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PROFESSIONAL, CARDS.
H^josesT
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
ELBERTON, GA.
Special attention to the collection of claims, [ly
L, J. and AKTRELL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
ATLANTA, GA,
PRACTICES IN THE UNITED STATES CIR
-I. cuit and District Coarts at Atlanta, and
Supreme and Superior Courts of .the State.
SHANNON & WORLEY,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
ELBERTOi\, GA.
WILL PRACTICE IN THE COURTS OF
the Northern Circuit and Franklin county
JSCiT'Special attention given to collections.
J. S. BARNETT,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
ELBEHTON, GA.
.7011 IV T. OSBORN,
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELOR AT LAW,
ELBERTON, GA.
TT7 ILL PRACTICE IN SUPERIOR COURTS
VV nr.d Supreme Court. Prompt attention
to the collection of claims. nevl7,ly
BUSINESS CAIiBS.
REAL ESTATE AGENTS
ELBERTON CIA.
ILL attend to the business of effecting
VV sales and purchases of REAL ESTATE
as Agents, on REASONABLE TERMS.
Applications should be made to T. J.
BOWMAN. _ SeplS-ti
LIGHT CARRIAGES & BUGGIES.
gfpi|
J. F. ATJ LD
Ad E UFACT’ H
ELBERTON, GIiORGIi.
WITH GOOD WORKMEN !
LOWEST PRICES!
CLOSE PERSONAL ATTENTION TO
BUSINESS. AND AN EXPERIENCE
OF 27 YEARS,
lie hopes by honest ami fair dealing to compete
any other manufactory.
Gjod Buggies, warranted, - $125 to $l6O
15 EPAIRING AND BLACKS MITIIING.
Work done in this line in t very best style.
TTie Best‘Harness
TERMS CASH.
,Vy22-l y
j. ti. HAitrn:li,
THE REAL LIVE
Fashionable Tailor,
Up-Stairs, over Swift & Arnold’s Store,
ELBERTON, GEORGIA.
tf@“Call and See Him.
THE ELBERTON
DRUG STORE
H. 0. EDMUNDS, Proprietor.
Has always on hand a full line of
Pure Drugs and Patent Medicines
Makes tv specialty of
STATIONERY an„
PERFUMERY
Anew assortment of
WRITING PAPER & ENVELOPES
Flain and fancy, just received, including a sup
ply ot LEGAL CAP.
CIGARS AND TOBACCO
of all varieties, constantly on hand.
F. A. F. MOBLETT,
m&mm season,
ELBERTON, GA.
Wilhcoutract for work in STONE and BRICK
anywhere in Elbert and Ilart counties. 7jel6-6ni
w' C. PKESLEY,
HAM 111 MAKER.
ELBERTON, GA.
Will make first class harness to order, war
ranted, and at prices to suit the times.
Will be glad to show specimens of his work
to parties, and no harm is done if bo work is
wished.
Repairing Done Promptly.
F. W. JACOBS,
HOUSE S SICK PAINTER
Glazier and Grainer,
ELBERTON, GA.
Orders Sclicited. Satisfaction Guaranteed
“jp j^ S]E , s “
PALACE DINING ROOMS,
ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
Tke Champion Dining Saloon of the South
ZVEBYBODT 18 INVITED TO CALL.
THE GAZETTE.
ISTew Series.
SAMUEL J. TILDEN.
Governor Tilden was born at New Lebanon,
in the county of Columbia and State of New
York, in the year 1814. One oi his ancestors,
Nathaniel Tilden, was Mayor of the city of Ten
terden, Kent, England, in 1623. He was suc
ceeded in that office by his cousin John, as he
had been preceded by his uncle John in 1585
and 1600. He removed with his family to Sci
tuate, in the colony of Massachusetts, in 1634.
Hi, brother Joseph was one of the merchant
adventurers of London who fitted out the May
flower. This Nathaniel Tilden married Hannah
Bourne, one ot whose sisters married a brother
of Governor Winslow, and another a son of
Governor Bradford.
