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V
r. Toombs,
i m Vtofte * flulS OMfNMftflMl Btotrtet
Tbt position iawbiofaotr State haabecn placed
toward* the General Government bv the late Proc
lamation of Go*. Towm, makes it*my daty to ad*
dram you in relation to the recent legislation of
Congress, to which Resistsnoe is proposed and a
▼ocated. 19m opposed losach resistance, ant
invite year attention to my reasons for that oppo-
altien: My own action upon that legislation has
fctofii recklessly and virulently assailed, and §ys-
'tetnaOca% t.arepresoutui by aomo of those who
am opposed to it. I must thereforo ask your in
dulgence for s brief exposition of that action
More proceeding to the statement of the measures
ieferr«Mi to, Hu principle* upon w.ich they «.
based, and my answer to the objections urged ►
gainst them. Tlia} policy of the last Legislator
upon the subject of out Federal relations has der|
Iv endangered the honor and perhaps the safety <
too State. The late Proclamation of the Governor
professing to he in accordance with that policy, ha*
placed our State in a defile where we ran neither
turn to the right hand or to the left, where it is im
possible to advance with safety, anrl rlifficnlt tore-
treat with honor. In the present emergency, our
true policy is to select one of two courses; wc must
either repudiate the action of tho Legislature and
Gov. Towns, or ann our people lor Resistance to
the Laws of tin) Laud and a Dissolution of the
Union. I am in favor of the first and against the
last alternative; because I believe there is nothing
in those laws which demands or would justify that
resistance. As I am not unfroqucntly quoted as
authority in lavorof such resists nee, I will her.
revstate my own position. When Congress met la«t
December I found tliere was a strong, and nearly
unanimous disposition on the part of the Northern
Whig members to interpolate tho old Whig creed
with Free Soil opinions. The aamo disposition
stronglv manifested itself also among the Northern
Democrats, though not to tho same extent. Four
years experience in Congress had taught me tho
importance of the organization of tho House to tho
success or defeat ol public measures. After a
free, full and unsatisfactory conference in caucus
with the Northern Whigs, I determined not to eo-
Operate with them in the election ot Kjieaker with
out seme security upon the slavery question. I
found them, with but few exceptions, pledged to
ingraft the Wilmot proviso upon the territorial hills
for the government of New Mexico and Utah, and
to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. I
therefore submitted to the caucus tho following
resolution, to wit:
“Resolved, That Congress ought to pax* no law al*»1-
inhing slavery in the District ot Columbia, or any law
prohibiting it in any of tbs territories of the U. Staten.'*
The resolution was promptly rejected, and i, to
gether with those who acted with me, ns promptly
withdrew from tho caucus, and resisted, by all
means in onr power, the election of its nominee,
Mr. Winthrop. The struggle for the Speakership
resulted In tho election of one of your own Repre
sentatives, Mr. Cobb, whoso able and efilciout ad
ministration of its duties has been highly honora-
rablo to himself and beneficial to you. The con
test for the organisation of the Home was marked
by strong sectional feelings and angry and exci
ted debates. In one of those debates which at
tracted a good deal of public attention, I declared
myself in favor of a dissolution of the Union
if Congress applied the proviso to the territories,
or abolished slavery in tno District of Columbia,
or refused efficient legislation for the recovery ol
fugitive slaves. In March I received, through
Gov.Towns, the resolutions passed by tho I»cj»i*-
luturc of Georgia, declaring it to be tho duty of
the people to resist the Federal Government upon
the three grounds just mentioned, and also for the
additional ono of tho admission of California into
the Union ns a Siato. I immediately replied to
to these resolutions, adhered to my own grounds of
resistance, and refused to sanction the additional
ground assumed by the Legislature, and declared
my determination to opposo any resistance by tho
Btato on account of tno admission of California.
On the 37th of February, I delivered a speech in
tho House of Representatives, in which the rela
tion of tho Federal Government to slavery, and es
pecially to slavery iu the territories, was carefully
and elaborately examined, and iu that Hpcccli I
distinctly laid down the principle that “The first
act of legislative hostility is the proper point of
Southern resistance.” 1 urged the youth “tostand
by tiio Constitution and tho laws, to observe in
good faith all of their reuuiromonts until the wrong
is consummated, until the act of exclusion is put
it]>on thr. statue hooks.'* I held that while non-in
tervention was not the moaauro of our rights,
“hostile legislation was the point of resistance,”
and maintained that wherevor, this principle was
violated, it was "not only tho right but the duty of
the slaveholding States to resmno tho powers
which they liavo conferred upon this Government,
and to seek new safe-guards for their future secu
rity.” These are tho principles upon which I act
ed throughout the session. Garbled extracts from
Home speeches I made in support of them, distort
ed, interpolated, inaccurate ext met s from others,
luivc been fraudulently applied to holster up causes
for resistance which I openly repudiated, and to
convict me of inconsistency. The past in safe,
there stands the record. In the Whig caucus, at
the opening of Congress; In my speech in Doccin-
l»er; in my speech in February ; in my letter to
Gov. Towns in March, I affirmed my own grounds
of resistance to tho Government, of disunion, to ho
these three: 1st. The abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia ; 'id. The prohibition of
slavery by Cougroas in tho territories; 3d. The
refusal of a fair measure for the delivery of fugi
tive slaves. I took no othor; I advocated no oth
er grounds of resistance; I did not abandon or
compromise one jnt or tittle of them to include the
errors ami follies of Southern men, or diminish
them to conciliate the hostility of Northern men ;
] stood by them and they are not violated by tho
legislation which I am shout to review. Tho fu
gitive slave bill, which I doumideJ was granted ;
it was satisfactory to the whole South, and receiv
ed tho votes of every ono of tho members in both
Houses of Congress. The abolition of slavery in
the District and tho prohibition of it in the terri
tories, the two other measures which 1 stood
pledged to resist, wore defeated, crushed and aban
doned. A series of measures for the pacification
of onr territorial difficulties, was adopted, the basis
of which I proposed as early as February, and was
ready at any time during the whole Congress to
accept,yet I am reproached for not giving "aid and
comfort” to a factioq^ foolish, and untenable re
sistance to the government for legislation which
1 have uniformly held and public y declared to t*
neither a just nor sufficient cause for such resist
ance. I have refused first, last, and all the time,
to endorse this California rebellion; it has no claims
upon me; I am and ever havo been its enemy;
and shall give it nothing but the rights of war.
Congress passed four bills in relation to tho ter
ritory acquired from Mexico. A bill to admit Cali
fornia into tho Union. A bill to settle the boun
dary between Texas and Now Mexico; and bills
establishing territorial governments both for New
Mexico and Utah. By them, in my opinion, the
government has not performed its whole duty to
us; bytipttithc South may not have secured all
of her just rights; but she has firmly established
great and important principles, and she h&s com
promised no right, surrendered no principle, lost
not an inch of ground in this great contest. SI10
stands as free and untrammelled to assert any
just right in relation to the common territories, as
she did before tire bills for tho establishment of
governments over them were passed—with the ad
vantage at least of having recovered the princi-
‘1 unwisely surrendered in 1830. The defeat
khese bills would have lost that advantage, and
osould in no respect have left any right of the
'South on any better footing titan that upon which
it now stands. The memorable controversy be
tween tho North and tho South in 1819 and 1820,
although it resulted in the exercise of the power
to prohibit slavery in a portion of the territories
of the United States, did not originate in a ques
tion of territorial government. Missouri present
ed to Congress a constitution sanctioning slavery,
the North asserted the power not only to prohibit
slavery in the territories, but to plant a perpetual
prohibition of it in tho constitution of a State reg
ularly asking admission into the Union. The
South opposed the restriction and based her oppo
sition to it upon the true constitutional ground—
that Congress had no other control over the consti-
tntion of a State seeking admission into the
Union, than to see that its constitution shall estab
lish for it a republican form of government. Tho
struggle was violent and protracted; the Republic
was shaken to its foundations, and wise, and
good, and patriotic roeu believed its hour of disso-
lotion had come. In au evil hour the South
bought this clear, plain, and palpable constitution
al right for Missouri, only at a great price, a price
that ought not to have been paid, a price worth
from the limbs of her young sister, with the sword,
the fetters which tho North sought unjustly to im
pose upon them, the South ransomed her hy al
lowing slavey to be prohibited in all tlmt part of
the Louisiana territory lying north of the parallel
of 36 deg. 30 min. north latitude, and west of
Missouri. This great principle thus compromis
ed away in 1830, has been rescued, re-established,
and again firmly planted in our political system
hy the recent action of Congress. It is provided
in the territorial bills, both wrNcw Mexico and
Utah, that each of these territories, when propos
ed for admission into the Union, shall come into
the Union with or without slavery, ns the people
inhabiting them may determine for themselves.
