bank is able & willing to redeem its billsingold
and silver, you may prevent their payment
to tho Government, but you cannot by any.
law prevent the people from taking them.
Nay, more. Though you may require
your collectors to demand gold and .‘silver, in
payment, you cannot prevent the people from
calling on those very banks for the gold and sil
ver, imo which it w ill be again deposited by
tile collector, so soon as it is received. And to
save all ihis trouble, the importer will deposite
•he bills in the-bank, for which it is bound to
pay him specie, and be will take to the collec
tor a certificate^ of the cashier that his check
will be paid in gold and silver.
You may also prevent the State Banks
front being made tlie depositories ofthe publio
.money. But this so far from proving a ben
efit, \yill prove an expense, useless and un
necessary.- You mu8t erect buildings suitable
for such depositories, and you must employ
guards to protect them. All this expense
may be. saved by foe employment of State
Banks. If they will answer all the purposes
of tlte Government as fiscal agents, there will
be no necessity for a Bank of the United
States'. It will not then bo a necessary nnd
proper moans for carrying into effect nny
of the powers granted by the constitution, and
not being necessary, it canuot even be preten
ded to be constitutional.
Mr. McKIM said, as -it was evident tltat
all the information sought for was contained
in the document already before-us, he would
move to lay tlte resolution on the table.
Mt. GAMBLE called for the yeas and nays,
which were ordered.
Mr. E. WHITTLESEY moved that tlie
House proceed to the orders ofthe day, which
was negatived.
Tlte question was then taken on laying the
resolution on tho table, nqd determined in the
affirmative: yeas 106, nays 97. as follows :i.
YEAS.-—Messrs. John Adams, Ilemau
Allen, Wfiliam Allen, Anthony, Banks,
Bean, Blair, Bockce, Boon, Bouldtn, Brown,
Bunch, Burns, Bynum, Cambreleng, Carr,
Cussy, Chinn, Snm. Clark, Wm. Clark,
Clay, Coulter, Cramer, Day Dickerson, Fer
ris, Fillmore, Fowler, Philo C. Fuller, Wm.
K. Fuller, Fulton, Gillct, Joseph Hall, Hi>
land Hall, Halsey, Hamer, Joseph M. Harp
er, Hitrrisou, Hathaway, Hawes, Hozletinej
Henderson, Hoistcr, Howell, Hubbard, Hunt
ington, Janes, Richard M. Johnson, N. Johns
son, H. Johnson, Seaborn Jones, Benjamin
Jones, Kavanaugh, Kilgore, Kinnard, Lane,
Ladsing, Laporle, Lay, Luke Lea, Thomas
Lee, Loynll, Luras, Lytle, Abijah Mann,
Manning, M. Mason, May, Mclntire, McKay,
McKim, McLene, McVcnn, Miller, Robert
Mitchell, Morgau, Mnrphy, Osgood, Parker,
Patterson, Pierce, Polk,* Pope, Reynolds,
Scheneck, Schley, W. B. Shepherd, Augus
tine H. Sheppercd, Shirin, Smith, Standifer,
Stewart, W. Taylor, Thomson, Turner, Tur
riff, Van Houten, Waaener, Ward, Wardweil.
Wayne, Webster, Wilson,—106.
NAYS.—Messrs. John Quincy Adams,
John J. Allen, Chilton Allan, Archer, Ashley,
Barber, Barringer, Bates, Baylies, Beaty,
Binney, Briggs, Buff, Burd, Burges, Cage,
Chilton, Claiborne, Clayton, Clowney, Cor
win, Crane,.Crockett, Darlington, Davis, Das.
vonport, Deberry, Danny, Dickerson, Evans*
E. Everett, Ewing, Felder, Foster, Gamble,,
Garland, Gordon, Gorham, Graham, Gren-
noll, Griffin, Hurdiq, James Harper, Heath,
Ebenezer Jackson, Wm. Cost Johnson, King,
Letcher, Lewis, Lincoln, Love, Lvon, Mur-,
findale, Marshall, Murdis, J»hn Y. Mason,
McCarty, McKentmn, Mercer Milligan, Min
er, Moore, Patton, Philips, Pickens, Pottr,