Fiom his father Governor Tilden inherited a
taste for political inquiries, and in his compan
ionship enjoyed peculiar opportunities for ac
quiriug an early familiarity with the bearings
of the various questions which agitated our
country in his youth
Young Tilden entered college in his eigh
teenth year. The fall of 1832, when he was to
enter college, was rendered memorable by the
second election of General Jackson to the Vice-
Presidency of the United States, and of William
L. Matey to the Governorship of the State of
New York. In that contest an effort was made
to effect a coalition between the National Re
publicans and the Anti-Masons. The success
of the Democracy depended upon the defeat of
that coalition. Samuel heard the subject dis
cussed in the family, and was especially im
pressed by what fell from the lips of an uncle
who deplored his inability to “wreak his
thoughts upon expression.” SamHel disappeared
for two or three days, and in the seclusion of
his chamber proceeded to set down the view's
he had gathered upon the subject, and in due
time brought the result to his father, at once the
most appreciative and the least indulgent critic
of bis acquaintance. The father was so highly
pleased with the paper that he took bis son to
see Mr. Van Buren, then at Lebanon Springs, to
read it to him. They found so much merit in
the performance that they decided it should be
published with the signatures of a dozen or
more leading Democrats, and it shortly after
appeared in the Albany Argus as an address,
occupying about half a page of tbit print, and
from which it was copied into most of the Dem
ocratic papers of the State. The Evening Journ
al paid it the compliment- of attributing it to
the pen ot Mr. Van Buren, and the Albany Ar
gus paid it the greater compliment of stating
“by authority” that Mr. Van Buren was not the
author.
The accession of Mr. Van Buren to the Presi
dency' in 1837 was followed by the most trying
financial revulsion that had yet occurred in our
history. During that summer appeared the
Presidential message calling: for a special session
of Congress, and recommending the separation
of the Government from the banks and the es
tablishment of the independent Treasury. Th ! s
measure provoked voluminous and acrimonious
debate throughout the country, even befoie it
engaged the attention of Congress.
.Mr. Tilden, though still a student, sprang to
the defense of the President’s policy', and wrote
a series of papers, marked by all the character
istics of his maturity, and advocating the pro
posed separation and the redeemability of the
Government currency in specie. These articles
were signed “Crino.”
Mr. Tilden, who bad watched this financial
revolution ot 1837 from the beginning, and knew
its merits as thoroughly, perhaps, as any man
of his time, undertook a defense of the Presi
dent’s scheme and to overthrow the sophistries
of his enemies in a speech which he delivered
in New Lebanon on the third day of October,
1840. No One can read this speech without
marvelling that men like Webster and Nicholas
Biddle, to whose arguments Mr. Tilden especi
ally addressed himself, could ever have become
the champions ot a system under which the
revenues of the nation were made the basis of
commercial discounts. It is more marvellous,
however, that in so short a time our people
should have forgotten, as to a very considerable
extent they appear to have done, the lessons
taught in his speech, and those still better
taught by the w.irjthen waged by the Democratic
party with the policy of inflation, irredeemable
currency and irresponsible credits.
Upon his admission to the bar Mr. Tilden
opened an office in Pine street in the city ot New
York.
In the fall of 1845 ho was sent to the Assem
bly from the city ot New York, and while a
member of that body was elected to the conven
tion for the remodelling ot the constitution of
the State. In both of these bodies Mr. Tilden !
was a conspicuous authority.
The defeat ot Mr. Wright iu the fall of 1846,
and the coolness which had grow'n up between
iho friends of President Polk and the friends of
the lute President Vau Buren resulted fortunate
ly for Mr. Tilden, if not for the country, in with
drawing his attention from politics and concen
trating it upon his profession. He inherited no
fortune, but depended upon his own exertions
for a livelihood. Thus far his labor tor the
State or his profession, had not been lucrative,
and, despite his strong tastes and pre-eminent
qualifications for political life, he was able to
discern at that eatly period the importance in
this country, at least, of a pecuniary independ
ence for the successful prosecution of a political
career. With an assiduity and a concentration
of energy which have characterized all the
transactions of his life, Mr. Tildon now gave
himself up to his profession. It was not many
years before he became as well known at the bar
as he bad before been known as a politician.