Both of these territories extend north to tho42d
deg. parallel of north latitude, and thus the Mis
souri line is carried up to that point, and five and
a half degrees of latitude is .w.iic iumi :
prohibition of slavery, which he application*
the Missouri Compromise would have imposed u|
on it.
The Texas boundary question was complicated
and full of difficulties ; she claimed a vast terri
tory, much of which no Texan ever explored, ex
tending up to the 42d parallel of north latitude.
Ilcr title was purely technical. She had never
conquered it, nor bought it, nor possessed it. She
had not acquired hy any of the ordinary modes of
acquiring properly or dominion over people or
countries. She made herself a title hy act of her
own Legislature, our government acquiesced in it,
maintained it hy the sword, and finally became es
topped from disputing its validity. Much of it
wan inhabited by an ignorant, imbecile, half-civil
ized mixed race, hostile to, and despised hy the
Texans. These people claimed to he entitled to
protection against the rights of Texas under the
treaty of Guadalupo Hidalgo; the pretension in
my judgment was ill-founded, hut it iiad numerous,
formidable and zealous supporters. Under this
state of facts the boundary hill was introduced
and passed, hy which Texas was offered ten mil
lions of dollars for a cession to the United States
of her right to the soil, and jurisdiction of a con
siderable portion of this country. If Texas nc-
cepts if, as I hope she will, tho contract will he
complete, and a difficult and dangerous question
will have been honorably adjusted. This meas
ure, so proper in itself, ho generous to Texas, so
necessary to the peace of the country, is violently
assailed by the malcontents, under the pretext that
.1 surrenders a vast number of acres ot slave n-
M'.ory to Ireesoil. 'rim complaint is without the
least foundation. It includes the ndmis-ion that
the country coded belongs to Texas, and is now
slave territory. I grant it; hut how does inclu
sion in the limits of tho territory of New .Mexico,
make it froesoil ? Tho grant is not accompanied
hy any prohibition of slavery, and there is no such
prohibition in the hill for the territorial government
of New Mexico. The Mexican laws against
slavery cannot affect it if it belongs to Texas, hut
tho Texas laws in favor of shivery can, and do
fix its character, and the transfer to the United
States will not alter it. But so far from the ob
jection being well founded, the South is the ac
tual gainer by the transfer. By one of the reso
lutions annexing Texas to the United Ntates, it is
stipulated that Texas may he divided into State s,
and it is expressly provided that slavery shall ho
forever prohibited in any such State as inay be
formed out of that part of Texas lying north of
86 deg. 30 min. But by coding that part of Texas
to New Mexico, it is placed under tlm law of that
tarritory, which, us I havo before shown, permits
it to come into tho Union with or without slavery,
as the people may determine; thus the prohibition
of slavery imposed by the compact of annexation
is removed,and the Wilmot Proviso, for the first
tiino in the history of our government, is actually
repealed. The South has, therefore, not only re
covered the great principle compromised away in
1820, hut she has placet) under its just operation a
tract of country nearly uh largo as South Cnro-
limi, iu which slavery was forever prohibited hy
the compact of Texan annexation. I do not say
that slavery will ever go there, hut I do assert that
nil legnl impediments, both to its entry and contin
uance tliere, are removed, a great principle is sus
tained, and truth is vindicated hy the measure
complained of.
Another important consequence springs out of
this annexation of a part of Texas to the territory
of New Mexico; slavery is established hy the mu
nicipal laws of Texas, the country ceded hy
her retains this municipal law’, it contains nearly
the whole of Ilio civilized inhabitants ol llio terri
tory. lilt hat large portion of California, which
ia now embraced within the limits of the territo
rial government of New Mexico, it h believed
there does not reside a single civilized man of any
nation or colony ; the extensive valley of the Col
orado which it supposed to be the most valuable
for agricultural purposes, of all the country ac
quired from Mexico, has not even been explored,
there never was any organized Mexican govern
ment established over it ; therefore, admitting the
Mexican law against slavery to obtain <b jure in
that extensive country, a different law prevails in
tho civilized portions ceded hy Texas. The two
different laws upon the same subject cannot cm t
in the name territory of the United States. In
this coiiffictof laws the law ol the civilized must
prevail over the law of the savage portion ol the
inhabitants, lienee the municipal law of Mexico
existing ut tho time of the conquest over that por
tion of the country occupied hy savages, must
give way to the municipal I iws of Texas us exist
ing at the I i mo of the cession over the civilized
portion. Besides, the constitution and laws of tho
United States not totally inapplicable, me extend
ed over tho wliolo territory, am! there is a seeti >n
in tho New Mexican territorial hill declaring that
no citizen of the United States in said territory
.shall bo deprived of his life, his liberty or Ins prop
erty, except by tho judgment of his peers and the
laws of tho land. These art* the main lea tines in
the territorial bills having any relation to slavery.
Utah is inhabited by that singular and remarka
ble poople called Mormons; the form of govern
ment presented by them to Congress was silent
upon the subject of African slavery, but it is tin-
derstood t! at it already exists among them and is
protected hy llioir laws. Under this state ol facts,
and because these provisions were in the territori
al bills, and because prohibitory provisions were
were not in them 1 voted for them. They may
remove all legal impediments to the introduction
and enjoyment of slave property in the territories.
1 believe such will be tho effect of the lulls in the
territory of Now Mexico, which embraces a much
greater portion of the acquisition, both in extent
and value, than lies South of 36 deg. 30 min., and
thereforo taken alone is a better division for us
ihau the Missouri Compromise line. It will lie
tho effect iu both New Mexico and Utah, if there
be one particle of truth in the constitutional opin
ions of those who have, for two years past made
war on me for demanding legislation, and who
have heretofore domed ami still deny the existence
and validity of any Mexican law against slavery.
Evenllioiigh such may be the effect of these hills
I preferred a direct repeal of the Mexican law,
and direct legislation for the protection and safety
of slave property in the territories, and voted for
and endeavored to obtain such legislation. 1 pre
ferred it because it would have been an open,
direct and practical assertion of our rights to legal
protection, and tho duly of the Federal Governin' ut
to give that protection to our slave property wher
ever its jurisdiction was exclusive and paramount.