His business developed rapsidly, and though he
continued to take more or less interest in polit
ical matters, they were not allowed after 1857
•to interfere with his professional duties.
At the New fork municipal election held in
Novimber, 1855, a desperate attempt was made
to defeat Azariah C. Flagg, one of the candi
dates for City Comptroller. The returns gave
Mr. Flagg the office by a small plurality of 117
—20.313 against 20,134 for Giles. His oppo
nent was to prosecute a quo warranto, and Mr.
Flagg's title to tLe office was tested.
The tally of the regular votes had disappeared,
at least could not be produced, and its loss
was accounted for. The papers of split tallies,
transfers and summaries that were produced
corresponded with the oral testimoney, and con
firmed the relator’s theory of the alleged error
in the return.
Such was apparently the desperate attitude of
the Comptroller's case, when Mr. Tilden was
called upon to open far the defense. The defense,
if any could be made, had to be constructed
upon the basis of the testimony offered by the
relator, for other testimony there was none.
The return showed, as the law required, the en
tire number of votes given in the district, and
the regular varieties of what are called regular
votes appeared from the prosecutor’s own oral
evidence. On this slight testimony Mr. Tilden
constructed an impregnable defense. In his
opening, and after reviewing the weak points iu
ESTABLISHED 1859.
ELBERTON* GEORGIA, JULY 19,1876.
the testimony of the relator which he was ena
bled to discover by the light of his midnight
researches, he, for the first time, gives an inti
mation to his adversaries of the weapon he had
improvised in a night for their destruction 1
Before Mr. Tilden took his seat the case was
won and Mr. Flagg’3 seat was assured. Within
fifteen minutes alter the case was submited to
the jury they returned with a verdict in his
favor.
Two years later Mr. Tilden achieved another,
and in some respects, even a more signal pro
fessional triumph, in the Burdell-Cunningham
contested will case. Though satisfied in his
own mind that Burdell had been murdered, and
by Mrs. Cunningham, and never married. Mr.
Tilden found himself unable to produce a single
witness who, from personal knowledge, could
testify as to any important fact about either the
murder or the marriage. He had besides to con
tend with the indefatigable energy of the peti
tioners in producing “willing” witnesses ready
to supply nny defect in her case as fast as it was
exposed. Mr. Tilden adopted a course which,
though not entirely original in the profession,
was probably never more skilfully and effective
ly put in practice. Proceeding upon the princi
ple which guided him in his defense of Mr.
Flagg, that the truth in regard to any particular
fact was in harmory with every other fact in
the world, and that a falsehood could only be
even apparently harmonized with a limited
number of facts, he determined to conduct his
defense by a species of moral triangnlation.
9 The conviction took immediate possession of the
public mind that had Tilden conducted the cifte
for tiie prosecution when she was under indict
ment she would undoubtedly have been con
victed.
His defense of the Pennsylvania Coal Com
pany in its suit with the Delaware and Hudson
Canal Company is another illustration of bis
legal abilities. The Delaware and Hudson Canal
Company had a contract with the Pennsylvania
Coal Company by which, among other thing3,
it was agreed in case of the enlargement ol
their canal the coal company should pay for the
use of their canal extra toll equal to such por
tion of one-half the reduction in the expense of
transportation as might result from such en
largement. In due time the canal company put
in their claim for extra toll. The coal company
denied that the cost of transportation had been
reduced, or that they had derived any advant
age whatever from the en'argement. After
tedious and futile negotiations suit was insti
tuted by the canal company and Mr. Tilden was
retained for the defense. As in the Flagg case*,
the plan of the defense, as advised by Mr. Til*
den, was a surprise both to court and counsel*:
Among the more important eases in whichf
Mr. Tilden has been concerned, one in which his
strictly professional abilities appeared to special
advantage was the case of the Cumberland Coal
Compauy against its directors, heard in th‘
State of Maryland in the year 185 b. In that
case he applied for the first time to the directs!
of corporations the familiar that a
trustee cannot be a purchaser of property con
fided to him for sale, and he successfully illus
trated and settled the on
which such sales to directors aside, and I
also the conditions to give Mr.
Tilden’s success in rescuing coi7Wratio..s from [
unprofitable and embarrassing fttlgJftWS, In rfP-$
organizing their administration, in re-establish
ing their credit and in rendering their resources
available, soon gave him an amount of business
which was limited only by his physical ability
to conduct it
Since the year 1835 it is safe to say that more
than half of the great railway corporations
north of the Ohio and between the Hudson and
Missouri rivers have been nt some time his
clients. The general misfortunes which over
took many of these roads, between 1855 and
1860 called for some comprehensive plan for re
lief. It was here that his legal attainments, his
unsurpassed skill as a financier, his unlimited
capacity for concentrated laber, his constantly
increasing weight of character and personal in
fluence found full activity, and resulted in the
reorganization of the larger portion of the great
net-work of railways, by wlrch the rights of all
parties were equitably protected, wasting litiga
tion avoided, and a condition of great depres
sion and despondency in railway property re
placed by an unexampled prosperity. It is, we
belieTe, an open secret that his trans-atlantic
celebrity brought to him quite recently an invi
tation from the European creditors of the New
York and Erie Railway to undertake a reconcil
iation of the various interests in that great cor
poration, which the proprieties and duties of
his official position constrained him to decline.
Till the war came Governor Tilden made every
effort to avert the rebellion. When his efforts,
combined/with those of-other prominentpatriots,
had proved abortive, his convictions of duty
were perfectly decided and clear. They were to
maintain the integrity of our territory and the
supremacy of the constitutional authorities.
He had been educated in the school of Jackson,
and had been a diligent student of the lessons
taught by the nullification controversy of 1833.
He had studied carefully and profoundly the
relation of the Federal and State governments,
and of the citizens of those governments. He
had thus early formed perfectly clear and settled
opinions, about which his mind never vacillated.
They were the opinions of Jackson, of Van
Buren, of Wright and of Marcy, with whom,
during most ot their public lives, he had been
on terms of personal intimacy.
During the winter of 1860-61 he attended a
meeting of the leading men of both parties in
the city of New York, to consider what meas
ures were necessary and practicable to avert an
armed collision between what were then termed
the free and the slave States. To the North he
urged reconciliation and forbearance, appreciat
ing as he did more clearly than most of those
around him the fearful and disastrous conse
quences of a civil war, whatever might prove its
ultimate result. To the South he urged a de
ference to the will of the majority and a respect
for the provisions of the Federal Constitution,
w.thin which <hey would be sure of adequate
protection for themselves and their property ;
but lie warned them that outside of the Consti
tution they could expect protection for neither.
When the war diu come Mr. Tilden associated
himself with and was the private adviser ot Mr.
Dean Richmond, then at the head of tho Demo
cratic party of this State, and who was accus
tomed on all important questions to visit Mr.
Tilden in his retirement and seek bis counsel.
At a meeting held at the house of General
Dix, just after the first call of President Lincoln
for 75,000 troops, Mr. Tilden was present and
participated in the discussions which took place.
He then and there expressed the opiuion that
they were on the eve of a great war, and main
tained that instead of 75,000 troops Mr. Lincoln
should have called out nt least 5- 0,000, half for
immediate service and the other half to be put
in camps of instruction and trained for impend
ing exigencies. Unhappily that generation had
seen so little ot war aud had such limited
means of comprehending the rapidity with
which the war spirit, onco lighted, will spread
among a people, that it was not competent to
appreciate the wisdom of this advice, which, if
adopted, would probably have prevented the
necessity of any further increase of military
force.
To Secretary Chase and his friends Mr. Tilden
insisted that the w ar ought to be carried on under
a system of sound finance, which he did not
doubt the people would cheerfully sustain if the
Government would have the courage to propose
it. At a later period of the war he was invited
by the Government at Washington to give his
advice as to the best methods for its fuitber
conduct. He said to the Secretary of War
You have no right to expect a great military
genius to come to your assistance. They only
appear onca in two or three centuries. You will
probably have to depend upon the avarage mili
tary talent of the country. Under suchjcircum
stances your only course avail yourself of
your numerical strength and your superior mili
tary resources resulting from your greater pro
gress in industrial arts and your greater pro
ducing capacities. You must have reserves and
overwhelm your adversaries by disproportionate
numbers and reserves.
fitis advice was not taken, but he had the sat
isfaction, within a year after it was given, of
hearing the Secretary of War acknowledge its
wisdom and lament his inability te secure its
adoption.