It would have removed all doubts and quieted all
fears upon the subject. It would have condemned
and repudiated that political heresy called non
intervention, where adoption hy the South will for
ever settle tho question of slavery extension
against her, and will finally achieve the bloody ex
odus of slavery itself from its present limits. Seme
well meaning and patriotic men tell us to cling to
non-intervention ns our only safety, because, it
we concede the power of Congress to legislate
for our protection, it will legislate lor the destruc
tion of our property. If this ho true those who
arc now for secession arc right, and tmgla to se
cede. We are invited to commit the gigantic fol
ly of discharging our government Iron the duly
of protecting us m the enjoyment of our property,
which was the main object of its creation, ami ren
der our system almost the only one for it* continu
ance,because unless we do, it will destroy it. 1 have
never heard a better reason given tor a revolution
in any age nr country. It admits that the govern
ment is incapable of discharging the first and
highest duty of every political system. This ad
mitted incapacity ol 1 he government to discharge
the duty of protection to the citizen, if true, abro
gates tno obligation of allegiance, and makes rev
olution a duty. But 1 hold that this assumption is
not yet proven, and we should continue to admit
the right to legislate tor our protection and to de
mand its exercise whenever and wherever neces
sary, untill it shall be used against us, then it will
w _ 1 • ■ - bj time to protect ourselves. We, together with
mors to her than the Union. Instead of striking the rest of the people of the United {States, pay ut
least thirty millions for the protection of the prop
erty of the people ; we spend ten millions per an
num for a navy, to watch it and protect it from ev
ery danger in every era; we spend nearly ten
millions more for an army to be used for the same
purpose; we spend other ten millions in sending
Ministers and commercial agents all over the
world, and in other incidental charges incurred
for its security and # protection, yet we are told
that of all the items of material wealth owned and
possessed by our people, that slaves alone, which
are greater in value than all the rest besides that
we possess, shall bo put out of the protection of
the laws, and under the law of the Republic. The
reason given for this is as fanciful and absurd as
tho position is unsound.
It i« said to lie licrnusc it i* a “ peculiar” institution.
The framer* of the Constitution drew a different con
clusion from this quality. ft was liable, from it* char
acter, to peculiar danger*, ami therefore they surrounded
it with peculiar safeguards. Because slaves were liable
to run away into free State*, the Constitution required
them to he delivered up to the owner, and Congress has
legislated to carry out that provision. Because it wan
liable to the danger of insurrection, the constitution pro-
vbfed for the KuppresMon #.f insurrection, and Congr#-*.*
hn« already legislated appropriately to call upon every
citizen of the United States, liable to hear arm-, tore,
fiel ihi*danger. 1 l iving provided then, special and ap
propriate safeguards again*! these peculiar dancers in
all other respects, the ruriMiliilion left it precisely upon
mating ns nil other property in or out of the
Mate*, nnd the want of ftnwrr in Con^re** to legiMlnte
against it, even in tlie Staten, does riot arise from nnv
peculiarity in slave property ; it i* equally tm • of all
other property; hor-es and hales <>f are a« much
exempt'from »uch hostile legislation as slave*, and their
exemption ih leased on the same principle. Tliere fore
non-intervention is no more a correct principle, as ap
plied to slavery, than to any other species of property,
nnd ih wholly untenable nnd destructive to the rights
of all property. But it is Hn id that non-intervention
has ulreadv licen the doctrine and policy of ih- South.
,. idea result* from a total ini* conception of our pn«l
hc-tory. In nil of our former acquisition*, except Ore-
gon, slavery was expressly prohibited hy lew when we
-pured them ; therefore we had no need of any K-i^
lion lo'-ciire our equal enjoyment of them; we had
Jy to resist lionife legislation to secure our rights. In
“ no law upon the subject, we resisted
'll" I'-'-'i’ Inlinti, mi'! wcr'i oirlluM.
f )reg
tvaihngly
I he
r 'l'»fi
where 1 her
M-
d the first
—. - ry, upon whieh the
direct qti-stion arose of the and duty of Cun-
to rejre.al it. T|,e doctrine, a* now applied, i* hut
year* old. Gen. Casa, the |» r , idential canvas*
of 1848, finding himself emhurraswd |,y the conflicting
opinion* nnd feelings of the country n; on the que; lion,
ser/.ed uponinm-intervcn'inri a* a hfe-hoat in the 1. ,hl’
lent storm of a Presidential canvas*, ft i* worthy of
remark that he held that legislation wsim necessary to
our entry and enjoyment of our property in the country,
that the laws of Mexico exetuded ii«, hut denied tho
power in Congrc** to remove them ; In* Southern friends
took a* much of the heresy a* they could curry, and held
that if there were any Midi law* they were void under
onr constitution,and united with General Ca«s m deny,
mg the power to remove. Its friend* must therefore re.
Mriri “ nhvnys” lolwn jvnru. Tlii« \v». il,r hi-irimiiw,
and I hnpo it will hu (tie and of tins dangerous heresy;
except hy sortie half dozen Southern men, it was iinati-
ttnoimly repudiated hy the whole South in both hmncheH
of Congress during the late se-sinn. Its next nptwar-
auce wilt he from the North. We hrnl ns well r ling m
a mill stone about onr neck*, for safety, amid the hound-
lesH waste of bottomless waters, ns to this doctrine of
non-intervention for an anchor of safety to our ninvu
pro|*erty. This doctrine of non-intervention deprived
•f all hope of procuring a direct repeal of the Mni-
laws. In oiler mewls these territorial hill* were
only unobjectionable, hut highly durable to me;
they dctiiutided no concession from tie) South, violated
principle,and left us untrammelled in the future;
upon my * vvn principles, by them, Cnmrre*s vva* dis
charging n large measure of its duty, hut not it* whole
•Inly. The question presented to me on their passage
was, whether I should n' cept them, when, upon my
principles, they seemed a large [mrliori at least of your
riclitx. and according unite opinion of a majority of the
South, secured them all. or them. The qu»Mioii
w:ix it plain one to tin* ; I dill not hesitate, hill gave Ihcru
ready and active support The objections to mv course
in tins respect, are not only extraordinary in thcm*clve*,
blit still more so from the qilltrl< l ihev < tilin'.
The objections lielong exclusively, n* far 11* I know
• hem, to that class who have uniformly supported non
intervention, nnd who, for the last two years, have
wasted scores of ink in attempting to ileuionatrate nty
“ unsound ness on the slavery question,” for mainiain-
nig the right and duly of Congress to legi.lntc for our
protection 111 the territories. They have nhandoned their
errors hill not their ohjeet*; h< mg intent utsin the ruin
" fhe licpnhlie, they use truth or e, * r for its accom-
l»h.lmienl. as may best suit the exigencies of the lour.
II these neophytes nre honest in their eonversion they
may find nhiuid.iiit consolation in the fuel, lha! the prin
ciple is neither conceded, enniprnniillcd, nor endanger-
c l hv these hills, || is strengthened, not weakened hy
them, and will survive their present zeal and future
apostuey.
The admission of Calif- ruin into the Union s»eia* 1 >
bo the muster grievance of the day Tim la-1 le.i la-
lure of Georgia, according to Gov. Towns, declined it
sufficient cause for rr-iMiilire to the Ivdcral (hiveru-
meiil. I do not concur in this opinion, and so.ighl an
caily occasion afV*r its announcement hy tlm Icgi-iamie,
to explain my dt - ni from ii.ui the I. in i t..tT..vv ns,
to which I liavo he lore referred. My opinion lias un
dergone no change, and I am ready to redeem the pledge
then given to np|H»M'resistance of any sort In the gov-
eminent for;that cause. I nder the express power to
admit new States, the tidmisMou of California was
purely a qiiesiion oft 'ongrcssionil doeretion. Tho law
admitting her is a coiisiniitonal law, 1 a s>-d a< rordio *
to the prescribed forms, and hy virtue of the power
.. . .1 ... ('oogre.-N hy the constiiiiimn. It niav h- wise
* n t cpMttUticnnl law It infin Is no
- injury 011 the South, and. m my
to Is* resisted hy the South. Inl.ie
unwise, Imp 1
-light 1
« pinion
"I my discreiim
<-|Me
against the lull
■>ly |TMici|iul ri'iiMiiiH urn\ M Vlii-n-hml lin 11
net "I Cungre*s aiilhori/iii ( tlm people, mil.timing il
territory, to form a < ’me motion .m-l .m, , t a Si u. <,
eminent- This has been ih" iimal hut not tl ■ mi\
sal mle; ami vvInle admitting the light of t on.-i. ••
depart fioiii it, I adhered to p, | MC au>o I believ'd it
I that so important an m 1 as this sh a
hi* conducted according to law J.l
The title to nearly all Hi • land ol ihecmintiv was
the government. No plov tstoii hitV mg been made
large proe
• pllld 1 '
themselves mere tributaries to the superior energy
and industry of Yankeedotn.—Why even our axe
handles and brooms, for years and years past, have
been made in New England—brought here and
sold to a people who possess in the greatest abun
dance the materials for both at their very doors !