With the peace came to Mr. Tildev the most
important politic! labor of his life. With the
assistance of Charles O’Oonor, who followed
the members of that band of conspirators with
all the usual vigor and adroitness until it was
not only broken up, but its leading members f
scattered to the four quarters of the globe, he
assailed and overthrew the combined Republi
can and Democratic Ring which ruled and ruined
N<fir York.
This was doubly a “ring.” It was a “ring"
between six Republican and six Democratic
Supervisors. It soon grew to be a“l ing” be
tween the Republican majority in the Legisla
ture and the halt-and half Supervisors and o
lew Democratic officials of the city. It embraced
just enough influential men in the organization
of edeh party to control the action of both party
organizations—men who in public life pushed
to extremes the abstract ideas of their respect
ive parties, while secretly they joined bands in
comninn schemes for personal power and prop
erty. It gradually transferred its seat of oper
ations do Albany. The lucrative city offices
stibordmate appointments, which each head of
department could create at pleasure, with sala
ries in hi3 discretion, distributed among the
friends; of the legislators; contracts, money
contributed by city officials, assessed on their
subordinates, raised by jobs under the depart
ments, aud sometimes taken from the city treas
ury, were the corrupting agencies which shaped
and controlled all legislation It became com
pletely organized on the Ist of January, 1869;
but its power was enortnous’y extended by an
•act passed on the sth of April in the following
year, giving the power of local government ton
few individuals of the “ring” for long periods,
gßnd freed from all accountability.
f’be Senators who voted with but two dis
•CnKng voices, to deprive our great commercial
metropolis, with its million of people, of all
power of self government, as if it were a con
quered province, to confer upon Tweed, Con
nolly, .Sweeny and Hall for a series of years the
exclusive power of appropriating all moneys
raised by taxes or by loans and an indtiiuite
power to borrow—who swayed all the institu
tions A tjpcal government, the local.judiciary
and the “whole machinery of elections—did not
come fifißkVitbhi the reach of the people until
the eWlfpi of the 7th of November, 1871, when
wff# to he chosen. All hope of
rum the hands of the freeboot
ers depended upon recovering the legislative
power of the State, in securing a majority of
the Senate and Assembly. To this end Mr.
Tilden directed all his efforts. In a speech at the
Cooper Union in- New York, he stated Mr.
Tweed's plan, which was to carry the Senatorial
representation from that city, and then re-elect
eight, and, if possible, twelve of the Republican
Senators from the rural districts whom he had
bought and paid for the previous year, and thus
control the legislation that might' be presented
there which involved his freebooting dynasty.
Without an effice or a dollar’s worth of pa
tronage in city or State to confer, Mr. Tilden
planted himself on the traditions of the elders,
on the moral serse and forces of Democracy,
and upon the invincibility of truth and right.
That undaunted faith in the harmony of truth
and its irreconcilability with error, which we
have found sustaining him nt the bur and car
rying him from victory to victory against more
deperate odds, sustained him here. As always
happens to those who battle for the right, Prov
idence came to his aid. The thieves fell out,
and one of their number betrayed them. A
clerk in the Comptroller's office copied a series
ofj entries—afterwards known as “secret ac
counts”—and handed them to the press for
publication. They showed the .date and amounts
of certain payments made by the Comptroller,
enormous amounts of which, compared with the
times and purposes of the payments and the
recurrence of the same names, awakened sus
picions that they were the memorials of the
grossest frauds.
Eaily in September he issued a letter to some
seventy-five thousand Democrats, reviewing the
situation and calling upon them “to take a
knife and cut the cancer out by the roots.”
To the eternal honor of the Democratic patty
of the city and State, ou the issue thus made
up by Mr. Tilden they gave him their cordial
and irresistible support. The result was over
whelming, and not only changed the city repre
sentation in the legislative bodies of the State,
but, in its moral effect, crushed the “Ring.”