I/*t us learn to make our own axe handles and
brooms, instead of spouting about our ‘ chivalry!’
Let us to work and foster onr own manufactories
and foundries for making our own agricultural
implements, instead of casting cannon and gather
ing munitions of war, which are good only for kill
ing people, and will not feed and clothe even our
selves. Let us lay down railways of inter-com
munication with our Southern sea-ports, instead
of despatching armies to occupy New Mexico,
siezo California, or dam the Mississippi against
Ohio, and Indiana, and Pennsylvania. I/*f 11s
build up Charleston and Savannah, Mobile and
New Orleans, instead of battering down New
York and Boston, Philadelphia and Cazenovia.
Lot us educate our children here at home among
ourselves, where they will grow np men instead
of sending them North to he converted into up
start ///tug.*, who will come hack to us, babbling a
thousand nonsensical isms. Let. us, if vve nc/.vs
must go somewhere i:i the summer time as is t!
That Invitation.
One of the resofstioM adopted at the disunion maos
meeting at Macon, requested our Senators sod Repre
sentatives iu Congress, iu the event a Convention was
called by the Governor, to come home and address the
people on the great questions of the day. Well, the
boys are all at home and ready to take the field, but
who of them agrees with the meeting that invited
them to the great work ? Thus far no single man of
them has ventured to risk his reputation as u patriot
or man of sense hy endorsing, much less by openly
defending, the unhallowed cry for dissolution which in
that assembly drowned the voice of Mr. Stilf.s, when
he alluded to the stars and stripes which floated over
and shielded him amid the anarchy aud revolution of
a despotic foreign country-
There is something of meauiog in the views of our
Representatives. They were on the spot, saw and
heard all that was done, examined calmly and cau
tiously the movements and the motives of every assail
ant of our rights during the past eventful session of
Congress. Are they not us well qualified to judge of
tlie tendency of measures, end the sincerity of men at
the cnpitol, us are the little upstart orators and blazo-
fashion of t.i • Inter days, hto ih intlio tops ol our .
1 • , , , ■ • ‘ , : fiowt editors who are so industriously attempting to
own glorious mountain* to breathe an air pure and 3
vigorsting as any cv- r God breathed upon tin
world, or betake ns to the side of our own LoIn:v
sea-.shore where the orange and tlie myrtle make
the sky fragrant as Italian climes, instead of going
to Cape May and Free Niggerdom to get into rows
with insolent domestics. Let us pursue this j.o! -
cy, really and truly, in acts as well as words, tak
ing upon ourselves the self-denial in onr domesio
habits necessary to accomplish it Then sltal
* i-m South ’ blossom as the rose, and all our griev
nice he removed hy a remedy legal, constitutional,
and peaceful.”
COLUMBUS ENQUIRER.
UflKItTY : TIIE CONSTITUTION : UNION.
COLI/i)IDi;S—GLOJtGIAf:
TFKSliAY MORNl.NG, OCTOBER If*, 1850.
riiiuvnt
pruunty diRuotaium of Ut,
I l*MJHihilion wore inlaw intiu-
l.onN, \\ uli un list'll hnluiiittoii*, uiii|
llii'**- uuh-rlunalo t irrimMiuirt'M m ;v \,. r y in'ifavor.tl»:«*
roiiilitiuii for tlis inaiiiU'Muiici' ol sunul .infer ami .....
go\ 1‘riunaiit. .1.1. I’lii* houiuhirii'N • 1<*< l.1 r<'■ I hy t'nlii-ir-
ilia, lor lierwlf, were injildiciointly lurgi*. iiirlmlm-' re
mote iitul dlKcoiiijiTled t-.'llletiieilt*, HO|Mr.llei| hy l--niii
liable nixtttr.it Imiiii'Ik. an-1 |H rh.t|»> n -i h- - 11 • -i-t « a-
Hi'*, hy ili-Miiularily ol purMiilM, « nuts ami int.-u- t.s -
iNone ol'lhene rea-ntiM are Mviimml. ami txouhl'us w,-f|
warrant .>htMmrhii«eti* in reniNiing the lu x a. 1 fei r a.
I'ongre'* waived them* objection*, nnd had 11 right in
waive Ili—iil; and it ih not lobe ifenicd that there went
weighty reason* on the other side |d r |„. r adiui -ton.
She h i I a (lopulatioti of American citizottfliuiich beyond
the number ri'i|ui*ile for her itdni'Moii. M r |H*ople,
without any fault uf tlieim, hut on account of our disi-
greemciU* on the nlavcrv question, had been without
lawful government fur *eviul yea They were miI>.
jectud to an illegal ami iiiicoiiMiutitioital military
utmii.at the very moment when they unM n-c lei «t»-
file, and regular, and lawtul government. They hail
an undoubted right to throw oft that goverment, nod
w r-' rightfully entitled to u government ot law*, io*|e.-id
of military force. The remotene*?. of ('alitornm, the ex
Irtiorduiury Mate of thing* existing there, rcultoig from
the unprecedented daruverie* of gold ami the high rate
of waged, made tlx government hy I’ongrtutf tint only in-
convenient ami difficult, hot enormously expensive to
iih. The mixed diameter of the population from all
countries, inviting collision nnd hostility, augmented the
naresity for efficient ami regular government. In
weighing these reason*. Congress decided for her admis
sion, and i doubt not that the exel.iHiott of slavery by her
constitution had a great and perl up* controlling mffu-
euro, iu favor of her ndmi**ion, with the Northern mem-
hem. But they did not transcend their power*. It 1*
equally due to truth aud candor to say, that the controll
ing reason for resistance to tlmt not at the South, 1*
founded upon the sauta clause iu her constitution exclu
ding slavery. Tlmt reason ought not to have controlled
either |*arty, am! especially i* not a pist or soffit lent rea
son for opposing the law and resisting the Government.
I have already attempted to vindicate the rights of a
|H'opie forming a constitution tor adnii *1011 into the I n-
toil, to admit or exclude slavery at their own pleasure,
ami to prove that Congress li.t-l no other power over such
constitution i!ium presented, than to see that it 1* repub
lican. We demanded it and compromised it lor Missou
ri ; we have demanded it and secured H for New Mexi
co and Ftah We should ltd here toil because 11 is right;
Imt it i* expedient a* well a* right. One hundred and
fifty thousand American citizen*, on the distant shore*
of the Pacific Ocean, having met, hy their representa
tive-. to form a Constitution for them-elve*. have ad
judged it Ih'si, tinder their |teculiar circumstance*, for
their interest, their prosperity ami their happiness, to
pmhilm tlie iiitrodu''tion of slavery into tin tr new c< in-
nionwcitlih. It 1* their business, not our*. Whether
they have decided w isely or unw isely, it is not for us to
determine. We bate settled the question differently for
ourselves—it is not for them to disturb that judgment
itow or hereafter; both cases stand uj *n the same great
principle—the right of a free poople, in entering the fam
ily of American State-, to adopt such a form of Repub
lican government a-in their judgment will Ih*-i promote
their happiness and pcr|*elii;itc their prosperity. It we
are wise wo \v,|| J< fend rather than resist this birthright
of American freemen, so invaluable tons, so formidable
to the enemies of our property, our peace ami onr safety.
I am ready to rally with you lor the defence of this groat
principlo With no memory for |*»-t ditlereueeaol opin
ion, < a roles* of the future. 1 am ready to untie w it it any
pot tion, or all of nty countrymen, in defence ‘>f the in
tegrity of the Republic.
1 am. very respectfully.
Your obliged fellow citizen,
ROBERT TOOMBS.
Tho Meeting To-morrow.
'I ho friends of the Union and tho njipour-ntH of ull
revolutionary movements in the apjiro iching Conven
tion, will remember that mi to-viuvruio thuy are to
nsKoinblu at tho Court Ifnusr, preparatory to placing
their candidates in the field. Thin good old County
i* slamh red, every where, \vith tlm reproach that she
i* the only disunion portion of South-wealern Georgia.
Ih this reproach just ? If not, lot tho friend* of the
<fovrruinoiit aud the foca of faction go to work at once.
Meet lo-rucrrow, organize for tho content, got your
candidates in ill* field a* hooii ns possible, and stand
by them with a strength that will bear them through. <
Then if disunion comes, if secession is sustained, or
your intcrcHtH destroyed l»y nou-inlereourso ordinances,
yours will not he the fault.
(1 r The editors of this paper must lie permitted to
judge for themselves of what is “ entitled to a place
in it* columns," ami what is not. No man has ever
been assailed through the Enquirer without an oppor
tunity of defence, Imt we cun permit no one, to whom
we urn under no especial obligations, to keep up » per
sonal warfare of iiitcrimnahlo length mid eternal dura
tion. Tlm war lure alluded to, so far as this press is
concerned, is closed. When tho party interested per
sonally complain, we shall bo reudy to satisfy him of
tlm correctness of our course.
Who will aland up l
It is too late m*w fur our neighbor of tho Times even
to suppose tlmt wc will not stand up to the position
which we have assumed m the controversy tlmt is at
this moment exciting tic* people of Georgia. That
position was assumed and fearlessly maintained when
petty tyniu'K talked of personal vuih icc, and the toots
of political demagogues, scattered tiironglimit the
country, were Ini")' iu impressing on the public mu d
that we were unfriendly to the interest cf the very spot
of earth where we were born and raised, and Imp© to
die. In that hour, when those wlm were seeking to
destroy the* government were us insolent as they are
now humble, wc never faltered 111 our course, or quail
ed before the storm of falsehood nud slander which
was gathered hy interested leaders and poured, with
out measure or mercy, on our devoted heads In this
hour, then, when die storm is measurably limbed, and
our assailants conipi lied to seek safety by every shift
which running can so.* o ut, when the people, awaking
from tlicir false security, mid convinced at last that
tlie Union was in danger, liavo risen almost a* one
man, ami stand prepared and ready, with us, at the
coining election, tr.smutch tins good old Stale from tho
clutches of tlm disunionists, it would indeed bo a pretty
time of day to shrink from our position, and fuller iu
Well, to make a sliml story of a long, we shall
rlare pttr.mo the course which the good of the roiiutry
demands, let who will confront us 111 tho conflict. In
what does that good consist l Not iu a dissolution of
the Uni.mi ; not in a separation of Georgia from her
sister St lies ; not ill tho adoption of such uucuustilu-
linnal and ruinous mersnie* as must inevitably bring
iih in I'onllict with the general government, destroy our
commerce, and ruin the prices of our agricultural pro
ductions. Nmv our opinion is that the interests of the
sciithi ru people consists in nosueli disastrous policy, and
hence we h ,\e h.ittl d with wilut strength we could
against every thing that ("tided to establish it. And is
it very likely that \vn shall he nlrnid 111 future to stand
on the sumo foundation that has proved so linn in tho
past? Does any man, not partially maddened by tho
prospect of au overwhelming defeat, think for a mo
ment that >vc will be guilty of the folly of leuviug the
good ship which bus borne us on safely, to mount some
shattered bulk nlrcday reeling, at.d creak ng, and
ready to go dovvu ? No itidecd. Wo may have hern
guilty uf imprudences in our editorial career, hut such
conduct us that would discredit tho shrewdness of a
natural idiot.
Yes, wo shall stand upon tho ground iu this contro
versy that we have from the fust assumed—tlmt there
is nothing iu the admission of California that can jus
tify any Southern State to break oil* from the Union,
or otherwise resist tho regular action of the general
government
burn up the world in advance, for fear the clay of
judgment may bo too for ahead J It strikes us they
are. They, then, after battling for the South man
fully, have returned to their homes, and, although they
have not secured all they desired, are satisfied that
they have gained much, and that all will be lost by a
rupture. A small crowd at Macon invited them to
tho field, the great arm of Georgia will bear them
through the fight.
Standing alono.
It is now visible, without the uid of a political teles
cope, that our coternporariea of this immediate bailiwick
will have to take the best they can get, and probably
uot get that. As the Constitutionalist ver • ruly re-
rrrirks, one of them “ has got ahead of tho music, aud
will soon find himself disagreeably conspicuous aud
the other, so far ns our information extends, has as
yet made but indifferent progress in his work of “naked
secession,” and that other more perilous undertaking
of “ destroying the government hy making open war
upon it." At first we felt some uneasiness, and did
have our misgivings as to the result, not knowing ex
actly tho power of the assailant, or the strength of the
citadel. But now wo breathe freer, and indulge tho
hope that with the aid of tho people, tho temple of
freedom erected hy our ancestors may stand, for a sea-
son yet, even against the assaults of their sons. Ono
hy one their former coadjutors, in other parts of tho
Mate, ore giving way before the torrent of public in-
d tnntion, and soon our neighbors must do so like
wise, or
“ Feel like fieo who trend alone.
Some han>|iiet hall deserted/”
'I here is a long string of this poetry, somewhere,
equally applicable as tho above two lines, hut for the
life of us we nre unable to remember it. Tno sum
nnd substance, however, is that when a man has no
company he is apt to feel a little lonesome.
Who Leads 1
The prow** of South Carolina are beginning to speak
out. Tho leaders in that State thought that tlie peo
ple of Georgia were green enough to go ahead in the
foul work of destroying the government, and that the
chivalry hoys of tho Palmetto ilk could drop in at tlicir
leisure, and have glorious fun in the common ruin.
They were mistaken, and they now begin to find it
out. 'Pile cry is now that they have no faith in the
Nashville ('onvc-utioii, none in the Convention of Geor
gia, uud that South Carolina must take her own course
and break up tilings 011 her own hook. Wo thought
that Georgia, being tho empire State of tho South,
was to lead off’, and tho other little concerns like .Mis
sissippi, Alabama, South Carolina, and Florida, were
to follow, (laving a little Mato pride, aud some re
gard for the reputation of the South, we protect 1 gainst
our sister beyond the Savannah taking any hand in
this matter, until everybody else gHs through. We
know she is d* IrrmiiU'd, if she cun, to dissolve tho
Union, aud Georgia is determined if po*>*ible to pre
vent her. As this is, however, the empire State r.f
the South, wn insist that tho little greys shall wait fur
the word There is to he no getting ahead of tho
music. Th. chivalry, then, must stand with risers
dmrn — we forget the balance of the ffxins—and wait
until they hear the bugle blast from the Georgia Mute.