Mr. Tilden was one of the delegates chosen
to,iepresent the city in the next Legislature.
Mr. Tilden gave his chief attention during the
session of tbe Legislature to the promotion of
those objects for which he consented to go there,
the reform of the judiciary and the impeach
ment of the creatures who had acquired the
control of it under the Tweed dynasty.
Mr. Tilden had thus by his bold acts made
himself prominent in the work of reform, and
recognized as the man to lead it in the State.
Prominent friends of reform urged him to ac
cept the nomination for Governor. They said
he could be nominated without difficulty aud
elected triumphantly, and his triumph the great
cause of administrative reform would receive
an impulse which would propagate it not only
over the whole State, but over the Union.
Mr. Tilden ultimately consented to take the
nomination for Governor, his objections to
which were overcome by a single consideration.
It was the only way in which he could satislac
torily demonstrate that a course of fearless and
resistance to wrong will be vindicated and sus
tained by the masses of the people ; that hon
esty and courage are as serviceable qualities
and as well rewarded in politics as in any other
profession or pursuit iu life. Hu was unwilling
to leave it in the power of tbe enemies of retorm
to say that he dared not submit bis conduct as
a reformer to the judgmeut of the people.
He was nominated and elected, and whatever
lessons or eloquence could be expressed in big
majorities were xot wanting to lend their eclat
to the triumph. Mr. Tilden's plurality over
John A. Dix, the Republican candidate, was
53,315. Mr. Dix had been elected two years
previously by a plurality of 53,451.
The first message of Governof Tilden fore
shadowed with distinctness the controlling fea
tures of his admistration.
First —Reform in the Administration.
Second—The restoration of the financial
principles and policy which triumphed in the
election of Jackson and Van Buren, and which
left the country without a dollar of indebted
ness in the world and a credit abroad with
which no nation could then compete.
But the feature of the message which produc
ed, perhaps, the most prafound impression, nut
Vol. Y.-No. 12.
only upon liis own immediate constituents, but
upon the whole nation, was that which related
to the financial policy of the Federal Govern
ment. A generation had grown up who had
never seen or used any other money than a
printed promise of the Government, and it had
become a widespread conviction among the
aspiring politicians of both the great parties
that the cuirent public opinion in favor ot an
inflated and irredeemable currency wouid over
whelm and destroy any public nsau :who would
attempt to stem it. No convention of cither
party in any State of the Union had ventured
the experiment ; the active leaders of both had
either avoided or yielded to the current. Mr.
Tilden deemed it his duty to lose no time iu
advocating the only financial policy which ever
had insured or can insure a substantial and en
during national prosperity.
On the 19th of March, and as soon as he had
secureed from the Legislature such additional
remedies for official delinquencies ns were re
quisite for hi3 purpose, the Governor in a special
message invited the attention of the Legislature
to the mismanagement of the canals.
The Legislature, though containing in both
branches many of the most notorious canal job
bers, and constituted largely in that interest,
was obliged to yield to the irresistible public
sentiment which the Governor’s policy and mes
sage had awakened, and granted him the au
thority to name a commission. The results of
the investigations, communicated to him from
time to time during tlio summer of 1875 and to
the succeeding Legislature of 1876, arrested
completely the system of fraudulent expenditure
on the canals which he had denounced at the
bar of public opinian.
Though tbe adoption ot various other finan
cial measures upon his recommendation, and by
the discreet but vigorous exercise of the veto
power, the Governor was fortunate enough to
secure a reduction of the State tax—the first
year of his administration about 17 per cent—
and to inaugurate a financial policy by which
the State tax, which was 7£ mills on the dollar
of the assessed valuutiou when he came into
office, will bo reduced to 4 mills at least at the
expiration ot his term of two years, and at the
expiration of the next succctding year not ex
ceeding 3 mills.
Mr. Tilden is now in tlicj sixty-third year of
his age. He is five feet, ten inches in height,
and he has what physiologists call the purely
nervous temperament, with its usual accom
paniment of spare figure, blue eyes anil fair
complexion. His hair, originally chestnut, is
now partially silvered with age.