It n:uy be st me time before they hear it, hut still they
nmv boat it. Th»*r« is no telling!
OUR CORRESPONDENCE.
Letter from HarrU—The work goes bravely on!
PgosrECT, Harris county, Oct. 5th, 1850.
Editors Columbus Enquirer—
A secession meeting came off* at this place on last
Thursday night, gotten up by the disutiionisto, who
invited tho friends of the Union to meet them in free
discussion. They were met, and the meeting was or
ganized by calling Mr. John Miller to the Chair. Col.
T. Jour8 moved that a committee of five be appointed
by the chair to arrauge the order and time of tho
speakers. The committee withdrew, and iu a short
time reported four speakers—two on either side—and
40 minutes for each speaker. The discussion was au
animated aud enthusiastic defence of the principles
maintained by the two contending parties, and resulted
Fugitive Slav# Excitement
Baltimore, September 30, 1850.
Tlie arrival of officer Graham, of this city from
New-York, accompanied by Deputy Marshals
Talmadge and Brown, bringing with them tho
slave James Hamlet, has caused quite an excite
ment, and there is no doubt that it will Mend to
quiet much of tho agitation that stili exists at the
South, proving to them, beyond doubt, the effica
cy of the Fugitive Slave bill, in ennbling the
slave-holder to go in the Northern States and
bring home h s slaves, even though they have
been absent many years. The penalty applied to
the marshal's acts as a preventative to procrasti
nation.
The slave Hamlet is now deposited in Mr. Don
ovan’s slave jail, where he will remain a few
days, in order to allow his Northern friends an
». . opportunity to liny him out, at the price which his
complete triumph of truth over error—of the I owner is offered for him. Hamlet confesses that
sound conservative doctriues of the Union party over
wild and fanatical doctriues of the Disunionists. At
the close of the debate, the disunionists luiling to offer
any resolutions to bo adopted by the meeting, the Un
ion party offered for adoption the principles embraced
in the Macon resolutions, which were then read before
the meeting, aud adopted without u dissenting
voice.
All safe iu this quarter of Harris; plate “right side
up.” Ou tlie £”‘.h of November we will show the
tKfe . /.v the thing work*. Never give up the ship !
MANX OBSERVERS.
Letter from Early.
Early County, Ga.
Mkssrs. Editors: Wc have very little news
of importance lo re, sit.ee my last, except a draw
ing hack of the disunionists. 'They now go for
“nnii-intcrcourscthey are all Union men, and
they probably think by such trickery to get into
the Convention ; but tho Union boys are wide a-
wakc and duly sober.
Sometime since I saw published in tlie Abbeville
Banner. (Ala.) an account of a meeting held in
Coffee county, hy tlie disunionists, where they ad
journed to meet in Texas ! It was somewhat puz
zling to fome of us, how such an important assem
blage would be able to transfer themselves safe
and sound this side up with care, to such, a vast
distance. But recently seeing an account of an
other m< cling of the same kind, in the same place
(Coffee.) and upon expressing tny astonishment to
a Iriend, that it could take place in so short a time
supposing, as a matter of course, that (hey had
met in Texas and adjourned again to Coffee! he
expressed it iu this way. 'There is a small strip
of land lying between Florida and Aiabani t, which
i*- - not organized hy either State on account of the
line not having been run, audio which all out-laws
flock nsa kind of city of refuge, and is called “bit-
tic Trxas'* He suggests that it was to that Lit
tle Trxas that that august body adjourned 10 meet
in.
We have seen John Gill Shorter’s second edition
of his explanation of his speech to the negroes, near
Georgetown, and some ol us want to know how
scon lie will i-sue a third ? John had better stop
it for he makes bad worse every time he stirs it.
Yours, HNY WOODS.
he made his escape from Baltimore two years since
by jumping on the night burthen train when about
to leave here for Philadelphia, that hy laying
flat on the fop of the cars, he escaped the vigilance
of the conductors, und arrived in Philadelphia at
daylight next morning.
I learn that there is a party now at the North,
endeavoring to ferret out and arrest the slave Dou
glas, who has so often hurled falsehood and defi
ance at his master, and traduced and villili ’d the
character of the slave owners. Nothing has been
heard of him since tlie adjournment of the Fugi.
live Slave Convention. There are. also, known
to be several thousand fugitive slaves in Columbia,
Lancaster, Harrisburg, and Pittsburg, the owners
of several hundred of whom have already taken
steps f< r their recovery, and there will soon be a
great storm in that direction!.
Bedford, Fa., October 1, 1850.
f^Ten Virginian runaway slaves recently lost
their way on the ridge of the Alleglianies, eight
miles east of this place. They were discovered
that morning, and attacked by Pensylvania men.
One slave was mortally wounded, aud another
dangerously, and both were captured next morn
ing. Six of the outcasts, whose clothes were ve
ry rugged, from their frequent contact with hush
es and rocks, retired to a mountain hut, occupied
by a man and his wife. The woman supplied
them plentifully with garments,while tho husband
went to his neighbors, procured assistance, aud
captured the runaways, for which service he re-
n d a reward of .$250. Two of the negroes
r r -.ill hid away in tlie mountain?, but the Penn-
iv inia men who are eager for the rewards, are
s:! r them. The slaves state that they all subsist
ed on corn and apples during their travels.
Pittsburg, September 23, 1850.
The excitement increases among our colored
population in relation to tho fugitive slave law.
Nearly all the waiters in the hotels have fled to
Canada. Sunday, thirty fled; Monday, forty ; on
Tuesday, fifty ; on Wednesday, thirty ; and yp to
this time the number that has left will not fall
short of three hundred.
Letter from Merriwether.
Woodbury, Oct. 5th, 1?50.
I Messrs Editors; I cannot say like many of your c<
> give you an item.” “ rmr
11 epistle," but |
miration from
From the Mobile Advertiser.
LATER FROM CALIFORNIA.
„ By tl‘G arrival of the steamer Alabama, from
Cliaores, the Netv Orleans papers were put in poi.
session of fifteen days’ later news from California.
The Alabama left Chagres on tho tibili tilt.,in
company with tlie Georgia. Among her passen-
| gera we notice the name of Mr. A. C. .McKeen. of
iliis city, who has been some year and a lialf iu
tho gold digging*.
( Two millions of gold were received in Panama
: by the last steamer from San Francisco.
laM ] The troubles at Sacramento city, between the
hirb I squatters sitid the land claimants tinder Sutter’s
r<**|xiM.feri!s, “1 pror
| compliance with jour roquet w
h»Vt* only to suite that |terlmps 1
I tin* pkin- may interest your nnrn-rous readers.
! I find M'-rrmeiher miu-h healthier than it u
j year. I suppose tin.', i* owing to tlu: dry summer,
1 0,0!y' fll.Trive'rnl' fi.'Im!-r*' I, iv.7 e.1.1 liw'i'hnlTlieh rmp | '''fe’ were rffi-etually settled, and law and order
! will he one third-h..rier than last year. On s«mt' farms j prevailed, sheriff McKinney, in attempt-
ten acres | ing to arrest one of the squatters, was shot and
linglv fu- died almost instantly. The murderer had been
apprehended. Sacramento city was, for a short
i.-ited, the t
mike m
able, In
alrulate
I hale, hut ns the fall i
fined U» l»elieve their euMon crop, like
ieir corn, will he belter than they anticipate.
The ('oluiuhuH market I find is gaming ground in '
h*rriwether. •— yeral of tlie eiiizcns are preparing to lay J
»tin*it Mipphe* there, and were n not for tlie very hro-
•n road, li.e primqnl part of the cotton raised hero |
• uhl find a market in that city. When the eitizen* of !
oltjinhii.x |oiri with those of Merriwether,and construct |
plai.k road to Greenville, it will command nt once n i
will add greatly to it* prosperity, pr< vided, |
time, declared under martial law, but tlie military
had all been discharged.