At the Utica Convention resolutions were
passed presenting his name as a candidate for
the Presidency, and requesting the delegates to
Vote as a unit.—New York World.
WHAT A WEAK WOMAN CAN DO.
She can sit at the open window of a
railway carriage with a stiff northwest
wind blowing in, that chills everybody
in the vicinity to the marrow, for two
hours, in a thin muslin dress, without
flinching.
She can dance or waltz down the cap
tain of a marching regiment, and at the
11 o'clock supper put away lobster sal
ad, ice cream, champagne, ttike and cof
fee, without flinching, sufficient for a
week’s nightmare to a strong man.
She can comb her hair all back so as
to leave the roots to the full play of a
December breeze, and wear a bonnet on
top of a chignon, leaving ears and head
exposed with impunity, with the ther
mometer at ten degrees below zero.
She can pull over a thousand dollars’
worth of dry goods for tho investment
of fifty cents.
She can study music for ten years
sufficiently to enable her to perform ex
cellently, when not in the presence of
those who desire to hear her.
She can balance herself on the ball of
her great toe and a shoe heel tbe size of
a dime all day in the public streets with
out falling.
She can occupy three seats in a horse
car, and be utterly oblivious that any of
her own sex are standing up.
She shows unusual strength and firm
ness in the holding of real estate, soli
taire diamonds, and other valuable prop
erty which her husband places in her
hands previous to his compromising
with his cseditors at twenty cents on the
dollar.—[Boston Com. Ad.
“It is better,” says a placard in a
store in Seabrook, N. H., “to wear a
calico dress without trimmings, if it is
paid for, than to owe the shopkeeper for
the most elegant silk, cut and trimmed
in the most bewitching manner."
-—
They must have careful kitchen girls
in China. That country sends to the
Centennial some plates and dishes a
thousand years old.
Bayard Taylor says that black-eyed
women can never love as fondly as those
with blue eyes. So don’t give your v/ife
a black eye.
A movement is on foot to bring a uni
formity of measures, instruments and
methods of observation among physicians
in all countries. This is an important
an 1 much needed move. It awfully dis
courage a man to learn that a friend had a
leg cut off with a bigger and more cost
ly scalpel than the one with which his
own leg was amputated. And last im
agine that boy’s feelings who gets a
smaller dose of castor oil than is pre
scribed for his brother! Yes, let there
be a uniformity in physician’s instru
ments and measures.
“Husband at tea tables, passing over
his plate for tho third time. ‘Another
dish of those luscious berries, my dem
and put another spoonful of sugar on
them; thoso last were hardly sweet
enough.’ Later, as he is starting for
‘down street, the wife says; ‘Dont for
get to bring home some more sugar to
night.' ‘What! is that sugar I got night
before last all gone V ‘Yes, my dear,
it’s strawberry time, you know.’ ‘Well,
I am glad the sour things are a 1 most
gone.’ ”
If you intend to do a mean thing, wait
till to-morrow. If you are to do a noble
thing, do it to-dav.
A GIGANTIC C HAM.
Puncture tbe Chinese empire by any
foreign power and it would be found to 1
be a gigantic sham. The population of
tbe cities, as enumerated by Marco Polo,-
has given an exaggerated opinion of tbo
population. Peking, stated nt eleven
millions, docs not contain more than
seven or eight hundred thousand, and
Nanking, stated nt the same fabulous
population, does not contain nt present a
population* of more than two hundred
thousand ; while as to the population of
the entire empire, no actual census has
been taken for more than 1 eleven centu
.lies, and no reliable basis exists for
making an estimate of tbe population.