I he news of the death of Gen. Tavlor created
a deep sensation at San Francisco. Funeral cer
emonies ol an imposing character were paid to his
memory.
The news from the mines is of a highly favor-
1 West Point plunk-road, I able character, and the miners are reported as do-
i we|! in N» m £o„ 9
ine running i“»mlfel w ah it. * > * rn recorded of the finding „f full pockets ami
Q'iiic a-ingulur ca-c occurred hero n lew day* ago—! large lumps of gold—one weighing as much as
nl'oot fifteen mmiih* ago, a Negro man belonging to Mr. \ forty pounds—ou tlie north fork of Feather river,
u \ , | T 1 , 7" : ‘ s ' 'rv 1 "' V ,n r '•"•uffimed ttstnall nee- i A thousand men arc :tt wotk on bar, and the aver-
'pu'iti. ""ll“ 'l!.T,-v.-r h"“a!n'c mu.Ti' 1 h..!!'.|" »<f® >’ 11 ' 111 of l* r ,la y is reported to bo
did not tad attending «o Uis ordinary business. At>ouljSl^*
two wei! since lie was seized with a \iolent cough, | Ii is still insisted that the quartz rock is rich in
minutes coughed up the long swnllo ' » •
V n (M ihiip* may
tl > -Id democratic
I high here
x York
ll S ll wo
Tui'fi Sorriu.KN Platform.—The Memphis
Enquirer constructs the following platform. It is
one upon which the South can erect her prosper
ity und independence ns a sure basis:
“ For ourselves we go heartily and cordially
for the policy indicated. It is one we have long
since urged to a very considerable extent, as a
im tsure of sectional independence and prosperity.
\Ye have been shamed and grieved to see the ex
tent to which our people have willing' nude
Tho reply to "which King," Ac.
> asked with winch brunch ol the N
i wc nffo.ntc. Il will Is* answer ci
ply to reply that ut this tiino wo nr
the movements in ill s State, and hu\o no
rclcri lice to wlmt is going oil elsewhere,
less is to affiliate with that portion of tho pco- ;
jrgia who have made it up in their minds that
m il uf the day shall not destroy the Union,
0 and prosperity of the country are
d to gratify a few ambitious leaders. ;
attended to tin* butimss, aud havo 1
f such a* desire to see tho good old *
eked, changed into despair and Lst nt j
ing, it may bo that wo will extend our
1 make the people of New York be*
Our authority i* more hmifed tiiau ,
ms of late to regard Ins own. If wo
four own Southern friend*, and there
have got that, we are content to let
v York, Whigs und Democrats, nt- i
business. Wo are not their guar- 1
diuiis, mid whilst mat.ers stand as they do in tin* re- ,
gion we shall turn our ulteution to our own homes !
und the homes of those among whom we live, with the i
hope and desire that we limy protect them from the
abolitionist* of nue section, and the secessionists of
the other. If our questioner is not answered In* must I
wait for a more specific reply until after the 25th of !
of November, when we will probably, havo an oppor-
taint y of looking beyond the little Southern confederacy, j
und remembering when the Union is safe, that tliero
such u little Mule as New York ut all.
i-li to hear a little nb<
••n«y. Barty-piiit i*
ilscngci', tin* people gcnti
tail lit ii I Rcpn-crnaiixes.
Util will t
t politic* i
SH:
i tin*
I j gold—that various companies are preparing, with
j their machines, for crushing tho rock and collect
ing tho gold. This report has been contradicted
•»>' prityite advices from a company of gentlemen
from this city, who tire on the ground with a ma
chine to crush the rock—but they had, with all
.1 f..
i tl..
rod that In
mt to be s .
slop of Mato wr
the general rojui
acquaintance at
can get the ear
s no mistake \i
the people of N
tend to their ow
stlie ( i
sadly l
lers nud de
Later from Europe.
Arrival if the Atlantic, at Xew- York.
Baltimore, Oct. ft, 10 A M
days
from Europe.
Th* Cotton Market at Liverpool, on tlie
wa*- quite tHjuyanl. und KfiOiHI hales sold, ut i
of "in? eighth during the last three days, \
,|,.(-fined I to 2d. per bushel. Flour had n!
cluicd
fid. pc
Mil.
m Tha Address of Mr. Toombs.
We give iu another place the address of tins able
aud distinguished representative of Georgia to Ins con
stituents of tho 8lh Congressional District. Ry gar
bled extracts from his speeches, and reported contents
we did not believe tho Governor J 0 f fetters kept from tho public eye, Ins opinions hav.
should have called tho Convention, und his
done so has induced us. us it has thousands of others,
to believe that there is more iu the inovs than nt pres
ent meets tho public eye. Tho whole matter is, how-
ovet, m the hands of the people, and it is their busi
ness and their duly to say what shall be tho future fute
ot themselves and their children. If they think a dis
solution of the Union desirable; if they think that
Georgia will make much of a Republic wheu slabbed
otf; if they think that the price of their cotton und
other commodities will bo enhanced by uon-iutercourse
laws, and blockade* m general of the Southern ports,
then they will of course scud such men to the Con
vention a* will bring about this beautiful state of af
fairs. But if ou the other liaud they detirc none of
these things, and looking to the geueiul prosperity of
the country, feel that it o ill be time enough to take the
last hazard uud go to the last extremity when actual
oppression drives us to the desperate deed, thou they
will seleel such delegates as will make short work of
the Convention, save the people's money, uud return
to their homes; men iu short that have yet sonic little
love for this glorious old confederacy, uud desire vet a
little while longer to see tho stars uud stripes float in
all their radiant beauty over the land of the free and
the home of the brave.
Our neighbor need give himself no uueasiucss about
our standing up to the positiou we have assumed. The
popular demonstrations everywhere, from the moun-
lams to the sea shore, tell us we are right. The quail
ing and shuffling of the disuniouiftt* ted up. in language
equally intelligible, that they are fast pinking under the
popular iudiguation. Stand then on your platform,
\ou who have assumed to control tho people of Geor
gia, aud at the elections iu November you shall see
that platform as empty as a prison when the culprits
have made their escape.
Imvmg | (,,-on misrepresented, aud his views of public policy
tortured to suit the purpose* of those who were anxi
ous to use hi* name and strength in u crusade agniust
the confederacy. He now speak* for himself, and tho
citizens of Georgia will be rejoiced to know that
whilst he ip a fast and firm friend of the South, he
utterly contemns every effort to destroy the Union.
Read tho address.
U’ Ou our first page will also be found an able and
interesting letter from the Hon. Wm. Tay lor, of Ran
dolph, which we commeud to the careful |>erusal of
every Georgian m this section, aud especially those of
his own |Hililical faith.
Tii- Win at crop, it was thought, would not turn out
a* well a* was expected, potatoes, on the contrary,
would Ih* much better than wa* anticipated.
Iu Scotland the crops were turning out well.
The India mail had arrived, which give die informa
tion tlmt the Tea market had opened nt Shanghie at
i Ins’ll price*.
J The Atlantic bronchi over 123 pas-engers, among
win m wa* J am**** Wutson Weld) und family, and Uot.
i llitchcork, of the I 3. A.
I In France, the Socialist of Blouse hud made an nt-
| tempi to induce the soldiers ol the 2d Kt-gnnonl ofln-
! fantrv to revolt, which was iiii'.uccesMul, trod the propo-
! sit ion wa* indignantly rejected.
Frotn Rome we learn that two decrees of Cardinal
! Ansomdh were unfavorably received, and pu;>er money
; had declined three per rent,
j Tlie ra;i*t army will consist of ]ft,(XX)men.
j Tho Tuscan Government had revived to grant
i 25,000 pound* on (h-mand of England for losses sustain-
| ed hy the British subjects during the occupation of Leg-
I horn.
The AiiKtrinn Government were «pnte indignant at
j IlaynauV treatment in England, and urges the King of
ilanover to interfere to aid the election ofHnsset iu or
der to gum absolute power.
Danish o|»*rationB hy sea still continue, a* also among
1 * the island* of tlie west const. In Schleswig nothing im
portant had occurred.
Still Later From Europe.
Baltimore, Orr It.
The l»r. steamer Furopa arrived at New-York at 9
o'clock ihi* morning, bringing advice* from Liverpool to
I the23ili ult.
| The l.ivtsnrooL Market.—Early in the week, the
Uotton Market wa* active, but dosed dull. The advi
ces fn m the United 8tatet, by ;!*. America, corrobora-
j ting those hy tlie Atlantic, caused the article to advance
fully an eighth of a penny, hut the speculation, demands
! fell oft. and tho prices receded, leaving quotations nt the
close of the week, nearly the same a« those of the prece
ding week. The sales amounted to 40,360 bale*, spec-
] ulator* and exporters took 18,000 Iwl-s, leaving the
f mainder to the trade. The importations exceeded the
. , I demand of spinners and exporters. The stock on hand
Lf A correspondent m Dekalb offers a reward of | isi.oui halev The (fi.mnmiee of Brokers quote
half cooked young swine, for auy information
to what become of the Stone Mountain Mass Meet
ing." Having heard nothing of the missing affair in
th : s section of tho country, we must refer ull enquiring
friend* to some other locality lor information. It was
rather too small au affair to be heard of this far from
home!
OJ*GgAi!AM*s Magazine for November, has been
received, containing two fine mezLOtiut engruvings,
a plate of fashions, aud the usual amount uf cuter-
tainiug literature, from some of the ablest writers in
the couutry.
LTGodev’s Lady’s Book for the same month has
also come to baud. The engraviugi are splendid, and
rarely if ever surpassed by auy magazine in America.
“ The Lord’s Prayer,” properly framed, deserves a
place in every christiau’s closet, and hi* 41 Book ” a
subscriber iu every lady’s parlor.
A C;i\x;,K of Position.—^36-30 or fight,"
has now been changed to “ 36-30 or flunk;’’ und
as they have not got 36-30,“ fthnk” is all that is
left of it.—ijrijfin Whig.
Uplands
The political new*
England and France are in a perfectly quiet state.
Denmark and the Duchies continue to Ik; disturbed, but
nothing definite I ad been done.
The National Assembly of France bad re I used the
immediate revision of the Uonstitution. The President
threatens to appeal to the people, and a eliunge of Min
ister* wa* unti< i|mted.
The report of Lord Howard having refused to dine
with the French Assembly is contradicted.
Prussia propose* to settle her difficulty with Hasce
Consol by arbitration.
New-York Market, Oct. 11.—Cotton has slight
ly declmi J to-day. and tlie market i* rather dull. 500
I lour and (train continue steady and
returns fronr
hale* only
unchanged.
Pennsylvania Election.—Furthe
this Slate show that the Whigs have tlm
Congressmen and gained one member of Assembly. Tlie
political complexion of ilie Senate is yet doubtful. The
Democrat* have elected their Canal Coiumisi4toer, Au
ditor General, Surveyor General and other important
State GllWrs.
Onto Elections.—The Democrats in this State, il
is lie lie ved have been successful in elec ting their Gover
nor, hut the Whig* it is thought, will set lire the la-ffi*-
latmv, and have c majority on joiut^bailot.—Charlatan
• r 4 - prospecting,” been unable to find any rock
entail,ing gold.
<>;i the first of September there were about 750
hips, harks, brigs and schooners in the port uf
: au Francisco, from every quarter uf the globe.
Land titles in California, granted by Mexico,
ion I congratulate j l ,ilVL ’been <-*'»tifirmc*d, through tho agency of Mr.
I find he Enqiiiicr j IjCtrhcr, tho American .Mint-.ter in Mexico,
1, niio nope it* rev i Gold is found iu abundance in the vicinity of the
l,l0, y discovered Humboldt Bay,and quite a trade
L. is growing up between the bay and San Francisco.
j The distress among the overland emigrant* is
.Mated to be heart-reuding. Assistance had been
forwarded to a limited extent, hut hundreds are
dung from exhaustion,destitution and starvation.
Mr. Johnson, who had been sent with provisions,
\\ York, at 10 | &e., to meet the sufferers, writes back a horrible
account of the situation of tlie poor emigrants.—
Tlie route is lined with grave*, and a great many
who, worn down by fatigue, disease and starva
tion. are unable to go tardier, lay themselves down
to die, with no friendly hand to bury them. It is
stated that 39,000 had been registered at Fort
Li ramie, and 29,000 in all had probably reached
California.
Sickness at Panama had mostly subsided, no
late 'tisctt of the cholera having been reported.
W illiatn Williamson, of Columbus, Georgia,
at Stockton on the 23d August. Henry
‘Vs,of Columbus, Ga., died on board the ship
( achelot, on the 23d June, on the passage from
Panama to Honolulu. ’J’lie disease was the Pa
nama fever, and his age 45. Dr. William L.
Booth, Assistant Surgeon, U. S. Army, died in
Monterey, on the 14th August, and intcrftl in tho
military burying ground with military honors.
Tha other Bide of the Pietnre.
Yesterday morning we gave a detailed account
of the affairs in California. This intelligence
presents that country in colors more glowing and
attractive, perhaps, than any in which it has here-»
tofore been presented. But this is only ono side
of the picture.
We have l»een called on by a gentleman of in
telligence. w ho came a passenger on the Alabama. ■
He had been in California some eighteen months.
During most of this time lie has been laboring in
the mines on one of the tributaries of the Yuba— .
a section iu which gold is as abundant, perhaps, i
as in any. Some $5000 of “th^dust” is his com- j
pensatioii for the toils he has undergone, and the ^
dangers and sufferings to which he has been ex-J
posed. He returns to l.is family, resident in Ala
bama, quite satisfied with his gains and with Cal-S
ifornia. 1
He says that it is almost impossible to form anyl
estimate of the number of the population of Cali
fornia ; that there is no means by which to make
any reliable calculation. The whole country isi
overrun with people. From the mines of the*
Trinity, in tlie North, to those of Sonora, in the*
South, every town, village, hill and vale is occu
pied, nnd by a multitude as mixed and confused a«
was that at Babel after the disperaioii; amongst,
whom there ts scarcely a sentiment in c< mti.on
except a determination ou the part of each one, by,
fair or foul means—and generally by the latter—
to appropriate all to himself that is possible. On
ly two classes of persons succeed in California—?!
those who apply themselves with perseverance
and uufultcr.ng energy to mining, or some othei-
hgitimate business; and those shrewd, unprinoJK
pled dare-devils who stop at no obstacle to the nr°
taininent of their object. With the latter clal*
the game of motile is the universal favorite, i
means of this, and kindred sports, they po*«<i
themselves of millions of the hard earnings of I
wary miners. I
Our informant says that .scarcely one in a thf
sand actually realizes a respectable sum of tnork
'|’he successes of the few nre heralded to the w< *—
hv newspaper editors, while tlie failures of thou
sand* puss unnoticed. Among the latter, he i»aJ
tiio destitution and actual suffering, iu every j■ I
lion of tlie country, are now immense; are Jfe <
creasing, and will continue to increase while l
Mobile H ; *New-Orleans 6E
i found to be quite uninterest-