The opinion of the wealth of China is
equally exaggerated, for in wtoat does
this wealth consist ? In the agricultural
regions the improvements ara of an
economical character j? there are no
fences, and the farm houses are a mere
trumpery collection of mud and straw
There are no great manufactories requir
ing the investment of capitalthe mines’
are not worked to any considerable ex
tent ; there are no railways, but few
shipping companies, and no foreign ship
ping interest. The houses in the citios
are very fragile, constructions; the boats-'
upon the rivers and canals are of inex
pensive material and of rude finish ; the
carts and wagons for transportation are
of the rudest workmanship, and tiioro is'
not a road in China ten miles long ovot
which a spring- vehicle can pass in safety
In what, then, does this imagined wealth
really consist ? The masses of tho poo
pie are miserably poor, and tho struggle
to maintain life is so great that it ceases
to boa boon. As tho Chinese prepare'
their defenses with a painted curtain,
screening dummy soldiers and wooden
guns, which become ludicous when ex
posed, so, wo imagine, if tho curtain
were raised from tlm interior of China,
ann the poverty of its resources exhib
ited, the fabulous Cathay would be
found to be a sham.
TOUGHING TALE,
110 was a seedy looking individual,
and as lie stood upon tho corner gazing
wistfully at the disappearing form of a
newsboy who bad just picked up a good
sized stump and was making off with tho
prize, thoro was a vaguo aspect of des
pair in his attitude, which - was very
touching. Perhaps it was this which tit
traeted tho attention of a mild-loolung
party who was very touching. Per
haps it was this something else; how
ever this may be, tho mild looking party
stopped, and, gazing at tho solitary
figure, addressed it thus:
•‘Old man, wouldn’t you like to have
a drink this morning ?” .
“You’ve read mo as accurately as
though my thoughts were printed on an
open page,” replied the Solitary, taking
his quid from his mouth and passing a
dilapidated coat-sleave over liid lips.
“I thought so,” murmured the mild
looking party, while a toar trickled down
his cheeks; “but conquer tho desire.
Fight it as you would a legion of devils,
for drink has ruined many a man who
had more expansive forehead than you’vo
got!”
And then tho mild-Jooking party con
tinued on his way, and the Solitary
gazed dreamily into space and commun
ed with himself. [Louisville Argus.
SLEEP,
It is related that a man fell asleep as
tho clock tolled the stroke of twelve.
He awakaned ere the echo of the twelfth
stroke had died away, having in the in
terval dreamed that he bad committed a
crime, was detected after five years, tried
and condemned ; the shock of finding
the halter around his neck aroused him
to consciousness, when he discovered
that all these events had happened in an
infinitesimal fragment of time,
Mohammed, wishing to illustrate tho
wonders of sleep, told how a certain
man, being a sheik, found himself for his
pride made a poor fisherman ; that ho
lived as one for sixty years, bringing up
a family and working hard ; and how,
upon waking from this long dream, so
short a time had he been asleep that the
narrow necked gourd bottie filled with
water, which he knew ho overturned bb
he fell asleep, had not time to empty it
self.
THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE.
The electoral college of the United
States consists of electors from each
State, chosen by the people, in number
cqueal to the whole number of Senators
aud Representatives. The electors meet
in their respective States and vote by
ballot for President and Vice-President.
After voting, they make a list of tho per
sons voted for and the number of votes
cast for each, sign and certify this list,
and send it, sealed, to the President of
the Senate at Washington. This indi
vidual must open all of these certifi
cates, and announce their contents in the
presence of both Houses of Congress.
The person having the greatest number
of votes is then declared President, if
such number be a majority of all tho
electors appointed. Congress deter
mines the time of choosing electors,
also the day on which they shall cast
their votes. Thib day must be the same
throughout the whole United States.
A Burlington naturaliut last Sunday
while investigating tho causes and effect
of the poison of a wasp sting nobly de
termined a matyr of himself to science,
and accordingly handed his thumb to
an impatient insect he had caged in a
bottle. The wasp entered into tho mat
tyr business with a great deal of spirit
and backed up to tho thumb with an
abruptness which took the scientist by
surprise. Ho was so deeply absorbed
in tho study of remedies that he forgot
to make any notes of tho other points
in connection with stings, but his wife
wrote a paragraph in his note book for
the benefit of science, to the effect that
the primary (ffect of a wasp sling is
abrupt, blasphemous, and terrific profan
ity, followed by an intense desire, fairly
amounting to a mania, for ammonia,
camphor, and raw brandy